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N  THE  CUSTODY  Or  TME 

BOSTON     PUBLIC   LIBRARY. 


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THE  WOEKS 


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JOHN   ADAMS. 


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B  O  S  T  O  N 
PWBLISHED     BY    L  I  TTLE  .  BROWN  .  ATSTD     COMPANY. 


THE 


WORKS 


OF 


JOHN   ADAMS, 


SECOND  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


WITH 

A     LIFE     OF     THE     AUTHOR, 

NOTES   AND   ILLUSTRATIONS. 

BY 

fflS  GRANDSON 
CHARLES    FRANCIS     ADAMS. 

VOL.  IX. 


BOSTON: 

LITTLE,   BROWN    AND    COMPANY. 

1854. 


v"^. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1854,  by  Ciiaelks  C.  Little  and 
James  Brown,  in  tlic  Clerk's  office  of  tlie  District  Com-t  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


EIVERSIDE,    CAMBRIDGE: 

STEREOTYPED    AND    PRINTED     BY 

II.    O.    ITOUGIITON    ANI>    r(i:MI'ANV. 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME   IX. 


1799. 
July 


August 


23,  To  O.  WoLcoTT,  Secketaky  of  the  Treasury 

24.  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State,  to  John  Adams 
27.  To  J.  McHexry,  Secretary  of  War    . 

1.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  op  State 
1.  T.  Pickering  to  John  Adams 

3.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  op  State 

4.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State 

5.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy 

5.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State 

6.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State 

8.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy 

13.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State 

14.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State 
16.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State 

23.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy 

24.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State 

29.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State 

29.  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  to  John 
Adams      ...... 


PAGE 

3 
3 

4 
5 
5 

7 

8 

8 

9 

10 

12 

13 

15 

15 

16 

16 

18 

18 
19 


September    4.  To  B.  Stoddert,  (private) 

9.  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State,  to  John  Adams     21 

9.  C.  Lee,  Attorney-General,  to  T.  Pickering,  Secre- 
tary OF  State,  2  Sept.  (inclosed)  .  .  .21 

11.  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State,  to  John  Adams     23 
a* 


vi  CONTENTS. 

1799.  PAGE 

September  13.  B.  Stoddert,  Secketary  of  the  Navy,  to  John 

Adams                 .            .            .            .            .  .25 

14.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  .  .  29 
16.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State  .  .  29 
18.  To  J.  McHenry,  Secretary  of  War               .  .    30 

18.  O.  Ellsworth  to  John  Adams              .           .  .31 

19.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State  .  .  31 
21.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State  .  .  33 
21.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy     .  .    33 

21.  To  the  Heads  of  Department             .            .  .34 

22.  To  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth               .            .  .34 

23.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State            .  .    35 

24.  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State,  to  John  Adams     36 

26.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy      .  .    37 
October        5.  O.  Ellsworth  to  John  Adams             .           .  .37 

6.  C.  Lee,  Attorney-General,  to  John  Adams  .  38 
16.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State  .  .  39 
16.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  .  .  39 
18.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State           .  .    40 

November  12.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State            .  .    41 

15.  To  O.  Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  .    41 
December     2.  To  A.  J.  Dallas                .            .            .            .  .42 

7.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State           .  .    42 

Notes  on  some  Observations  of  the  Secretary 

OF  THE  Treasury        .           .           .           .  .43 

24.  To  Tobias  Lear                .           .           .           .  .44 

27.  To  Mrs.  Washington       .           .           .           .  .45 
1800. 

January      13.  The  Heads  of  Department  to  the  President  .    46 

March         10.  To  Henry  Ivnox     .            .            .            .            .  .46 

10.  To  Benjamin  Lincoln     .           .           .           .  .46 

31.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy      .  .    47 

31.  To  J.  McHenry,  Secretary  of  War    .           .  .48 


CONTENTS.  vii 

1800.  PAGE 

April          8.  Thomas  Johnson  to  John  Adams           .           .  .48 

11.  To  Thomas  Johnson        .           .           •           .  .49 

23.  To  the  Secretary  of  State  and  Heads  of  De- 
partment        .           .           .           .           .  .50 

May  6.  J.  McHenry,  Secretary  op  War,  to  John  Adams     .    51 

10.  To  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State            .  .    53 

12.  T.  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State,  to  John  Adams     54 
12.  To  Timothy  Pickering                .            .           .  .55 

15.  To  J.  McHenry,  Secretary  of  War    .           .  .56 

16.  To  THE  Attorney-General  and  the  District-At- 

torney OF  Pennsylvania                 .           .  .56 

17.  To  O.  WoLcoTT,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  .    57 
20.  To  the  Heads  of  Department              .            .  .57 

20.  The  Heads  of  Department  to  the  President  .    59 

21.  To  C.  Lee,  Secretary  of  State  pro  tem.      .  .    60 

22.  To  Alexander  Hamilton           .            .            .  .61 

26.  To  W.  S.  Smith      .            .            .           .           .  .61 

26.  To  Benjamin  Stoddert      .     .     .  .62 

26.  B.  Stoddert  to  John  Adams   .     .     .  .62 

June     20.  To  Alexander  Hamilton    .     .     .  .63 

July     11.  To  J.  ISIarshall,  Secretary  of  State     .  .  63 

23.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy   .  .  64 
25.  To  S.  Dexter,  Secretary  of  War   .     .  .65 

30.  To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State     .  .66 

31.  To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State      .  .  66 
31.  To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  OF  State     .  .67 

August    1.  To  J.  ]\L4.rshall,  Secretary  of  State     .  .68 

2.  To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State     .  .69 

3.  To  B.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy   .  .  70 

6.  To  O.  Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  .  71 

7.  To  J.  IVIarshall,  Secretary  of  State     .  .71 
7.  To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State     .  .  72 

11.  To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State     .  .  73 


VIU 

1800. 
August        12. 

13. 

13. 

14. 

26. 

27. 

27. 

30. 

September   4. 

5. 

9. 

10. 

18. 

27. 

30. 

October        3. 

4. 

9. 

November    8. 

ft 

10. 
10. 
11. 

24. 
December   19. 

1801. 
January      24. 

26. 
27. 
31. 
31. 
i'ebruary   4. 


CONTENTS. 

To  John  Trumbull 

To  S.  Dexter,  Secretary  of  War 

To  J.  JVIarshall,  Secretary  op  State 

To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State 

To  J.  ]VIarshall,  Secretary  of  State 

To  O.  Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 

To  Barnabas  Bid  well 

To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State 

To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State 

To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State 

To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State 

To  John  Trumbull 

To  J.  JMarshall,  Secretary  of  State 

To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State 

To  S.  Dexter,  Secretary  of  War 

To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  of  State 

To  0.  Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 

To  S.  Dexter,  Secretary  of  War 

O.  Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to 
John  Adams   .... 

To  O.  Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 

John  Jay  to  John  Adams  (private) 

O.  Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to 
John  Adams 

To  John  Jay    .... 

To  John  Jay    .... 


To  George  Churchman  and  Jacob  Lindley 

To  Elias  Boudinot 

To  Kichard  Stockton  . 

To  J.  Marshall,  Secretary  op  State 

To  S.  Dexter,  Secretary  of  War 

John  Marshall  to  John  Adams 


PAGE 

.  74 

.  76 

.  76 

.  77 

.  78 

.  78 

.  79 

.  80 

.  80 

.  82 

.  82 

.  83 

.  84 

.  84 

.  86 

.  86 

.  87 


88 
89 

89 


90 
90 
91 

92 
93 

94 
95 
95 
9G 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


1801. 

February      4.  To  John  Marshall 

4.  To  Joseph  Ward 

7.  To  Elbridge  Gerry 
10.  To  THE  Secretary  of  State 
March        28.  Oliver  Wolcott  to  John  Adams 
April  6.  To  Oliver  Wolcott 


PAGK 

.  96 
.  96 
.  97 
.  98 
.  99 
.  100 


1797. 
March 


SPEECHES  TO  COXGEESS. 


4.  Inaugural  Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Congress     .  105 

May  16.  Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Congress  .  .111 

Eeply  to  the  Answer  of  the  Senate  .  .119 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives ......  120 

November  23.  Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Congress  .  .121 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  Senate  .  .126 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives ......  127 


1798. 
December     8. 


Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Congress  .  .128 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  Senate  .  .134 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  House  of  Represent- 


atives 


135 


1799. 
December    3. 


Speech  to  both  Houses  op  Congress  .  .  136 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  Senate  .  ..  140 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  House  of  Represent- 


atives 


141 


23. 

1800. 
November  22. 


Reply  to  the  Address  of  the  Senate  on  the  Death 
OF  George  Washington         ....  142 

Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Congress  .  .  143 

Reply  to  the  Answer  of  the  Senate  .  .147 

ReplV  to  the  Answer  of  the  House  of  Represent- 


atives 


.  148 


CONTENTS. 


FAGB 


1797. 
May- 
June 


MESSAGES  TO  CONGRESS. 


July 

1798. 
January 

February 
March 


April 

June 
July 

1799. 
January 


February 


31.  Message  to  the   Senate,  nominating  Envoys   to 

France  ......  150 

12.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  respecting 

THE  Territory  of  the  Natchez       .  .  .  151 

23.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  on  Affairs 

with  Algiers  .  .  •  .  .152 

3.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  communicat- 
ing information  respecting  Spain  .  .154 


8.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  announcing 
-   the  Ratification  of  an  Amendment  of  the  Con- 
stitution .  .  .  .  .  .154 

5.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  relative  to 

a  French  Privateer  .  .  .  ."155 

5.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  transmit- 
ting Despatches  from  France        .  .  .156 

19.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  transmit- 
ting Despatches  from  France         .  .  .  156 

3.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  transmitting 

Despatches  from  France      ....  158 

21.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  on  the  state 

OF  AFFAIRS  "WITH  FbANCE  .  .  .  158 

17.  Message  to  the   Senate,   transmitting  a  Letter 

FROM  George  "Washington    .  .  .  .159 


8.  Message  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  re- 
specting certain  acts  of  British  Naval  Offi- 
cers        .......  159 

Circular  to  the  Commanders  of  Armed  Vessels 
OP  the  U.  States,  29  December,  1798,  (inclosed)    .  160 

28.  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  transmit- 
ting A  French  Decree,  respecting  neutral 
sailors  ......  161 

15.  Message  to  the  House   of  Representatives,  re- 
specting the  suspension  of  a  French  Decree      .  161 

18.  Message  to  the  Senate,  nominating  an  Envoy  to 

France  .  .  •  .  .  .161 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


1799. 
February 


PAGE 


25.  IVIessage  to  the  Senate,  nominatdjg  three  Envoys 

TO  Fkance         ......  162 


December  19.  Message  to  both  Houses  op  Congress,  announcing 

the  Decease  of  George  Washington        .  .  163 

1800. 

January        G.  IMessage  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  transmit- 
ting A  Letter  of  Martha  Washington     .  .164 

14.  IMessage  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  trans- 
mitting A  Letter  of  John  Eandolph,  Jr.  _  .  165 


1801. 


March 


21.  Message  to  the  Senate,  transmitting  a  Report  of 

the  Secretary  of  State       ....  166 

2.  ]Message  to  the  Senate,  on  the  Convention  with 

France  ......  167 


1797. 
March 

1798. 
March 

July 

1799. 
March 


June 

1800. 
May 


PROCLAMATIONS. 

25.  Proclamation  for  an  extraordinary  Session  of 

Congress  ......  168 


23.  Proclamation  for  a  National  Fast 


.  169 


13.  Proclamation  revoking  the  Exequaturs  of  the 

French  Consuls  .  .  .  .  .170 


6.  Proclamation  for  a  National  Fast  . 


172 


12.  Proclamation    concerning    the   Ls^surrection  in 

Pennsylvania  .  .  .  .  ,174 

26.  Proclamation,  opening  the  Trade  with  certain 

Ports  OF  St.  DoMENGO  .  .  .  .176 

9.  Proclamation,   opening    the   Trade  with    other 

Ports  of  St.  Domingo  .  .  .  .177 

21.  Proclamation,  granting  Pardon  to  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Insurgents        .  .         r  .  .  .  1 78 


1797. 
August 

1798. 
April 


ANSWERS   TO   ADDRESSES. 
23.  To  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences     180 

To  the  Mayor,   Aldermen,  and   Citizens  of  the 
City  of  Philadelphia  ....  182 


xii  CONTENTS. 

1798.  PAGE 

April  26,  To  the  Citizens  op  Philadelphia,  the  District  op 

SOUTHWARK,  AND  THE  NORTHERN  LIBERTIES  .    183 

30.  To  THE  Inhabitants  op  Providence,  Khode  Island    184 

May  1.  To  the  Inhabitants  of  Bridgeton,  in  the  County 

OP  Cumberland,  in  the  State  of  New  Jersey     .  185 

2.  To   THE   Citizens    op  Baltimore,  and  Baltimore 

County,  Maryland     .....  186 

7.  To  the  Young  Men  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia, 
the  district  of  southwark,  and  the  northern 
Liberties,  Pennsylvania       ....  187 

7.  To  THE  Inhabitants  and  Citizens  op  Boston,  Mas- 

sachusetts      ......  189 

8.  To  the  Inhabitants  op  the  County  of  Lancaster, 

Pennsylvania  .  .  .  .  .190 

8.  To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Burlington, 

New  Jersey      ......  191 

10.  To  the  Inhabitants  of   the  town  op   Hartford, 

Connecticut     ......  192 

12.  To  the  Inhabitants  op  the  Borough  of  IIarris- 

burgh,  Pennsylvania  .  .  .  .193 

22.  To  the  Young  Men  of  Boston,  Massachusetts        .  194 

28.  To  the  Grand  Jury  for  the  County  of  Plymouth, 

Massachusetts  .  .  .  ...  195 

31.  To  THE  Soldier  Citizens  of  New  Jersey        .  .196 

June  2.  To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  town  op  Braintree, 

Massachusetts  .  .  .  .  .197 

To  THE  Young  ]\Ien  op  the  City  of  New  York  .197 

To  the  Inhabitants  of  Quincy,  Massachusetts       .199 

2.  To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Cambridge, 

Massachusetts  .....  200 

15.  To  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts         .  .  200 

25.  To  the  Inhabitants  of  Arlington  and  Sandgate, 

Vermont  ......  202 

29.  To  the  Legislature  op  New  Hampshire        .  .  203 

To  THE  Students  of  Dickinson  College,  Pennsyl- 
vania     .......  204 

To  the  Students  of  New  Jersey  College    .  .  205 


CONTENTS. 


xiu 


1 798.  PAGE 

To  THE  Governor  and  the  Legislature  op  Con- 
necticut .  .  .  .  .  .207 

To  the  Cincinnati  of  Rhode  Island   .  .  .  208 

July  14.  To  THE  Inhabitants  of  Dedham  and  other  Towns 

IN  the  County  of  Norfolk,  IVIassachusetts         .  209 

To  THE  Inhabitants  of  Concord,  Massachusetts    .  210 

To  THE  Students  of  Harvard  University,  in  Mas- 
sachusetts      .  .  .  .  .  .211 

To  THE  Freemasons  of  the  State  of  Maryland      .  212 

To  the  Inhabitants  of  Washington  County,  Mary- 
land       .......  213 

To  the  Inhabitants  op  the  County  op  Middlesex, 
Virginia  ......  214 

To  the  Committee  of  the  Militia  of  Botetourt, 
Virginia  .  .  .  .  .  .215 

August        11.  To  THE  Inhabitants  of  Cincinnati  and  its  Vicinity  215 

13.  To  THE  Inhabitants  of  Harrison  County,  Virginia  216 

To  THE  Young  Men  of  Richmond,  Virginia    .  .217 

To  THE  Inhabitants  op  Accomac  County,  Virginia  218 

31.  To  THE  Senate  and  Assembly  of  the  State  op  New 

York       .......  219 

September    7,  To  the  Boston  Marine  Society,  Massachusetts     .  220 

15.  To  the  Cincinnati  op  South  Carolina  .  .  222 

22.  To  THE   Grand  Jury  of  Dutchess  County,  New 

York      ...  ...  223 

26.  To  THE  Grand  Jury  op  Ulster  County,  New  York  224 

To  THE  Inhabitants  op   the   Town  op  Newbern, 
North  Carolina         .....  225 

26.  To  THE  Sixth  Brigade  of  the  Third  Division  op 

North  Carolina  ]\Iilitia      ....  226 

October        3.  To  the  Grand  Jurors  op  Hampshire  County,  ]Mas- 

SACHUSETTS  ......    227 

5.  To  THE  Inhabitants  of  Machias,  District  ofIVIaine  227 

11.  To  the  Officers  op  the  First  Brigade,  Third  Divi- 
sion OP  Massachusetts  Militia       .  .  .  228 
VOL.  IX.                                        b 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


1798. 
October 


1799. 
April 


1800. 
June 

July 
August 

1801. 
March 


PAGE 

19.  To    THE   Militia    and  Inhabitants   of   Guilford 

County,  North  Carolina      ....  229 

31.  To  the  Officers  of  the  Third  Division  of  Georgia 

Militia  .......  230 

3.  To  the  Grand  Jury  of  Morris   County  in  New 

Jersey    .  .  .  .  .  .  .231 

8.  To  the  Citizens,  Inhabitants   of  the  Mississippi 

Territory        .  .  .  .  .  .232 

5.  To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  City  of  Washington    .  233 

11.  To  the  Citizens  of  Alexandria  .  .  .  233 

1.  To  THE  Corporation  of  New  London,  Connecticut    234 

15.  To  THE  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Edgecombe, 

North  Carolina  .....  235 

26.  To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 

Massachusetts  .....  236 


CORRESPONDENCE  ORIGINALLY  PUBLISHED  IN  THE  BOSTON  PATRIOT. 


Preliminary  Note 

To  the  Printers  of  the  Boston  Patriot 


.  239 
.  241 


The  inadmissible  Principles  of  the  King  of  Eng- 
land's Proclamation  of  October  16,  1807,  con- 
sidered .  .  .  .  .  .312 


1770. 

August 

1773. 


GENERAL  CORRESPONDENCE. 
9.  To  Catharine  IMacaulay 


December   1 7.  To  James  Warren 
22.  To  James  Warren 


1774. 
April 
May 
June 
July 


9.  To  James  Warren    . 
14.  To  William  Woodfall 
25.  To  James  Warren 
23.  To  John  Tudor     . 


.  331 

.  333 
.  334 

.  336 
.  337 
.  338 
.  340 


CONTENTS. 

XV 

1774. 

PAGE 

July 

25.  Joseph  Hawley  to  John  Adams           .           .            .  342 

September 

29.  To  William  Tudor 

.  346 

December 

12.  To  Edward  Biddle 

.  348 

28.  To  James  Burgh  . 

.  350 

1775. 

January 

3.  To  James  Warren 

.  352 

March 

15.  To  James  Warren 

.  354 

June 

10.  To  Moses  Gill 

.  356 

18.  To  Elbridge  Gerry 

.  357 

To  George  Washington 

.  359 

July 

29.  To  Josiah  Quincy 

.  360 

November 

5.  To  Elbridge  Gerry 

.  362 

14.  Joseph  Hawley  to  John  Adams 

.  364 

23.  To  James  Otis       .... 

.  365 

25.  To  Joseph  Hawley 

.  366 

25.  To  Mrs.  Mercy  Warren 

.  368 

1776. 

January 

6.  To  George  Washington 

.  370 

15.  Samuel  Adams  to  John  Adams 

.  371 

April 

29.  To  James  Otis 

.  374 

May 

18.  R.  H.  Lee  to  John  Adams 

.  374 

26.  To  James  Sullivan 

.  375 

29.  To  Benjamin  Highborn 

.  378 

30.  To  Samuel  Cooper 

.  381 

June 

1.  To  Isaac  Smith     . 

.  382 

2.  To  Henry  Knox    . 

.  384 

3.  To  Patrick  Henry 

.  386 

4.  To  Hugh  Hughes 

.  388 

4.  To  Richard  Henry  Lee 

.  389 

9.  To  William  Gushing 

.  390 

12.  To  John  Lowell  . 

.  392 

12.  To  Oakes  Angier 

.  394 

12.  To  Francis  Dana 

.  395 

xvi 

CONTENTS. 

1776. 

rAG£ 

June 

14. 

To  Samuel  Chase 

.  396 

16. 

To  James  Warren 

.  398 

21. 

To  Zabdiel  Adams 

.  399 

22. 

To  Benjamin  Kent 

.  401 

22. 

To  Nathanael  Greene  . 

.  402 

22. 

To  Samuel  H.  Parsons    . 

.  405 

23. 

To  John  Sullivan 

.  407 

23. 

To  John  Winthrop 

.  409 

24. 

To  William  Tudor 

.  411 

24. 

To  Samuel  Chase 

.  412 

July 

1. 

To  Archibald  Bullock 

.  414 

1. 

To  Samuel  Chase 

.  415 

3. 

To  Mrs.  Adams 

.  417 

9. 

To  Samuel  Chase 

.  420 

10. 

To  Joseph  Ward  . 

.422 

18. 

To  Jonathan  Mason 

.  422 

21. 

To  J.  D.  Sergeant 

.  424 

25. 

To  the  Deputy  Secretary  of  J 

^Iassachusetts         .  426 

27. 

To  James  Warren 

.             .             .             .  427 

August 

16. 

To  Francis  Dana 

.  429 

19. 

To  Samuel  H.  Parsons   . 

.  431 

21. 

To  Jonathan  Mason 

.  432 

25. 

To  Joseph  Hawley 

.  433 

29. 

To  William  Tudor 

.  436 

Septembei 

'    4. 

To  Samuel  Cooper 

.  439 

8. 

To  James  Warren 

.             .             .             .  440 

8. 

To  Samuel  Adams 

.  441 

16. 

Samuel  Adams  to  John  Adams 

.  441 

14. 

To  Samuel  Adams 

.  443 

30. 

Samuel  Adams  to  John  Adams 

.  446 

1777. 

January 

9. 

Samuel  Adams  to  John  Adams 

.  448 

CONTENTS. 

xvii 

1777. 

PAGE 

February 

3.  To  James  Warren 

.  450 

12.  To  James  Warren 

.  452 

March 

18.  To  James  Warren 

.  456 

21.  To  John  Avery,  Junior 

.  457 

22.  To  William  Tudor 

.  459 

April 

8.  To  William  Gordon 

.  461 

27.  To  James  Warren 

.  462 

29.  To  James  Warren 

.  463 

May 

6.  To  James  Warren 

.  464 

16.  Thomas  Jefferson  to  John  Adams     . 

.  465 

26.  To  Thomas  Jefferson     . 

•                     • 

•  466 

October 

1 7.  B.  Franklin  to  James  Lovell 

•                      • 

.  468 

December 

6.  To  Elbridge  Gerry 

•                     • 

.  469 

24.  To  James  Lovell 

•                     • 

.  471 

1778. 

February 

8.  To  Benjamin  Kush 

• 

.  472 

November 

27.  To  James  Lovell 

m                       m                       t 

.  473 

December 

15.  To  Mrs.  Warren 

•                       •                        t 

.  474 

1779. 

February 

20.  To  James  Lovell 

•                        • 

.  476 

28.  To  Samuel  Cooper 

•                        • 

.  478 

June 

13.  James  Lovell  to  John  Adams 

(confidential)     . 

.  480 

September 

10.  To  Elbridge  Gerry 

. 

.  483 

20.  To  Thomas  McKean  , 

. 

.  484 

27.  James  Lovell  to  John  Adams 

(confidential)     . 

.  486 

28.  James  Lovell  to  John  Adams 

(confidential)     . 

.  489 

29.  Elbridge  Gerry  to  John  Adams 

.  491 

October 

4.  Henry  Laurens  to  John  Adams 

.  496 

17.  To  James  Lovell 

.  499 

25.  To  James  Lovell 

.  501 

25.  To  Henry  Laurens 

.  503 

November 

4.  To  Elbridge  Gerry 

.  505 

4.  To  Benjamin  Rush 

.  507 

6* 

XVlll 


CONTENTS. 


1780. 

September 

23. 

October 

2. 

1782. 

June 

17. 

September 

6. 

November 

17. 

1783. 

April 

12. 

November 

4. 

1784. 

January- 

14. 

February 

22. 

March 

24. 

August 

27. 

November 

4. 

December 

13. 

1785. 

February 

25. 

April 

24. 

27. 

August 

21. 

September 

6. 

10. 

25. 

December 

12. 

1786. 

February 

3. 

April 

13. 

May 

26. 

June 

2. 

1787. 

January 

27. 

June 

12. 

September    3. 


To  Edmund  Jenings 
To  Jonathan  Jackson 

To  James  Wakren 
To  James  Warren 
To  Jonathan  Jackson 

To  Arthur  Lee 

Samuel  Adams  to  John  Adams 


Elbridge  Gerry  to  John  Adams 

To  A.  M.  Cerisier 

To  Charles  Spener 

To  James  Warren 

To  Francis  Dana 

To  Mrs.  Warren 

The  Abbe  de  Mably  to  John  Adams 

To  Benjamin  Waterhouse 

To  Samuel  Adams 

To  John  Jebb 

To  Arthur  Lee     . 

To  John  Jebb 

To  John  Jebb 

E..  H.  Lee  to  John  Adams 

To  Count  Sarsfield 
Samuel  Adams  to  John  Adams 
To  Cotton  Tufts 
To  Cotton  Tufts 

To  Benjamin  Highborn 

To  Philip  Mazzei 

K.  H.  Lee  to  John  Adams 


PAGE 

.  509 
.  510 

.  511 
.  513 

.  514 

.  517 
.  519 

.  521 
.522 
.  523 
.  524 
.  526 
.  528 

.  529 
.  530 
.  532 
.  532 
.  536 
.  538 
.  543 
.  544 

.  646 

.  547 
.  548 
.  549 

.  550 
.  552 
.  553 


CONTENTS. 


XIX 


1787. 
October 
1788. 
December 

1789. 
May 
August 

September 

November 

1790. 
April 

June 


September 

1791. 
January 

March 

1797. 
April 

1799. 
January 

1800. 
December 


1801. 
March 


April 


3.  Arthur  Lee  to  John  Adams 

2.  To  Benjamin  Rush 

3.  To  Thomas  Brand-Hc>llis 

20.  To  Richard  Price 

18.  To  Henry  Marchant 
30.  To  SiLVANUs  Bourn 

1 7.  To  James  Sullivan 
7.  To  Marston  Watson 

19.  To  Richard  Price 

18.  To  Benjamin  Rush 
1.  To  Alexander  Jardine 
1.  To  Thomas  Brand-Hollis 

11.  To  Thomas  Brand-Hollis 
13.  To  Thomas  Welsh 

23.  To  John  Trumbull 
10.  To  Hannah  Adams 

6.  To  Joseph  Ward 

3.  To  Henry  Guest 

3.  To  Dr.  Ogden 
28.  To  F.  A.  Vanderkemp 
30.  To  Elbridge  Gerry 


11.  Christopher  Gadsden  to  John  Adams 

23.  To  Samuel  Dexter 

24.  To  Thomas  Jefferson     . 
31.  To  Benjamin  Stoddert 

6.  To  THE  Marquis  de  Lafayette 
16.  To  Christopher  Gadsden 


PAGE 

.  554 

.  556  , 
.  557 

.  558 
.  559 
.  561 
.  562 
.  562 

.  563 
.  565 
.  667 
.  568 
.  569 
.  571 

.  572 
.  574 

.  574 

.  575 

.  576 
.  576 

.  577 

.  578 
.  580 
.  581 
.  582 
.  583 
.  584 


XX 


CONTENTS. 


><^ 


1802. 

PAGE 

January 

26.  To  Samuel  A.  Otis 

•                      •                      • 

.  585 

November 

30.  To  Thomas  Truxtun 

. 

.  586 

December 

20.  To  Joshua  Thomas,  James  Thacher,  axd 

William 

Jackson 

. 

.  587 

1804. 

March 

3.  To  F.  A.  Yanderkemp 

•                      •                      • 

.  588 

1805. 

February 

5.  To  F.  A.  Vanderkemp 

•                       •                      • 

.  589 

1807. 

May 

1.  To  Benjabiin  Rush 

•                      •                      • 

.  591 

11.  To  William  Heath 

•                      •          ,           • 

.  594 

21.  To  Benjamin  Rush 

•                      •                      • 

.  596 

^ 

23.  To  Benjamust  Rush 

•                      •                      • 

.  599 

1808. 

September 

3.  To  Benjamin  Rush 

•                      •                      ■ 

.  600 

27.  To  Benjamin  Rush 

.              '       • 

.  602 

December 

26.  To  J.  B.  Varnum 

•                      •                     • 

.  604 

1809. 

February 

16.  F.  A.  Yanderkemp 

« 
•                      • 

.  608 

March 

11.  To  Skelton  Jones 

•                      •                      • 

.  610 

13.  To  Daniel  Wright  and 

Erastus  Lyman 

.  613 

April 

12.  To  Benjamin  Rush 

.           • 

.  616 

20.  To  Joseph  Lyman 

. 

.  619 

June 

19.  To  Samuel  Perley 

•           •           • 

.  621 

December 

15.  To  F.  A.  Vanderkemp 

•           •           • 

.  624 

1810. 

\ 

January 

21.  To  Benjamin  Rush 

•           •           * 

.  626 

1811. 

- 

January 

29.  To  David  Sew  all 

•           •          * 

.  627 

February 

9.  To  JosiAH  QumcY 

•           •           • 

.  629 

18.  To  JOSIAH  QUINCY 

•           •           * 

.  633 

August 

28.  To  Benjamin  Rush 

•           •           • 

.  635 

APPENDIX, 

A.   Broken  Hints,  to  be  communicated  to  the  Committee  of  Con- 
gress FOR  THE  Massachusetts,  by  Joseph  Hawley  .  6  i  i 


OFFICIAL 


LETTERS,   MESSAGES, 


AND 


PUBLIC    PAPERS, 


CONTINUED. 


VOL.  IX. 


PUBLIC   PAPERS 


CONTINUED. 


TO    O.    WOLCOTT,    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY. 

Quincy,  23  July,  1799. 
Sir,  —  Inclosed  is  a  letter  from  Mr.  Thaxter,  relative  to  the 
light-house  on  Gay  Head.  I  shall  soon  send  you  a  drawing,  if 
not  a  model,  of  an  economical  improvement  of  these  lights,  of 
Mr.  Cunnington,  which  appears  to  me,  but  I  may  be  mistaken, 
of  greater  importance  than  the  great  question,  who  shall  be  the 
keeper  of  one  of  them. 

T.  PICKERING,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE,  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

PhiladelpHa,  24  July,  1799. 

Sir,  —  There  is  in  the  Aurora  of  this  city  an  uninterrupted 
stream  of  slander  on  the  American  government.  I  inclose  the 
paper  of  this  morning.  It  is  not  the  first  time  that  the  editor 
has  suggested,  that  you  had  asserted  the  influence  of  the  British 
government  in  affairs  of  our  own,  and  insinuated  that  it  was 
obtained  by  bribery.  The  general  readers  of  the  Am-ora  will 
believe  both.  I  shall  give  the  paper  to  Mr.  Rawle,  and,  if  he 
thinks  it  libellous,  desire  him  to  prosecute  the  editor. 

I  do  not  know  a  member  concerned  in  the  administration  of 
the  aftairs  of  the  United  States,  who  would  not  indignantly 
spurn  at  the  idea  of  British  influence ;  and  as  to  bribes,  they 
would  disdain  to  attempt  a  vindication  from  the  charge. 

The  article  in  the  paper,  marked  5,  of  an  acknowledgment  in 
my  writings,  that  in  case  of  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  a  foreign 
war  is  not  the  only  one  to  be  dreaded,  probably  refers  to  my 


4  OFFICIAL. 

letter  of  12th  September,  1795,  to  Mr.  Monroe,  in  which,  vindi- 
cating our  state  of  neutrality  and  the  British  treaty,  and  exhibit- 
ing the  evils  to  flow  from  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  I  say  that 
in  that  case  "  it  would  be  happy  for  us  if  we  could  contemplate 
only  a  foreign  war,  in  which  all  hearts  and  hands  might  be 
united." 

The  editor  of  the  Aui'ora,  William  Duane,  pretends  that  he  is 
an  Ainerican  citizen.^  saying  that  he  was  born  in  Vermont,  but 
was,  when  a  child,  taken  back  with  his  parents  to  Ireland,  where 
he  was  educated.  But  I  understand  the  facts  to  be,  that  he 
went  from  America  prior  to  our  revolution,  remained  in  the 
British  dominions  till  after  the  peace,  went  to  the  British  East 
Indies,  ^vhere  he  committed  or  was  charged  with  some  crime, 
and  returned  to  Great  Britain,  from  whence,  within  three  or 
four  years  past,  he  came  to  this  country  to  stir  up  sedition  and 
work  other  mischief.  I  presume,  therefore,  that  he  is  really  a 
British  subject,  and,  as  an  alien,  liable  to  be  banished  from  the 
United  States.  He  has  lately  set  himself  up  to  be  the  captain 
of  a  company  of  volunteers,  whose  distinguishing  badges-are  a 
plume  of  cock-neck  feathers  and  a  small  black  cockade  with  a 
large  eagle.  He  is  doubtless  a  United  Irishman,  and  the  com- 
pany is  probably  formed  to  oppose  the  authority  of  the  govern- 
ment; and  in  case  of  war  and  invasion  by  the  French,  to  join 
them. 

I  am,  with  great  respect,  &c. 

Timothy  Pickering. 


TO    J.    MCHENRY,    SECRETARY    OF    WAR. 

Quincy,  27  July,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  20th,  and  have  no 
objection  to  the  plan  you  propose  of  raising  a  company  of 
cavalry.  "  Our  means !  "  ^  I  never  think  of  our  means  without 
shuddering.  All  the  declamations,  as  well  as  demonstrations, 
of  Trenchard  and  Gordon,  Bolingbroke,  Barnard  and  Walpole, 

1  Mr.  McHenry,  speaking  in  his  letter  of  the  delay  to  raise  six  additional 
companies  of  cavalry,  says ; 

"I  have  been  influenced,  also,  to  this  delay  by  a  desire  to  husband  our  means, 
and  guard  against  interrupting  recruiting  for  the  infantry." 

In  reality  he  had  been  stirred  to  act  by  a  letter  from  Mr.  Hamilton,  shaping 
the  policy  suggested.     Hamilton's  WoHs,  vol.  v.  pp.  275,  27G. 


OFFICIAL.  5 

Hume,  Burgh  and  Burke,  rush  upon  my  memory  and  frighten 
me  out  of  my  wits.  The  system  of  debts  and  taxes  is  levelling 
all  governments  in  Europe,  We  have  a  career  to  run,  to  be 
sure,  and  some  time  to  pass  before  we  arrive  at  the  European 
crisis ;  but  we  must  ultimately  go  the  same  way.  There  is  no 
practicable  or  imaginable  expedient  to  escape  it,  that  I  can 
conceive. 


TO     T.     PICKERING,     SECRETARY     OF     STATE, 

Quincy,  1  August,  1799. 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  24th  of  July,  inclosing  an 
Aiirora  of  July  24th,  imbued  with  rather  more  impudence  than 
is  common  to  that  paper.  Is  there  any  thing  evil  in  the  regions 
of  actuality  or  possibility,  that  the  Aurora  has  not  suggested  of 
me  ?  You  may  depend  upon  it,  I  disdain  to  attempt  a  vindi- 
cation of  myself  against  any  of  the  lies  of  the  Aurora,  as  much 
as  any  man  concerned  in  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the 
United  States.  If  IVIi'.  Rawle  does  not  think  this  paper  libel- 
lous, he  is  not  fit  for  his  office ;  and  if  he  does  not  prosecute  it, 
he  will  not  do  his  duty. 

The  matchless  effrontery  of  this  Duane  merits  the  execution 

of  the  alien  law.     I  am  very  willing  to  try  its  strength  upon 

him. 

John  Adams. 


T.    PICKERING     TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

(Private.) 

Philadelphia,  1  August,  1799. 

Sir,  —  The  day  before  yesterday  I  received  from  Mr,  Charles 
Hall,  of  Northumberland  county,  in  this  State,  a  letter  concern- 
ing a  publication  by  Thomas  Cooper,  an  Englishman,  and  a 
connection  of  Dr.  Priestley,  addressed  to  the  readers  of  the  Sun- 
bury  and  Northumberland  Gazette,  on  the  29th  of  June.'      This 

1  This  publication  is  found,  together  with  all  the  proceedings  in  the  trial  to 
■which  it  gave  rise,  in  Wharton's  State  Trials  during  the  Administrations  of 
Washington  and  Adams,  a  work  of  great  value  to  the  history  of  that  period. 


6  OFFICIAL. 

address  has  been  republished  in  the  Aurora  of  July  12th,  which 
I  now  inclose. 

By  Mr.  Hall's  information,  Cooper  was  a  barrister  in  England, 
and,  like  Dr.  Priestley,  a  chemist,  and  a  warm  opposition  man. 
Dr.  Priestley  was  at  the  democratic  assembly  on  the  4th  of  July, 
at  Northumberland.  But  what  is  of  most  consequence,  and 
demonstrates  the  Doctor's  want  of  decency,  being  an  alien,  his 
discontented  and  turbulent  spirit,  that  will  never  be  quiet  under 
the  freest  government  on  earth,  is  "  his  industry  in  getting  Mr. 
Cooper's  address  printed  in  handbills,  and  distributed."  "  This," 
Mr.  Hall  adds,  "  is  a  circumstance  capable  of  the  fullest  proof." 
Cooper  has  taken  care  to  get  himself  admitted  to  citizenship. 
I  am  sorry  for  it ;  for  those  who  are  desirous  of  maintaining  our 
internal  tranquillity  must  wish  them  both  removed  from  the 
United  States. 

It  is  near  a  year  since  you  authorized  the  expulsion  of  General 
Collot  and  one  Schweitzer.  Colonel  Mentges,  who  was  engaged 
(while  I  was  at  Trenton)  in  getting  information  of  Schweitzer's 
names  and  conduct,  kept  me  long  in  suspense  until  at  length  he 
informed  me  that  General  Serrurier  was  in  the  country  in  dis- 
guise. I  then  thought  it  best  not  to  give  an  alarm  to  him  by 
arresting  the  other  two.  But  after  months  of  suspense,  while 
inquuy  was  making,  I  was  satisfied  the  information  concerning 
Serrurier  was  groundless.  Then  so  many  months  had  elapsed, 
and  the  session  of  Congress  commenced,  when  other  business 
pressed,  the  pursuit  of  these  aliens  was  overlooked.  Colonel 
Mentges  now  informs  me  that  Schweitzer  is  about  to  embark 
for  Hamburgh ;  but  Collot  remains,  and  is  deemed  as  much  as 
ever  disposed  to  do  all  the  mischief  in  his  power.  He  remains 
a  prisoner  of  war  to  the  British ;  and  it  would  seem  desirable  to 
compel  him  to  place  himself  under  their  jurisdiction,  where  he 
could  do  no  harm. 

M.  Letombe  not  only  exercises  those  services,  which,  on  the 
withdrawing  of  his  exequatur,  he  requested  permission  to  render 
to  his  fellow-citizens  in  this  country,  but  assumes  and  uses  the 
title  of  Consul- General  of  the  French  Republic,  just  as  he  did 
formerly.  He  held  the  purse-strings  of  the  republic  in  this 
country,  and  paid  the  bribes  ordered  by  the  French  Minister 
Adet ;  the  minister  being  gone,  he  is  probably  vested  with  pow- 
ers adequate  to  the  object.     With  much  softness  of  manners,  he 


OFFICIAL.  7 

is  capable  of  submitting  to,  and  doing,  any  thing  corruptly  which 
his  government  should  direct. 

The  reiterated  observations,  that  the  alien  law  remains  a  dead 
letter,  have  induced  me  in  this  manner  to  bring  the  subject 
under  your  notice ;  and,  waiting  the  expression  of  your  will,  I 
remain,  most  respectfully,  yours,  &c. 

Timothy  Pickering. 

P.  S.  A  prosecution  against  Duane,  editor  of  the  Aurora, 
has  been  instituted,  on  the  charge  of  English  secret-service 
money  distributed  in  the  United  States ;  and  I  have  desired  JNIr. 
Rawle  to  examine  his  newspaper  and  to  institute  new  prosecu- 
tions as  often  as  he  offends.  This,  I  hope,  will  meet  with  your 
approbation. 

TO  T.  PICKERING,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Quincy,  3  August,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  have  received  a  long  letter  from  Mr.  Gerry  of  the 
24th  of  July,  with  papers  inclosed,  numbered  1,  2,  3,  4,  and  5, 
besides  another  paper  of  extracts  of  letters.  I  inclose  extracts 
of  his  letter,  together  with  all  the  numbers,  and  his  paper  of 
extracts.  These  numbers  and  last  extracts  I  pray  you  to  return 
to  me,  when  you  have  made  all  the  uses  of  them  you  wish. 

These  papers,  I  think,  will  convince  you  as  they  have  me, 
of  three  points. 

1.  That  Mr.  Gerry's  stay  in  France,  after  the  receipt  of  your 
letter  by  Mr.  Humphreys,  and  especially  after  the  publication 
of  the  despatches,  was  not  gratuitous,  but  of  indispensable  and 
unavoidable  necessity  under  the  paws  of  arbitrary  power,  and 
therefore  that  his  salary  ought  to  be  allowed  him  according  to 
his  account. 

2.  That  Mr.  Gerry  ought  not  to  be  charged  with  the  ships' 
stores,  or  any  part  of  them.  I  am  ashamed  to  make  any 
remarks  on  this  head,  and  shall  not  do  it  unless  driven  to  the 
necessity  of  it.  If  the  necessities  of  our  country  require  that 
we  should  order  our  ambassadors  to  take  passages  in  small 
vessels,  with  all  the  sea  captains  and  mariners  that  can  be  col- 
lected, I  think  a  generous  provision  of  articles  in  case  of  sickness 
and  putrid  fevers  ought  not  to  be  charged  to  the  ambassador. 


8  OFFICIAL. 

3.  That  the  guilders  ought  not  to  be  charged  at  forty  cents. 
This  point,  however,  I  may  mistake.  I  should  be  obliged  to 
you  for  information.  I  wish  right  may  be  done  according  to 
law  at  the  time  the  debt  was  contracted.  Upon  the  whole,  it 
is  my  opinion  that  Mr.  Gerry's  account,  as  stated  by  himself, 
ought  to  be  allowed.! 

I  am.  Sir,  with  all  due  respect,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    T.     PICKERING,     SECRETARY     OF     STATE. 

Quincy,  4  August,  1799. 

Sir,  —  The  inclosed  protest  and  certificates  I  received  last 
night,  with  the  letter  from  Captain  Ebenezer  Giles,  late  com' 
mander  of  the  schooner  Betsey.  This  gentleman  made  me  a 
visit  some  weeks  ago,  to  complain  to  me  in  person  of  the  horrid 
treatment  he  received  from  the  commander  of  the  ship  Daphne, 
a  British  vessel  of  war.  He  has  now  sent  me  the  papers,  and 
expects  that  government  will  espouse  his  cause.  I  think  the 
papers  should  be  communicated  to  Mr.  Liston,  and  sent  to  Mr. 
King.2  There  is  a  very  sour  leaven  of  malevolence  in  many 
English  and  in  many  American  minds  against  each  other,  which 
has  given  and  will  continue  to  give  trouble  to  both  govern- 
ments ;  but  by  patience  and  perseverance  I  hope  we  shall  suc- 
ceed in  wearing  it  out,  and  in  bringing  the  people  on  both  sides 
to  treat  each  other  like  friends. 


TO  B.  STODDERT,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Quincy,  5  August,  1799. 
Your  two  letters  of  the  29th,  and  one  of  the  30th  July,  are 
before  me.     I  know  not  who  are  meant  by  G.  and  C.  in  Cap- 

1  Mr.  Adams's  interference  was  necessary  to  check  the  petty  vexations  to 
which  Mr.  Pickering's  hostility  was  subjecting  Mr.  Gerry.  It  was  not,  however, 
effective  until  Mr.  Marshall  came  into  office.  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  vol.  ii. 
p.  277,  note. 

2  Mr.  Pickering  replied  on  the  16th  by  transmitting  a  letter,  written  by  him 
to  the  complainant,  in  which  he  quoted  Captain  Truxtun's  statement  of  the 
transaction  to  prove  that  Captain  Giles  deserved  the  beating  he  got  on  board 
of  the  English  frigate.  He  therefore  declined  making  any  apjilication  to  Mr. 
Liston. 


OFFICIAL.  9 

tain  Perry's  letter ;  but  I  think  there  ought  to  be  some  inquiry 
into  the  justice  of  his  insinuations.  I  fear  that  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  General  Greene  were  too  long  on  shore  at  the  Ha- 
vana, and  there  caught  the  infection  which  has  obliged  him  to 
leave  his  station  and  bury  so  many.  The  news,  however,  of 
the  politeness  and  friendship  of  the  governor  and  admiral  is  not 
the  less  pleasing.  I  return  you  Captain  Perry's  letter.  Although 
I  am  very  solicitous  to  strike  some  strokes  in  Europe  for  the 
reasons  detailed  in  your  letter  proposing  the  expedition,  yet  I 
feel  the  whole  force  of  the  importance  of  deciding  all  things  in 
the  West  Indies,  if  possible,  and  therefore  shall  consent  to  the 
alteration  you  propose,  if  you  continue  to  think  it  necessary. 

There  is  one  alteration  in  our  policy,  which  appears  to  me 
indispensable.  Instead  of  sending  the  prisoners  we  take,  back 
into  Guadaloupe,  there  to  embark  again  in  the  first  privateer, 
we  must  send  them  all  to  the  United  States,  or  allow  them  to 
work  and  fight  on  board  our  ships.  At  least,  if  any  are  returned, 
their  written  parole  ought  to  be  taken,  that  they  will  not  serve 
until  exchanged.  One  suggestion  more.  I  like  your  plan  of 
employing  all  om*  great  frigates  on  separate  stations.  I  have 
more  ideas  in  my  head  on  this  subject  than  I  am  willing  to 
commit  to  wnriting.  One  idea  more.  I  think  we  must  have 
Bermuda  sloops,  Virginia  pilot  boats,  or  Marblehead  schooners, 
or  whaleboats,  in  one  word,  some  very  light  small  fast-sailing 
vessels,  furnished  with  oars  as  well  as  sails,  to  attend  our  fri- 
gates, and  pursue  the  French  pirates  in  among  their  own  rocks 
and  shoals  to  their  utter  destruction.  Talbot's  unwarrantable 
suspicion  of  your  want  of  confidence  in  him  shall  never  be  any 
disadvantage  to  you.  Indeed,  I  believe  I  ought  not  to  have 
let  you  see  that  anxious  expression  of  a  brave  man.  I  know 
his  opinion  of  you  to  be  very  high  as  a  man  of  talents  and 
business. 


TO    T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Qiiincy,  5  August,  1799, 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  July  80th,  inclosing  Mr.  King's 
letter  of  5th  June,  which  I  return.     There  is  not  a  question  in 


10  OFFICIAL. 

mathematics  or  physics,  not  the  square  of  the  circle  or  the  uni- 
versal menstruum,  which  gives  me  less  solicitude  or  inquietude 
than  the  negotiations  with  Russia  and  the  Porte.  Mr.  King's 
official  assurances  induced  me  to  nominate  the  missions,  and  if 
there  has  been  any  thing  hasty  in  the  business,  it  was  Mr.  King's 
haste.  I  know  that  both  Russia  and  the  Porte  have  as  much 
interest  in  the  connections  proposed,  as  we  have,  and  that  the 
stiff  and  stately  formalities  about  it  are  exactly  such  as  France 
has  practised  upon  us  these  twenty  years.  The  object  is  to 
assume  the  air  of  granting  favors,  when  they  receive  them,  and 
to  make  the  American  government  and  people  believe  they  are 
not  yet  independent  and  can  do  nothing  of  themselves.  If 
we  are  retarded  at  all,  it  will  be  owing  to  the  artifices  of  inter- 
meddlers,  and  instead  of  having  one  farthing  of  money  the  less 
to  pay,  I  know  it  will  cost  us  more. 


TO     T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  6  August,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  received  late  last  evening  your  favor  of  the  31st  of 
July,  inclosing  a  triplicate  of  Mr.  Murray's  letter  of  the  17th  of 
May,  and  a  copy,  certified  by  Mr.  Murray,  on  the  18th  of  May, 
of  a  letter  of  Charles  Maurice  Talleyrand,  dated  Paris,  le  23° 
Floreal  de  I'an  7  de  la  Republique  Fran§aise  une  et  indivisible. 

Sovereign  to  sovereign,  and  minister  to  minister,  is  a  maxim 
in  the  cabinets  of  Europe,  and  although  neither  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  nor  the  executive  Directory,  are  sovereigns 
in  their  countries,  the  same  relations  exist  between  them  and 
their  ministers,  and,  therefore,  the  reason  of  the  maxim  is  appli- 
cable to  them.  It  is  far  below  the  dignity  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  to  take  any  notice  of  Talleyrand's  impertinent 
regrets,  and  insinuations  of  superfluities.^      You  or  Mr.  Murray 

1  In  transmitting  these  papers,  Mr.  Pickering  had  remarked ;  — 
"  The  answer,  I  observe,  does  not  exactly  conform  to  the  terms  used  in  the 
instructions  to  M.  Murray,  and  which  he  repeated  in  his  letter  of  May  5th  to 
the  minister.  But  Mr.  Talleyrand  does  not  forget  the  common  practice  of  his 
government,  to  drop  a  reproach  or  insult  while  making  amicable  professions.  It 
was  certainly  not  necessary  for  him  to  insinuate  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  was  wasting  many  montlis  of  precious  time  for  '  the  simple  confii-mation,' 
that  if  new  envoys  were  sent  they  would  be  received." 


OFFICIAL.  11 

may  answer  them  as  you  please  in  your  correspondence  with 
one  another,  or  with  the  French  minister.  1  will  say  to  you, 
however,  that  I  consider  this  letter  as  the  most  authentic  intel- 
ligence yet  received  in  America  of  the  successes  of  the  coalition. 
That  the  design  is  insidious  and  hostile  at  heart,  I  Avill  not  say.i 
Time  will  tell  the  truth.  Meantime,  I  dread  no  longer  their 
diplomatic  skill.  I  have  seen  it,  and  felt  it,  and  been  the  victim 
of  it  these  twenty-one  years.  But  the  charm  is  dissolved.  Their 
magic  is  at  an  end  in  America.  Still,  they  shall  find,  as  long  as 
I  am  in  office,  candor,  integrity,  and,  as  far  as  there  can  be  any 
confidence  or  safety,  a  pacific  and  friendly  disposition.  If  the 
spirit  of  exterminating  vengeance  ever  arises,  it  shall  be  conjured 
up  by  them,  not  me.  In  this  spirit  I  shall  pursue  the  nego- 
tiation, and  I  expect 2  the  cooperation  of  the  heads  of  depart- 
ments. Our  operations  and  preparations  by  sea  and  land  are 
not  to  be  relaxed  in  the  smallest  degree.  On  the  contrary,  I 
wish  them  to  be  animated  with  fresh  energy.  St.  Domingo  and 
the  Isle  of  France,  and  all  other  parts  of  the  French  dominions, 
are  to  be  treated  in  the  same  manner  as  if  no  negotiation  was 
going  on.  These  preliminaries  recollected,  I  pray  you  to  Jose 
no  time  in  conveying  to  Governor  Davie  his  commission,  and 
to  the  Chief  Justice  and  his  Excellency,  copies  of  these  letters 
from  Mr.  Murray  and  Talleyrand,  with  a  request  that,  laying 
aside  all  other  employments,  they  make  immediate  preparations 
for  embarking.  Whether  together  or  asunder,  from  a  northern, 
a  southern,  or  a  middle  port,  I  leave  to  them.  I  am  willing 
to  send  Truxtun,  or  Barry,  or  Talbot,  with  them ;  consult  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  and  heads  of  department  on  this  point. 
Although  I  have  little  confidence  in  the  issue  of  this  business,  I 
wish  to  delay  nothing,  to  omit  nothing. 

The  principal  points,  indeed,  all  the  points  of  the  negotiation, 
were  so  minutely  considered  and  approved  by  me  and  all  the 
heads  of  department,  before  I  left  Philadelphia,  that  nothing 
remains  but  to  put  them  into  form  and  dress.  This  service  I 
pray  you  to  perform  as  promptly  as  possible.  Lay  your  draught 
before   the   heads  of   department,  receive  their  corrections,  if 

*  So  in  the  copy-book.     IVlr.  Gibbs  in  his  work  has  the  word  deny,  and  prints 
the  sentence  in  small  capitals.     Memoirs  of  the  Fed.  Adm.  vol.  ii.  p.  250. 
•    -  Printed,  request,  by  ]Mr.  Gibbs.     There  are  other  variations  of  less  conse- 
quence. 


12  OFFICIAL. 

they  shall  judge  any  to  be  necessary,  and  send  them  to  me  as 
soon  as  possible.  My  opinions  and  determinations  on  these 
subjects  are  so  well  made  up,  at  least  to  my  own  satisfaction, 
that  not  many  hours  will  be  necessary  for  me  to  give  you  my 
ultimate  sentiments  concerning  the  matter  or  form  of  the  in- 
structions to  be  given  to  the  envoys.^ 

I  have  the  honor,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO  B.  STODDERT,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Quincy,  8  August,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  received  last  night  your  favor  of  the  2d  of  this 
month.  I  am  sincerely  sorry  for  the  resignation  of  Captain 
Truxtun.  Although  you  have  not  explained  to  me  his  motives, 
I  presume  the  decision,  which  gave  rise  to  them,  was  founded 
in  principles  of  sound  policy  and  eternal  justice,  as  it  was  made 
upon  honor  and  with  conscientious  deliberation.  If  it  were  no\v 
to  be  made,  it  would  be  the  same,  though  my  son  or  my  father 
were  in  the  place  of  Captain  Truxtun.  I  have  no  more  to  say. 
If  we  lose  Captain  Truxtun  2,  we  shall  soon  regain  Captain 
Dale.  Meantime  I  am  very  desirous  that  Captain  Decatur 
should  take  the  Constellation.  If,  however,  he  prefers  the  mer- 
chants' frigate,  as  you  call  her,  I  will  not  urge  him  from  his 
bias.  Of  Captain  Barron  I  know  very  little,  but  repose  myself 
with  great  confidence  upon  your  judgment.  I  now  request  of 
you  that  Barry  and  Talbot  may  be  separated.  I  have  reasons 
for  this,  which  it  is  unnecessary  to  detail.  Not  from  any  mis- 
understanding or  dislike  between  them  that  I  know  of  or 
suspect,  but  it  is  best  the  great  frigates  should  have  separate 
stations.  .  5 

1  This  letter  is  remarkable  as  containing  a  summary  of  the  President's  policy 
on  tliis  point,  so  sharply  contested  by  his  three  cabinet  officers ;  a  policy  from 
which  the  result  will  show  him  not  to  haA'e  varied  in  any  essential  particular 
from  beginning  to  end. 

'■^  Captain  Truxtun  did  not  resign.  He  served  throughout  the  period  of  this 
administi'ation,  and  was  edged  out  rather  than  resigned,  in  1802.  A  brief  notice 
of  his  lite  is  given  in  Mr.  Cooper's  History  of  (he  Navy,  vol.  i.  p.  354,  note.  A 
characteristic  letter  upon  the  causes  of  his  quitting  the  service  is  found  in 
Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  vi.  pp.  533-535. 


i 


OFFICIAL.  13 


TO    T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  13  August,  1799. 

And  now,  Sir,  what  shall  I  say  to  you  on  the  subject  of  "libels 
and  satires?  Lawless  things,  indeed!"  I  have  received  your 
private  letter  of  the  1st  of  this  month,^  and  considered  the  sub- 
ject of  it  as  fully  as  the  pressure  of  other  business  of  more 
importance  would  allow  me  time  to  do.  Of  Priestley  and 
Cooper  I  will  say  no  more  at  present  than  to  relate  to  you  two 
facts. 

Anecdote  first.  Dr.  Priestley's  old  friend,  and  my  old  acquaint- 
ance, Mr.  Benjamin  Vaughan,  the  celebrated  M.  P.,  soon  after 
his  arrival  in  Boston,  came  up  to  Quincy  with  his  lady  on  a 
visit  to  us,  who  had  visited  his  family  in  London.  I  was  absent. 
They  dined  with  Mrs.  Adams,  and  in  the  course  of  conversation 
Mr.  Vaughan  told  her  that  Mr.  Cooper  was  a  rash  man,  and 
had  led  Dr.  Priestley  into  all  his  errors  in  England,  and  he  feared 
would  lead  him  into  others  in  America. 

Anecdote  the  second.  At  the  time  when  we  were  inquiring 
for  an  agent  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  United  States  before 
the  commissioners  at  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Cooper  wrote  to  me  a 
solicitation  for  that  appointment,  and  Dr.  Priestley  wrote  me  a 
letter,  strongly  recommending  him.  Both  made  apologies  for 
his  reputation  as  a  democrat,  and  gave  intimation  of  a  reforma- 
tion. I  wondered  that  either  could  think  it  possible  that  the 
people  of  the  United  States  could  be  satisfied  or  contented  to 
intrust  interests  of  such  magnitude  to  an  Englishman,  or  any 
other  foreigner.  I  wondered  that  either  should  think  it  com- 
patible with  my  duty,  to  prefer  a  stranger  to  the  great  number 
of  able  natives,  who  wished  for  this  trust.  But  so  it  was.  As 
it  has  been,  from  the  beginning,  a  rule  not  to  answer  letters  of 
solicitation  or  recommendation  for  offices,  I  never  answered 
either.  Mr.  Read  was  appointed,  and  the  disappointed  candi- 
date is  now,  it  seems,  indulging  his  revenge.  A  meaner,  a  more 
artful,  or  a  more  malicious  libel  has  not  appeared.  As  far  as  it 
alludes  to  me,  I  despise  it ;  but  I  have  no  doubt  it  is  a  libel 
against  the  whole  government,  and  as  such  ought  to  be  prose- 

1  See  page  5. 
VOL.  IX.  2 


14  OFFICIAL. 

cuted.i  I  do  not  think  it  wise  to  execute  the  alien  law  against 
poor  Priestley  at  present.  He  is  as  weak  as  water,  as  unstable 
as  Reuben,  or  the  wind.  His  influence  is  not  an  atom  in  the 
world. 

Having  long  possessed  evidence  the  most  satisfactory  to  my 
mind,  that  Collot  is  a  pernicious  and  malicious  intriguer,  I  have 
been  always  ready  and  willing  to  execute  the  alien  law  upon 
him.  We  are  now  about  to  enter  on  a  negotiation  with  France, 
but  this  is  no  objection  against  expelling  from  this  country  such 
an  alien  as  he  is.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  more  necessary  to 
remove  such  an  instrument  of  mischief  from  among  our  people, 
for  his  whole  time  will  be  employed  in  exciting  corrupt  divisions, 
whether  he  can  succeed  or  not.  As  to  Letombe,  if  you  can 
prove  "that  he  paid  the  bribes  ordered  by  the  French  Minister, 
Adet,"  or  any  thing  like  it,  he  ought  to  be  sent  away  too.  But 
perhaps  it  would  be  better  to  signify  that  it  is  expected  that  he 
go,  than  to  order  him  out  at  first  by  proclamation.  There  is  a 
respect  due  to  public  commissions,  which  I  should  wish  to  pre- 
serve as  far  as  may  be  consistent  with  safety. 

The  alien  law,  I  fear,  will  upon  trial  be  found  inadequate  to 
the  object  intended,  but  I  am  willing  to  try  it  in  the  case  of 
Collot;-^ 


1  A  curious  and  intei'csting  account  of  the  personal  history  of  Thomas  Cooper, 
inchiding  the  two  letters  here  mentioned,  is  given  in  the  notes  to  Wharton's 
State  Trials,  Sj-c, -pix  659-681.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  tliis  prosecution 
was  a  mistake.  The  fact  of  his  having  been  a  disappointed  applicant  for  office 
would  have  been  a  far  more  effective  instrument  to  rely  upon,  in  order  to 
neutralize  his  influence. 

2  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  this  letter  contains  the  closest  approximation 
to  any  expression  of  opinion  upon  the  alien  and  sedition  laws,  to  be  found  in 
the  whole  of  Mr.  Adams's  correspondence  during  his  administration.  He  was 
in  fact  regarded  by  Mr.  Hamilton  and  the  ultra  members  of  the  federal  party 
as  lukewarm,  if  not  unfriendly  to  them.  Yet  the  entire  responsibility  for  the 
measures  has  been  made  to  fall  upon  him !  General  Washington's  opinions,  as 
expressed,  were  much  more  decided.  See  the  letters  to  Spotswood  and  to 
Washington,  in  Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  xi.  pp.  345,  387.  There  are  other 
letters  still  unpubhshed  to  the  same  effect.  General  Hamilton  thought  the  laws 
required  amendment,  as  not  effective  enough.  Hamilton's  Works,  Hamilton  to 
Dayton,  vol.  vi.  pp.  388  -  389. 


OFFICIAL.  15 


TO    T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  14  August,  1799. 

Inclosed  are  four  petitions  for  mercy.  One  from  Conrad 
Marks,  Frederick  Heyney,  Anthony  Stabler,  John  Getman, 
Valentine  Kuder,  Jacob  Kline,  David  Schaffer,  and  Philip  Desh ; 
another  from  George  Schaffer,  Daniel  Schwarts,  Henry  Stahler, 
Christian  Rhodes,  and  Henry  Schaffer;  a  third  from  Jacob 
Eyerman  and  John  Everhart ;  and  a  fourth  from  John  Fries ;  all 
supported  by  numerous  petitioners  in  their  behalf. 

I  wish  Dr.  Priestley  could  see  these  petitions,  and  be  asked 
to  consider  whether  it  would  be  a  pleasant  thing  to  have  an 
equal  number  of  his  neighbors  in  Northumberland  brought  by 
his  exertions  and  example  into  a  situation  equally  humble.  I 
pray  you  to  communicate  these  petitions  to  the  heads  of  de- 
partment, and  especially  to  the  Attorney-General.  I  wish  all  to 
consider  whether  it  is  proper  that  any  answer  should  be  given, 
by  me  or  my  order,  to  any  of  them.  I  think  it  may  be  said  that 
these  people  are  brought  to  humble  themselves  "  in  dust  and 
ashes  before  their  offended  country."  That  repentance,  how- 
ever, which,  in  the  sight  of  an  all  penetrating  heaven,  may  be 
sufficiently  sincere  to  obtain  the  pardon  of  sins,  cannot  always 
be  sufficiently  certain  in  the  eyes  of  mortals  to  justify  the  par- 
don of  crimes. 


TO    T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  16  August,  1799. 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  10th.  Mr.  Shaw  discovered 
his  omission  of  numbers  1,  2,  3,  4,  and  5,  and  the  paper  of  ex- 
tracts, and  sent  them  on  the  next  day.  I  hope  you  received 
them  in  course.  I  have  read  the  address  to  the  independent 
electors  of  Pennsylvania,  and  am  very  curious  to  know  where 
all  this  will  end.i     The  trial  will  bring  out  some  whimsical 

1  Mr.  Pickering  in  his  letter  wrote :  "  The  address  to  the  electors  of  Penn- 
sylvania is  unquestionably  the  production  of  Tench  Coxe,  late  commissioner  of 
the  revenue,  and  until  May  8th,  1 792,  assistant  to  the  Secretary  of  the  treasury." 

Mr.  Coxe  had  been  removed  from  office,  upon  a  report  made  on  his  case  by 
the  Cabinet  officers. 


16  OFFICIAL. 

things.^     At  present  I  will  say  nothing.     I  have  no  apprehen- 
sion for  myself  or  the  public  from  the  consequences. 


TO  B.  STODDERT,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Quincy,  23  August,  1799. 

My  thoughts  and  feelings  are  exactly  in  unison  with  yours, 
expressed  in  your  favor  of  the  17th.2  I  would  propose  that  our 
envoys  be  landed  at  Lisbon,  and  take  an  overland  journey  to 
Paris,  through  Madrid.  This  will  give  them  an  opportunity  of 
gaining  much  information,  useful  to  their  country.  In  this  case 
the  frigate  may  take  Mr.  Smith  and  carry  him  to  Constantinople, 
or  the  envoys  may  be  landed  at  Bilbao  or  Bessarabia.  The 
frigate  in  either  case  may  cruise,  and  take  up  the  envoys  on 
their  return  at  Lisbon  or  Bilbao,  or  we  can  send  another  vessel 
for  them  to  any  place.  It  will  be  total  ruin  to  any  of  our 
frigates  to  lie  in  French  harbors  all  winter.  I  hope  our  envoys 
will  not  be  long  in  negotiation.  Their  instructions  will  be 
precise,  and  they  may  be  as  categorical  as  they  please. 


TO    T.     PICKERING,     SECRETARY     OF     STATE. 

Quincy,  24  August,  1799. 

Sir, —  I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  16th,  and  read  the 
letter  of  Mr.  B.  H.  Phillips,  our  consul  at  Curasao,  of  20th 
July,  and  the  papers  inclosed  with  it,  which  I  now  return.  It 
is  right  to  communicate  these  documents  to  Mr.  Van  Polanen 
and  to  JVIr,  MuiTay,  and  to  remonstrate  in  clear  language  to  the 
Batavian    government    against  the  partiality  of  the  governor 

'  Mr.  Pickering  bad  mentioned  that  process  had  been  instituted  against  Wil- 
liam Duano,  for  libel. 

2  Mr.  Stoddcrt  bad  ]5roposed  that  the  frigate  United  States  should  carry  out 
the  new  ministers  to  France,  and  return  without  a  detention  of  more  than  a 
fortnight.     But  he  goes  on  to  say  ;  — 

"  Talking  on  this  subject  vnth  some  of  the  heads  of  department,  I  find  that  it 
is  the  expectation  that  the  vessel  which  carries  the  ministers,  will  wait  to  bring 
them  back,  and  for  this  purpose  will  wait  till  the  spring  to  avoid  a  winter  pas- 
sage. 

In  this  A-iew  of  the  subject  I  see  many  objections  to  employing  the  United 
States  in  this  service." 


OFFICIAL.  17 

and  council,^  and  the  scandalous  conduct  of  the  frigate.  But 
still,  I  think  we  have  something  to  do  to  teach  our  own  Ame- 
rican seamen,  and  especially  captains,  more  discretion.  At 
such  a  time  and  in  such  a  place,  the  sailors  ought  to  have  had 
more  prudence  than  to  have  gone  on  Sunday  or  any  other  day 
into  dance-houses  with  French  sailors,  and  the  captains  ought 
to  have  known  that  it  was  their  duty  to  apply  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  place  to  suppress  riots,  rather  than  go  and  join  in 
them  in  person,  though  in  order  to  suppress  them.  If  any  legal 
evidence  can  be  produced  to  prove  that  the  governor  and  coun- 
cil are  more  or  less  concerned  in  the  privateers,  it  would  be  a 
ground  of  very  serious  representations  to  their  superiors. 

I  think  it,  and  always  thought  it,  unfortunate,  that  when  the 
authority  was  given  to  interdict  commerce  with  the  French 
islands,  it  was  not  extended  to  others,  especially  Dutch.  I  men- 
tion these  in  particular,  because  the  interested  character  and  the 
humiliated  condition  in  which  they  were  known  to  be,  should 
have  suggested  the  necessity  of  the  measure.  The  motives 
and  reasons,  however,  for  adding  the  Spaniards,  Swedes,  and 
Danes,  were  not  much  less. 

If  an  expedition  to  restore  the  Stadtholder  is  undertaken  in 
concert  with  the  King  of  Prussia,  it  may  succeed ;  if  without 
him,  it  is  more  uncertain.  I  make  no  dependence  on  any  such 
probable  events.^  By  the  way,  some  weeks  ago  you  gave  me 
encouragement  to  expect  a  letter  from  our  minister  at  Berlin, 
which  you  had  received.  In  the  multiplicity  of  business  you 
have  omitted  it.  I  wish  to  see  it  as  soon  as  possible.  If  at 
the  future  session  Congress  should  authorize  the  suspension  of 
commerce  with  Swedish  and  Danish  islands  as  well  as.  Dutch, 
I  should  think  it  worth  while  to  send  a  minister  to  those  courts. 
But  I  will  not  promise  it  shall  be  Mr.  Smith.  In  my  opinion, 
he  ought  to  go  to  Constantinople. 

^  In  protecting  French  privateers.  A  Dutcli  frigate  had  saluted  one  of  these 
vessels  coming  into  the  harbor  of  Curacao,  with  an  American  schooner,  the 
Kautihis,  as  a  prize. 

2  j\Ir.  Pickering  had  expressed  the  opinion  that  it  would  probably  succeed. 
He  thought  Denmark  and  Sweden  might  in  such  case  be  disposed  to  exclude 
French  privateers  from  their  West  India  islands.  He  was  in  favor  of  sending  a 
temporary  minister  to  both  these  courts  to  favor  that  object,  and  he  recom- 
mended Mr.  Wiiham  Smith,  of  South  Carolina,  then  at  Lisbon. 


18  OFFICIAL. 


TO    T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  29  August,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  received  last  night  your  favor  of  the  23d.  I  am  very- 
glad  to  be  informed  that  the  instructions  for  the  envoys  will  be 
prepared  in  a  few  days,i  and  that  you  have  written  to  Mr.  Davie. 
What  think  you  of  our  envoys  landing  at  Lisbon,  and  the  fri- 
gate that  carries  them  taking  Mr.  Smith  to  Constantinople,  or 
cruising  on  the  Spanish  coast  or  in  the  Mediterranean  ?  I  am 
not  for  delaying  the  negotiation  with  the  Turks,  or  any  other, 
measure,  on  account  of  the  negotiation  with  France.  In  my 
opinion,  the  charm  is  broken.  It  has  been  broken  from  the 
moment  the  invasion  of  England  was  laid  aside.  That  project, 
raised  and  supported  with  infinite  artifice,  kept  up  the  terror 
and  frenzy  of  the  world ;  but  it  is  over,  and  can  never  be  again 
excited. 

,  I  had  like  to  have  said  that  the  alarm  of  the  yellow  fever 
gives  me  more  uneasiness  than  any  other  alarm.  The  dispute 
of  the  commissioners  under  the  6th  article  gives  me  much  con- 
cern.2  I  shall  write  you  in  a  few  days  on  that  subject.  My 
mind  is  made  up  thus  far.  The  treaty,  as  far  as  it  depends  on 
me,  shall  be  executed  with  candor  and  good  faith.  No  unworthy 
artifice  or  chicanery  shall  be  practised  on  my  part,  no,  not 
though  the  consequence  should  be  the  payment  of  all  the 
demands.  We  must,  however,  do  our  utmost  to  obtain  an 
explanation  that  may  shelter  our  country  from  injustice. 


B.  STODDERT,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY,  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Trenton,  29  August,  1799. 

Sir,  —  The  officers  are  now  all  at  this  place,  and  not  badly 
accommodated.  Will  you,  Sir,  pardon  the  liberty  I  take,  not 
in  my  official  but  private  character,  in  expressing  a  wish  that  it 
may  not  be  inconvenient  for  you  to  join  them  here,  before  our 

1  Mr.  Pickering  had  written,  "two  or  three  days,  to  submit  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  heads  of  department." 

2  This  was  the  commission  under  Jay's  treaty,  sitting  at  Philadelphia,  to 
examine  the  claims  of  British  subjects,  from  which  the  American  commissioners 
thought  it  their  duty  to  withdraw. 


OFFICIAL.  19 

ministers  depart  for  France  ?  It  may  happen  that  a  knowledge 
of  recent  events  in  Europe  may  be  acquired  just  before  the 
sailing  of  the  ministers,  which  would  make  some  alteration  in 
their  instructions  necessary ;  and  possibly  these  events  might  be 
of  a  nature  to  require  the  suspension  for  a  time  of  the  mission. 

I  could  urge  both  public  considerations,  and  those  which 
relate  more  immediately  to  yourself,  to  justify  the  wish  I  have 
ventured  to  express ;  but  I  will  only  say,  that  I  have  the  most 
perfect  conviction  that  your  presence  here,  before  the  departure 
of  the  ministers,  would  afford  great  satisfaction  to  the  best 
disposed  and  best  informed  men  in  that  part  of  the  country 
with  which  I  am  best  acquainted ;  and  I  believe,  to  the  great 
mass  of  good  men  all  over  the  United  States. 

I  will  only  add  that  I  write  this  letter  without  communication 
with  any  person  ;  that  if  I  err,  the  error  is  all  my  own.  In  my 
motives  I  cannot  be  mistaken. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c.  &c. 

Ben.  Stoddert. 


TO    BENJAMIN    STODDERT. 

(Private.) 

Quincy,  4  September,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  have  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  29th  of  August, 
and  I  thank  you  for  the  friendly  sentiments  expressed  in  it,  in 
your  private  character. 

You  urge  me  to  join  you  and  the  other  public  officers  at 
Trenton,  before  our  ministers  depart  for  France,  and  this  from 
considerations  which  relate  more  immediately  to  myself,  as  well 
as  others  of  a  public  nature. 

For  myself,  I  have  neither  hopes  nor  fears.  But  if  I  could  see 
any  public  necessity  or  utility  in  my  presence  at  Trenton,  I 
would  undertake  the  journey,  however  inconvenient  to  myself 
or  my  family.  I  would  not,  indeed,  hesitate,  if  it  were  only  to 
give  any  reasonable  satisfaction  to  the  "  best  disposed  and  best 
informed  men."  But  you  must  be  sensible  that  for  me  to  spend 
two  or  three  months  at  Trenton  with  unknown  accommodations, 
cannot  be  very  agreeable.  Alone,  and  in  private,  I  can  put  up 
with  any  thing ;  but  in  my  public  station,  you  know  I  cannot. 
The  terms  of  accommodation  with  France  were  so  minutely 


20  OFFICIAL. 

considered  and  discussed  by  us  all,  before  I  took  leave  of  you 
at  Philadelphia,  that  I  suppose  there  will  be  no  difference  of 
sentiments  among  us.  The  draught  will  soon  be  laid  before 
you.  If  any  considerable  difference  should  unexpectedly  arise 
between  the  heads  of  department,  I  will  come  at  all  events. 
Otherwise,  I  see  no  necessity  for  taking  a  step  that  will  give 
more  eclat  to  the  business  than  I  think  it  deserves.  I  have  no 
reason  nor  motive  to  precipitate  the  departure  of  the  envoys. 
If  any  information  of  recent  events  in  Europe  should  arrive, 
which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  heads  of  department,  or  of  the 
envoys  themselves,  would  render  any  alteration  in  their  instruc- 
tions necessary  or  expedient,  I  am  perfectly  willing  that  their 
departure  should  be  suspended,  until  I  can  be  informed  of  it,  or 
until  I  can  join  you.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  possibility  of  events 
which  may  render  a  suspension,  for  a  time,  of  the  mission,  very 
proper.!  France  has  always  been  a  pendulum.  The  extremest 
vibration  to  the  left  has  always  been  suddenly  followed  by  the 
extremest  vibration  to  the  right.  I  fear,  however,  that  the  ex- 
tremest vibration  has  not  yet  been  swung. 

Upon  this  subject  I  solicit  your  confidential  communications 
by  every  post.  As  I  have  ever  considered  this  manoeuvre  of 
the  French  as  the  deepest  and  subtlest,  which  the  genius  of  the 
Directory  and  their  minister  has  ever  invented  for  the  division 
of  our  people,  I  am  determined,  if  they  ever  succeed  in  it,  the 
world  shall  be  convinced  that  their  success  was  owing  either  to 
want  of  capacity,  or  want  of  support,  in 

John  Adams. 

P.  S.  Though  I  have  marked  this  letter  private,  you  may  use 
it  at  your  discretion  for  the  purposes  intended. 

1  Out  of  this  obviously  just  and  natural  view  of  possible  contingencies,  Mr. 
Hamilton  and  his  friends  in  the  cabinet  endeavored  to  construct  a  charge  against 
Mr.  Adams,  of  misleading  them  as  to  his  design  that  the  mission  should  proceed. 
Nothing  is  more  clear  throughout  this  correspondence  than  the  fixedness  of  the 
policy  pursued  by  Mr.  Adams,  subject  to  modification  only  by  circumstances 
which  could  not  be  foreseen.  Mr.  \Volcott  was  the  authority  for  Mr.  Hamilton's 
statement.  His  wishes  evidently  biased  his  judgment.  Hamilton's  Works, 
vol.  vi.  p.  471. 


OFFICIAL.  21 

T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE,    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Trenton,  9  September,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  the  opinions  of  the  Attor- 
ney-General and  heads  of  departments  on  the  petitions  of  John 
Fries  and  others,  insurgents  in  Bucks  and  Northampton  coun- 
ties in  Pennsylvania,  that  no  pardon  should  noio  be  granted, 
nor  any  answer  given. 

I  am  revising  the  draught  of  instructions  for  the  envoys  to 
France,  and  making  the  alterations  which  have  been  agreed  on. 
I  expect  to  transmit  them  to  you  by  to-morrow's  mail ;  and  am, 
with  great  respect,  &c. 

Timothy  Pickering. 

(Inclosed.) 
C.  lee,  attorney-general,  to  T.  PICKERING,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Alexandria,  2  September,  1799. 

Sir, —  On  the  29th  of  last  month  I  had  the  honor  to  receive 
your  letter  of  the  26th,  inclosing  the  President's  of  the  14th,  and 
the  several  petitions  for  pardon  in  favor  of  John  Fries  and  others, 
charged  with  high  treason,  and  George  SchafFer  and  others, 
convicted  of  misdemeanor,  and  Jacob  Eyerman  and  John  Evcr- 
hart,  charged  with  misdemeanor,  in  the  late  insurrection  in 
Northampton  and  other  counties  in  Pennsylvania. 

The  question  proposed  by  the  President  aflecting  the  liberty 
and  property  of  some  individuals,  and  the  lives  of  others,  has 
received  my  particular  attention  and  most  mature  deliberation. 
I  understand  it  as  meaning  whether  any  of  the  suppliants  should 
be  pardoned ;  for  unless  a  pardon  is  granted  in  some  of  the 
cases,  I  am  humbly  of  opinion  no  answer  should  be  returned 
in  any. 

The  power  of  pardoning  criminals  is  vested  in  the  Chief 
Magistrate  for  the  public  good.  In  deciding  upon  a  petition 
for  pardon,  it  is  to  be  considered  whether  it  ^vill  more  conduce 
to  the  public  good  to  deny  or  to  grant  it.  To  a  benevolent  and 
generous  heart  acts  of  mercy  are  so  pleasing  as  often  to  over- 
power discretion,  so  that  mercy  to  a  few  is  cruelty  to  many. 


22  OFFICIAL. 

In  the  course  of  five  years,  two  insurrections  against  the  law- 
ful authority  of  the  United  States  have  happened  in  Pennsyl- 
vania. At  a  great  public  expense  they  have  been  each  quelled. 
The  first  was  more  alarming,  and  was  quelled  at  a  much  greater 
expense,  than  the  last.  The  offenders  in  the  first  experienced 
the  presidential  clemency,  and  not  a  traitor  suffered  the  punish- 
ment of  the  law.  The  offenders  in  the  last,  charged  with  treason, 
are  yet  all  to  be  tried ;  and  in  the  late  defence  of  Fries,  I  under- 
stand, the  dangerous  doctrine  was  avowed  by  his  advocates,  of 
whom  the  Secretary  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania  was 
one,  that  to  resist  by  force  the  execution  of  a  general  revenue 
law  of  the  United  States,  with  intent  that  it  should  never  be 
executed  in  certain  counties,  amounted  not  to  treason,  but  to  a 
misdemeanor  only. 

Pennsylvania,  possessing  very  many  good,  is  not  without  a 
considerable  number  of  bad  citizens,  some  of  whom  are  ignorant, 
refractory,  headstrong,  and  wicked.  From  these  circumstances, 
I  think  an  exemplary  punishment  of  rebellious  conduct  is  more 
necessary  and  will  be  more  salutary  in  that  State  than  in  any 
other,  and  therefore  that  considerations  of  public  policy  require 
that  the  most  criminal  of  the  insurgents  should  be  left  to  the 
due  and  impartial  course  of  the  law. 

If  this  be  most  proper  in  regard  to  those  whose  lives  are  in 
jeopardy,  it  certainly  is  most  proper  towards  those  who  have 
been  or  shall  be  convicted  of  misdemeanors,  and  whose  punish- 
ments do  not  or  shall  not  exceed  the  measure  of  their  crimes. 

In  the  treason  cases,  it  is  uncertain  who,  if  any,  will  be  con- 
victed ;  but  after  judgment  it  will  be  then  in  season  and  also 
in  the  power  of  the  President  to  discriminate,  and  to  arrest  the 
sword  of  justice,  in  regard  to  those  who  shall  appear  to  have  the 
best  claim  to  his  gracious  and  merciful  interposition. 

The  like  opportunity  will  occur  in  relation  to  those  who  shall 
be  hereafter  convicted  of  misdemeanor.  As  to  such  as  have 
been  already  sentenced,  no  special  circumstances  are  stated 
which  distinguish  the  cases,  and  as  no  sufficient  cause  appears 
for  pardoning  all  of  them,  there  is  no  ground  for  exempting  any 
from  the  punishment  which  they  have  been  ordered  to  suffer ; 
and  consequently  all  should  satisfy  the  sentences  of  the  law.  I 
believe  Eyerman  is  a  German  priest,  who  but  lately  came  into 
America,  and  instantly  entered  on  the  function  of  sowing  sedi- 


OFFICIAL.  23 

tion,  and  preparing  his  followers  for  works  of  darkness,  disobe- 
dience, and  rebellion.  He  has  not  been  tried,  and  there  is  no 
danger  of  his  being  punished  beyond  his  deserts. 

Upon  the  whole,  it  is  my  mature  opinion  that  the  President 
should  not  return  any  answer  to  either  of  the  petitions,  and  that 
no  pardon  should  be  granted  under  present  circumstances  to 
any  of  the  petitioners. 

I  am.  Sir,  very  respectfully,  &c. 

Charles  Lee. 

Eyerman  is  a  German  priest,  who  has  been  in  America  about 
two  years,  and  not  only  thus  early  a  sower  of  sedition  in  the 
country  where  he  has  found  an  asylum,  but  of  an  infamous, 
immoral  character.     Such  has  been  my  information. 

Timothy  Pickering. 

We  entirely  concur  in  the   Attorney-General's  opinion,  that 

none  of  the  petitioners  should  noiv  be  pardoned,  nor  any  answer 

given  them. 

Timothy  Pickering. 

Oliver  Wolcott. 

James   Mc Henry. 

Ben.  Stoddert. 

Trenton,  7  September,  1797. 

T.  PICKERING,  secretary  OF  STATE,  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

(Private.) 

Trenton,  11  September,  1799. 

Sir,  —  The  general  alarm  of  the  yellow  fever  in  Philadelphia, 
occasioned  the  removal  of  the  public  offices  to  this  place.  This 
has  caused  some  delay  in  finishing  the  draught  of  instructions 
for  the  envoys  to  the  French  republic,  which  I  had  the  honor 
of  transmitting  you  yesterday,'  the  draught  having  been  pre- 
viously examined,  altered,  and  amended,  conformably  to  the 
opinions  of  the  heads  of  department.  I  now  inclose  some 
papers  relating  to  the  subject,  which  want  of  time  prevented 
my  forwarding  yesterday. 

1  Mr.  Pickering's  letter  of  tbe  10th,  covering  the  instructions,  is  marked  thus  : 
"  Reed.  Sept.  14th,  at  night,  by  the  hand  of  William  Smith,  Esq.,  from  Boston." 
See  the  letter  in  answer,  dated  the  16th. 


24  OFFICIAL. 

Of  the  three  leading  points  which  were  fixed  before  your 
departure  from  Philadelphia,  we  have  ventured  to  propose  a 
deviation  in  one  only,  that  respecting  the  role  d' equipage?-  For, 
however  clear  in  our  own  minds  is  the  right  of  American  citizens 
to  a  full  indemnification  for  captures  and  condemnations  for 
want  of  that  document,  after  much  deliberation,  we  thought,  if 
France  would  submit  that  and  other  questions  to  a  board  im- 
partially constituted,  as  proposed  in  the  draught,  or  in  secret 
declarations  or  stipulations  agree  to  the  specific  rules  of  adjudi- 
cations therein  detailed,  that  the  people  of  America  might 
think  the  negotiation  ought  not  to  be  frustrated,  as  it  might  be. 
by  making  such  a  concession  an  ultimatum.  We  thought,  indeed, 
that  the  captures  of  our  vessels,  because  their  cargoes  were  pro- 
duced or  fabricated  in  the  British  dominions,  perfectly  unjusti- 
fiable, and  a  case  more  unexceptionable,  if  made  an  ultimatum. 
But  if  France  agrees  to  the  rules  of  adjudication,  or  to  the 
mode  of  constituting  a  board  of  commissioners,  as  now  proposed, 
we  conceived  that  the  United  States  would  be  satisfied. 

I  propose  to  send  a  copy  of  the  draught  of  instructions  to 
Mr.  Ellsworth,  and  to  invite  his  observations  upon  them,  as  it 
is  important  that  he  should  be  satisfied.  And  if  want  of  time 
should  prevent  a  second  transmission  of  the  instructions  to  you, 
(which,  however,  I  think  will  not  be  the  case,)  may  I  take  the 
liberty  of  proposing,  if  your  judgment  should  not  be  definitively 
made  up  on  particular  points,  that  we  may,  if  Mr.  Ellsworth 
should  desire  it,  and  we  all  concur  in  opinion  with  him,  make 
alterations  in  the  draught  ?  Provided  that  none  of  the  ultimata 
be  varied,  except  that  which  prescribes  the  mode  of  organizing 
the  board  of  commissioners. 

On  the  26th  ultimo  T  received  the  inclosed  private  letter  from 
Mr.  Murray,  dated  the  18th  of  June.  The  «  very  portentous 
scene,"  which,  by  his  advices  from  Paris,  "  appeared  to  be  open- 
ing there,"  doubtless  referred  to  what  the  newspapers  have 
called  «  another  explosion."  The  dismission  of  Treilhard  from 
the  Du-ectory,  and  the  forced  resignation  of  la  Reveillere  le 
Peaux  and  Merlin,  which,  with  the  other  proceedings  of  the  two 
councils,  demonstrate  that  the  dictatorial  power  of  the  Directory 
is  overturned,  have  suggested  to  the  heads  of  department  some 

1  Volume  viii.  p.  627. 


OFFICIAL.  25 

doubts  of  the  expediency  of  an  immediate  departure  of  the 
envoys. 

The  men  lately  in  power,  who  gave  the  assurances  you 
required,  relative  to  the  mission,  being  ousted  in  a  manner  indi- 
cative of  a  revolution  in  the  public  mind,  and,  according  to  Mr. 
Murray's  letter,  the  threats,  now  first  uttered  by  the  military,  of  a 
KING,  show  such  instability  and  uncertainty  in  the  government 
of  France,  and  are  ominous  of  such  further  and  essential 
changes,  probably  at  no  great  distance,  as  made  it  appear  to  us 
a  duty  to  submit  to  your  consideration  the  question  of  a  tem- 
porary suspension  of  the  mission  to  that  country,  where  a  state 
of  things,  and  that  final  result  which  you  long  since  foresaw 
and  predicted,  appear  to  be  rapidly  advancing.  Such  a  suspen- 
sion would  seem  to  us  to  place  the  United  States  in  a  more 
commanding  situation,  and  enable  the  President  to  give  such  a 
turn  to  the  mission  as  the  impending  changes  should  in  his 
opinion  demand. 

Or  if  a  revival  of  the  system  of  ten'or  should  first  take  place, 
which  the  last  arrival  of  intelligence  at  New  York  now  shows 
to  be  probable,  still  the  question  of  suspending  the  mission  seems 
to  the  heads  of  department  to  merit  serious  consideration.  It  is 
an  undoubted  fact,  that  the  character  of  the  late  change  at  Paris 
has  been  purely  Jacobinical.  The  clubs  have  been  again  opened, 
and  the  Jacobins  are  everywhere  active  to  electrify  the  people.^ 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  &c. 

Timothy  Pickering. 


B.    STODDERT,    SECRETARY    OP    THE    NAVY,    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Trenton,  13  September,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  am  honored  with  your  letter  of  the  4th  instant,  and 
cannot  but  lament  that  the  accommodations  to  be  obtained  here 
are  very  far  inferior  to  such  as  would  be  suitable  for  the  Presi- 

'  This  letter,  though  sent  in  the  name  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  was  con- 
curred in  cordially  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  by  the  Secretary  of 
"War  —  and  more  hesitatingly  by  Mr.  Stoddert,  -who  had  begun  to  show  symp- 
toms of  disagreement  with  the  policy  of  his  colleagues.  Mr.  Lee,  the  Attorney- 
General,  had  differed  with  them  on  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Vans  Murray,  which 
he  approved.  He  also  differed  with  them  upon  the  propriety  of  suspending  the 
mission. 

VOL.   IX.  3 


26  OFFICIAL. 

dent  of  the  United  States.  Indeed,  I  am  afraid  none  could  be 
obtained  which  would  not  be  extremely  inconvenient  and  dis- 
agreeable to  both  Mrs.  Adams  and  yourself.  Yet  having  no 
motive  unconnected  with  your  honor  and  that  of  the  govern- 
ment, I  hope  you  will  pardon  my  freedom  in  adhering  to  my 
wish  that  you  would  join  the  officers  here,  before  the  departure 
of  the  mission  to  France.  Or,  if  that  should  be  suspended,  that 
you  would  not  give  the  order  for  the  suspension  before  your 
arrival  here.  Colonel  Pickering  has  addressed  a  letter  to  you 
on  this  subject,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  other  departments. 
If  you  should  be  determined  on  the  measure,  nothing  will  be 
lost  by  delaying  to  take  it  for  a  month,  for  I  am  sure  the  com- 
missioners will  not  sooner  than  that  time  be  ready  to  sail ;  and 
Mi\  Davie,  who  will  leave  North  Carolina  the  20th  September, 
could  not  be  stopped  much  short  of  Trenton,  if  you  were  to 
give  orders  for  stopping  him.  On  the  other  hand,  if  you  should 
consider  the  measure  as  a  questionable  one,  you  might,  a  month 
hence,  decide  it,  with  the  advantage  of  the  lights  which  all  the 
advices  to  be  received  for  a  month,  which  may  be  very  import- 
ant, might  throw  on  the  subject.  Whether  it  be  decided  to 
suspend  the  mission,  or  otherwise,  the  decision  may  and  will  be 
important.  It  will  be  a  great  measure  either  way,  and  will  be 
attended  with  consequences  in  proportion  to  its  magnitude.  All 
the  solemnity  possible  should  perhaps  be  given  to  the  decision. 
General  Washington,  one  of  the  most  attentive  men  in  the 
world  to  the  manner  of  doing  things,  owed  a  great  proportion 
of  his  celebrity  to  this  circumstance.  It  appears  to  me,  that  the 
decision  in  question  would  be  better  supported  throughout  the 
country,  if  it  be  taken  when  you  are  surrounded  by  the  officers 
of  government  and  the  ministers,  even  if  it  should  be  against 
their  unanimous  advice. 

I  will  state,  as  briefly  as  I  can,  other  reasons  which  influence 
my  wishes  on  the  subject  of  your  coming  to  Trenton. 

I  have  never  entertained  the  opinion,  prevalent  with  many 
persons,  that  we  could  not,  during  the  present  war  in  Europe, 
maintain  peace  with  both  France  and  England,  though  I  believe 
it  wiU  be  a  difficult  matter.  There  are  already  indications  that 
England  looks  at  us  with  a  jaundiced  eye,  arising  in  part  per- 
haps from  the  effort  to  treat  with  France,  in  part  from  the  repre- 
sentations made  by  their  commissioners  and  their  minister,  on 


OFFICIAL.  27 

the  subject  of  the  commission  under  the  sixth  article  of  the  treaty. 
No  doubt  their  commissioners  had  for  a  long  time  been  preju- 
diced and  soured,  and  have  in  some  instances  acted  as  if  it  was 
their  desire  to  plunge  the  two  nations  into  war.  Our  own,  I 
believe,  have  been  actuated  by  pure  views,  but  the  difference 
between  them  on  almost  every  question  has  been  so  wide,  that 
it  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  both  sides  could  have  been  rational, 
and  at  the  same  time  possess  a  desire  to  bring  the  business  to 
a  just  conclusion.  Mr.  Listen,  mild  and  reasonable  as  he  may 
appear  on  other  subjects,  has  not  been  so  on  this,  and  Mr.  Rich, 
who  is  to  return  to  England  in  the  packet,  has  written  a  letter 
to  our  commissioners  sufficiently  indicative  of  a  mind  highly 
irritated. 

We  have  a  right  to  make  peace  with  France  wdthout  asking 
the  permission  of  England,  and  we  are  not  to  submit  to  un- 
reasonable and  unjust  constructions  of  the  treaty  for  fear  of  her 
resentment.  It  is  our  inclination  and  our  policy  to  yield  to  no 
injustice,  and  to  do  none.  Acting  on  this  system,  if  England 
insists  on  a  quarrel,  however  we  may  lament  the  calamity,  we 
need  not  fear  the  result,  if  our  own  people  are  satisfied  that  the 
government  has  acted  in  all  instances  right.  But  amicable  and 
candid  explanations  are  due  to  England  and  to  ourselves.  I 
should  presume  it  would  be  very  proper  to  assure  her  imme- 
diately, that  to  obtain  peace  with  France  we  would  sacrifice  no 
just  right  of  England ;  and  that  a  fair  and  candid  representation 
of  the  true  grounds  of  difference  between  the  commissioners 
should  be  immediately  furnished  to  Mr.  King,  with  assurances 
of  the  sincere  desire  of  the  government  to  execute  justly  the 
treaty  according  to  its  true  meaning.  Perhaps  it  might  be  found 
that  some  constructions  of  our  commissioners  might  be  yielded, 
and  that  England  might  be  told  on  what  fair  ground  we  could 
meet  her. 

Colonel  Pickering  is  certainly  too  much  occupied  with  the 
business  of  his  department  to  find  time  to  understand  this  sub- 
ject so  well  as  our  commissioners  and  the  Attorney-General 
must  do ;  and  it  has  therefore  appeared  to  me  that  the  best 
course  would  be  to  call  these  gentlemen,  at  least  the  Attorney- 
General,  to  the  seat  of  government,  to  prepare  the  representation, 
which  should  afterwards  be  pruned,  by  the  heads  of  department, 
of  every  thing  like  acrimony,  and  of  any  argument,  if  any  such 


28  OFFICIAL. 

found  admittance,  calculated  to  confute  rather  than  to  convince. 
Thus  corrected,  it  might  be  submitted  to  the  President.  Now, 
it  seems  to  me  that  this  course  could  not  be  adopted  without 
the  direction  of  the  President,  nor,  indeed,  so  well  executed 
without  his  presence ;  and  I  think  the  peace  of  the  country  may 
depend  upon  taking  the  true  ground  now,  and  upon  promptly 
carrying  into  effect  the  proper  measures  to  prevent  a  misunder- 
standing, where  it  is  so  much  our  interest  to  be  understood. 

The  great  number  of  captures  and  condemnations,  at  Provi- 
dence and  Jamaica,  of  our  vessels,  has  produced  a  sourness  among 
the  best  of  our  merchants,  which  will  increase.  If  they  arise 
from  the  avarice  and  iniquity  of  the  judges,  without  any  agency 
on  the  part  of  government,  they  would  cease  on  a  representa- 
tion of  the  injury.  If  they  are  countenanced  by  the  government, 
this  would  probably  cease,  and  reparation  be  made,  if  misrepre- 
sentations and  prejudices  are  removed.  At  all  events,  it  is 
degrading  to  our  government  to  suffer  them  to  continue,  with- 
out an  effort  to  prevent  them. 

On  the  subject  of  the  mission  to  France,  your  character  is 
known  throughout  the  whole  of  the  country ;  the  gentlemen  who 
fill  the  great  offices  more  immediately  connected  with  the  Pre- 
sident, however  high  their  merit,  and  however  respected,  where 
known,  not  having  before  acted  on  the  great  theatre  in  conspi- 
cuous stations,  are  not  enough  known  to  inspire  the  same  degree 
of  confidence  ;  and  it  may  not  be  believed  that  the  instructions 
to  the  ministers  will  wear  exactly  the  same  complexion,  if  you 
are  at  Quincy,  when  they  are  delivered,  as  they  would  have 
done,  had  you  been  on  the  spot. 

As  to  the  considerations  which  I  meant  as  more  immediately 
relating  to  yourself,  I  have  been  apprehensive  that  artful  design- 
ing men  might  make  such  use  of  your  absence  from  the  seat  of 
government,  when  things  so  important  to  restore  peace  with 
one  country,  and  to  preserve  it  with  another,  were  transacting, 
as  to  make  your  next  election  less  honorable  than  it  would 
otherwise  be. 

I  have  thus.  Sir,  in  a  very  tedious  letter  indulged  myself  in 
great  freedoms.  I  have  given  my  opinions  with  candor,  but 
with  great  diffidence ;  for  I  am  sensible  that  I  am  but  a  poor 
politician.  I  hope  you  will  not  think  the  trouble  of  an  answer 
at  all  necessary.     "Whatever  course  you  take,  my  inclination 


OFFICIAL.  29 

will  prompt  me  to  think  right,  and  my  duty  to  support.  I  will, 
however,  observe,  that  if  you  should  come  to  Trenton  by  the 
10th  of  October,  it  will  be  in  time  to  see  the  ministers,  should 
they  proceed  on  the  mission ;  in  one  month  later,  it  will  be  safe 
to  go  to  Philadelphia,  where  I  presume  you  would  choose  to  be, 
about  that  time. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c.,  &c. 

Ben.  Stoddert. 


TO  B.  STODDERT,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Quincy,  14  September,  1799. 

Sir, —  I  received  last  night  your  favor  of  the  5th.  The  gen- 
tleman you  mention  is  a  native  of  Boston,  and  well  known.  I 
shall  make  no  observations  on  his  character.  None  of  the 
suspicions  of  the  Americans  in  France,  which  the  gentleman 
of  Maryland  mentioned  to  you,  will  surprise  the  federalists  in 
this  quarter.!  But  the  popularity  of  the  French  has  so  dwindled 
away,  that  no  impression  can  be  made  to  any  great  eflfect  in 
their  favor.  The  nomination  of  envoys  to  treat  has  taken  away 
so  many  pretexts  from  some,  and  given  such  opportunities  for 
others  to  "  back  out,"  as  my  wagoners  express  themselves,  that 
the  French  government  at  least  has  few  advocates  left.  Hich- 
born  is  a  man  of  talents,  but  of  such  mysterious,  enigmatical, 
and  incomprehensible  conduct,  that  no  party  seems  to  have 
much  confidence  in  him,  though  he  is  supposed  to  be  inveterate 
in  opposition  to  federal  men  and  measures. 


TO  T.  PICKERING,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Quiucy,  16  September,  3  799. 

Sir,  —  Saturday,  the  14th,  at  night,  I  received,  by  the  hand 

of  William  Smith,  Esquire,  your  favor  of  the  10th.    I  have  once 

read,  with  some  care,  the  important  State  paper  inclosed  with 

it,  and  find  little  to  add,  little  to  diminish,  and  very  little  to 

J  These  suspicions  mentioned  in  Mr.  Stoddcrt's  letter  were,  that  Mr.  Hichborn 
was  an  instrument  of  the  French  government,  returning  home  to  efTect  some 
secret  purpose.     This  is  the  same  gentleman  mentioned  in  vol.  ii.  p.  410. 

3* 


30  OFFICIAL. 

correct.^  You  do  not  inform  me  whether  it  has  been  considered 
by  the  heads  of  department,  and  received  their  corrections  or 
approbation,  but  intimate  that  you  should  forward,  by  the  mail 
of  the  next  day,  some  papers  respecting  it.  I  shall  wait  for 
these,  and  then  give  them,  and  the  excellent  composition  they 
are  connected  with,  a  more  attentive  perusal,  and  write  my 
sentiments  fully  on  the  subject.  Little  time  shall  be  lost.  The 
revolution  in  the  Directory,  and  the  revival  of  the  clubs  and 
private  societies  in  France,  and  the  strong  appearances  of 
another  reign  of  democratic  fury  and  sanguinary  anarchy  ap- 
proaching, seem  to  justify  a  relaxation  of  our  zeal  for  the  sudden 
and  hasty  departure  of  our  envoys.  If  they  remain  in  America 
till  all  apprehensions  of  the  autumnal  equinoctial  gales  are 
passed,  it  will  be  so  much  the  more  agreeable  for  them,  and  not 
less  safe  for  the  public.  I  am  not  sanguine  enough  to  anticipate 
news  of  the  arrival  of  Prince  Charles  or  Marshal  Suwarrow  at 
Paris,  or  of  a  league  with  the  King  of  Prussia,  to  restore  monarchy 
to  France ;  but  I  think  we  may  expect  news  by  the  middle  of 
October,  which  it  may  be  advantageous  for  us  to  know,  before 
the  departure  of  our  envoys.^  I  would  come  on  to  Trenton 
before  their  sailing,  if  there  were  reason  to  suppose  there  would 
be  any  utility  in  such  a  sacrifice.  But  I  presume  the  whole 
business  may  be  as  well  conducted  by  letter  and  the  post.  If 
you  think  otherwise,  you  will  please  to  let  me  know. 


TO    J.    MCHENRY,    SECRETARY    OF    WAR. 

Quincy,  18  September,  1799. 

Sir, —  I  have  ruminated  so  long  upon  the  case  of  Andrew 
Anderson,  that  I  am  under  some  apprehension  that  my  feelings 
have  grown  too  strong,  and  produced  a  result  that  will  not 
appear  to  you  perfectly  right.     I  consider  Cox  and  his  associates 

1  The  instructions  to  the  new  ministers. 

2  It  seems  difficult  to  conceive  how  any  members  of  the  cabinet  could  have 
misunderstood  the  extent  of  Mr.  Adams's  design  to  postpone  the  departure  of 
the  envoys,  after  the  reading  of  this  letter.  They  would  not  have  done  so,  if 
they  had  not  been  totally  blinded  by  their  hopes,  that  they  could  ultimately 
overrule  the  whole  project.  They  were  not  without  stimulants  from  persons 
outside  to  attempt  tliis.  Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  245.  Ham- 
ilton's Works,  \o\.  vi.  p.  414. 


OFFICIAL.  31 

as  very  artful  men,  and,  being  probably  considered  as  men  of 
great  consequence  in  that  country,  they  had  the  influence  to 
seduce  a  poor  soldier  to  a  crime,  for  which  they  probably  deserve 
to  be  punished,  as  well  as  he.  In  announcing  the  pardon 
inclosed,  you  may  order  what  solemnities  you  think  fit.  He 
may  receive  his  pardon  at  the  gallows,  where  it  may  be 
announced  that  it  will  be  the  last  time  such  a  crime  will  be 
pardoned.^ 

OLIVER    ELLSWORTH    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Hartford,  18  September,  1799. 

Sir,  —  If  the  present  convulsion  in  France,  and  the  symptoms 
of  a  gi-eater  change  at  hand,  should  induce  you,  as  many  seem 
to  expect,  to  postpone  for  a  short  time  the  mission  to  that 
counti-y,  I  wish  for  the  earliest  notice  of  it.  The  Circuit  Court 
in  this  State  and  Vermont  fell  through  last  spring  from  the 
indisposition  of  Judge  Chase,  and  must  now  fall  through  again 
from  the  indisposition  of  Judge  Cushing,  unless  I  attend  them. 
I  am  beginning  the  court  here,  and  should  proceed  on  to  Ver- 
mont, if  I  was  sure  of  not  being  called  on  in  the  mean  time  to 
embark.  It  is.  Sir,  my  duty  to  obey,  not  advise,  and  I  have 
only  to  hope  that  you  will  not  disapprove  of  the  method  I  take 
to  learn  the  speediest  intimation  of  yours.^ 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

Oliver  Ellsworth. 


TO  T.  PICKERING,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Quincy,  19  September,  1799. 

Sir, —  On  the  17th,  at  night,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving 
your  favor  of  the  11th,  and  have  given  it  that  attention  which 
the  great  importance  of  its  contents  deserves.^  On  the  subject 
of  the  role  d'equipag-e,  1  feel  a  strong  reluctance  to  any  relaxation 

'  "A  soldier  tried  on  a  charge  of  deserting  his  post,  and  aiding  and  assisting 
two  prisoners  to  make  their  escape  from  confinement,  when  he  was  sentinel  and 
had  charge  of  them,  and  losing  his  arms  and  accoutrements."  McHenry's  Letter, 
11th  September. 

*  This  letter  had  been  instigated  by  more  than  one  member  of  the  cabinet. 
Mr.  Ellsworth  seems  to  have  sent  it  at  a  venture.  See  his  letters  to  Mr.  Wolcott 
in  Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  pp.  265,  266.  / 

3  Page  23. 


32  OFFICIAL. 

of  the  peremptory  demand  we  agreed  on  before  I  left  Philadel- 
phia, and  General  Marshall's  observations  are  very  just,  yet  it 
may  be  wiser  to  leave  it  to  the  discretion  of  the  envoys,  under 
the  limitations  suggested,  and  I  shall  acquiesce  in  the  opinion 
of  the  heads  of  department.  I  am  glad  you  have  sent  a  copy 
to  the  chief  justice.  I  had  several  long  conversations  with  him 
last  winter,  on  the  whole  subject.  He  appears  to  me  to  agi'ee 
most  perfectly  in  sentiment  with  me  upon  every  point  of  our 
policy  towards  France  and  England,  and  this  policy  was  founded 
only  in  perfect  purity  of  moral  sentiment,  natural  equity,  and 
Christian  faith  towards  both  nations.  I  am,  therefore,  under  no 
hesitation  in  the  propriety  of  sending  the  draught  to  him,  nor 
in  consenting  that,  if  want  of  time  should  prevent  a  second 
transmission  of  the  instructions  to  me,  the  heads  of  department, 
in  concert  with  him,  may  maive  alterations  in  the  draught,  within 
the  limitations  you  propose.  Indeed,  Mr.  Ellsworth  is  so  great 
a  master  of  business,  and  his  colleagues  are  so  intelligent,  that 
I  should  not  be  afraid  to  allow  them  a  greater  latitude  of  dis- 
cretion,  if  it  were  not  unfair  to  lay  upon  them  alone  the  burden 
and  the  dangerous  responsibility  that  may  accompany  this  busi- 
ness. 

That  portentous  scenes  are  opened  in  France,  is  past  a  doubt. 
The  directors,  who  sent  us  the  assurances,  are,  for  what  we 
know,  all  removed.  The  new  ones  we  know  nothing  of.  Bar- 
ras,  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  very  friendly  to  us.  Sieyes, 
we  have  reason  to  fearj  is  unfriendly.  The  "  threats  by  the 
military,  of  a  king,"  which  Mr.  Murray  mentions,  are  to  me  no 
solid  indications  of  a  restoration.  That  every  comet,  which 
has  appeared,  will  return,  I  have  no  doubt;  but  the  period  of  its 
revolution  is  very  difficult  to  calculate.  The  system  of  terror 
will  revive,  if  the  terrorists  can  find  means  to  revive  it.  These 
means  imply  money  to  pay,  clothe,  feed,  and  arm  soldiers,  on 
one  hand,  and  timidity  and  dejection  enough  in  their  domestic 
enemies  to  submit  to  their  exactions  and  cruelties.  These  are 
all  problems  to  us,  to  all  Europe,  and,  probably,  to  the  French 
themselves. 

There  is  one  observation  which  appears  to  me  of  great  im- 
portance. The  reign  of  terror  has  ever  appeared  the  most  dis- 
posed to  accommodate  with  us.  This  is  humiliating  enough, 
but  it  is  not  our  fault.      It  is  not  very  clear  to  me  what  our 


OFFICIAL.  33 

inferences  ought  to  be  from  this  fact.  Neither  the  royalists,  nor 
the  aristocrats,  nor  the  priesthood,  have  ever  discovered  the  least 
complaisance  for  us.  It  is  an  awful  question  to  me  what  chance 
we  should  have,  if  our  ambassadors  should  have  to  treat  at  a 
Congress  for  a  general  pacification.  Should  we  not  have  more 
to  fear  from  the  secret  jealousy  of  every  power,  than  even  from 
that  of  France  and  Spain  ?  With  great  anxiety  upon  this  whole 
subject,  and  with  much  respect  for  you,  I  remain 

John  Adams. 

P.  S.     I  return  Mr.  Murray's  letter,  and  I  will  soon  write  more 
directly  concerning  the  draught. 


TO    T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  21  September,  1799. 

Sometime  between  the  10th  and  15th  of  October  I  shall  join 
you  at  Trenton,  and  will  suspend  till  that  time  the  ultimate 
determination  concerning  the  instructions.  I  pray  you  to  write 
to  the  Attorney- General  to  meet  us.  We  must  be  all  together, 
to  determine  all  the  principles  of  our  negotiations  with  France 
and  England. 

I  have  been  obliged  to  sail  for  Europe  in  the  middle  of  winter 
once,  and  on  the  17th  of  November  at  another  time.  Any  day 
between  the  20th  and  30th  of  October  is  as  good  a  time  to 
embark  for  Europe,  as  any  part  of  the  year.  If  our  envoys 
are  delayed  so  long  at  least,  it  will  be  no  misfortune. 


TO  B.  STODDERT,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Quincy,  21  September,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  have  read  over  and  over  again  your  letter  of  the  13th. 
I  regret  extremely  another  blunder  of  the  post-office,  by  which 
it  has  been  sent  to  the  southward  and  returned  to  me  only  last 
night.  You  needed  not  to  have  apologized  for  its  length  ;  there 
is  not  a  word  in  it  to  spare.  You  may  not  write  me  any  more 
letters,  which  are  to  reach  Quincy  or  Boston,  after  the  29th  of 
September.     I  will  be  at  Trenton  by  the  10th,  12th,  or  at  latest 


34  OFFICIAL. 

the  15th  of  October,  if  no  fatal  accident  prevents.  Mrs.  Adams^ 
although  she  is  determined  to  risk  her  life  by  one  more  journey 
to  Philadelphia,  will  not  come  with  me.  She  will  come  after 
me,  so  that  I  shall  want  no  extraordinary  accommodations.  I 
can  and  will  put  up,  with  my  private  secretary  and  two  domes- 
tics only,  at  the  first  tavern  or  first  private  house  I  can  find:  I 
shall  desire  the  attendance  of  the  Attorney- General  and  the 
American  commissioners  as  soon  as  possible,  at  Trenton,  after 
the  12th  or  15th  of  October. 

I  have  only  one  favor  to  beg,  and  that  is  that  a  certain  elec- 
tion may  be  wholly  laid  out  of  this  question  and  all  others.  I 
know  the  people  of  America  so  well,  and  the  light  in  which  I 
stand  in  their  eyes,  that  no  alternative  will  ever  be  left  to  me, 
but  to  be  a  President  of  three  votes  or  no  President  at  all,  and 
the  difference,  in  my  estimation,  is  not  worth  three  farthings.^ 
With  a  strong  attachment  to  you,  I  am,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    HEADS    OF    DEPARTMENT. 

Quincy,  21  September,  1799. 

I  pray  you  to  write  me  no  letters  to  reach  Quincy  or  Boston 
after  the  29th.  On  next  Monday,  sen'night,  I  shall  set  out  for 
Trenton,  and  reach  it  at  latest  by  the  15th  of  October.  I  also 
request  that  you  would  write  to  the  Attorney-General  and 
the  American  commissioners  to  meet  us  all  at  Trenton  at  as 
early  a  day,  after  the  15th,  as  you  shall  judge  proper.  I  also 
desire  that  all  this  may  be  kept  as  secret  as  possible,  that  my 
journey  may  meet  as  little  interruption  as  possible.  I  shall 
come  alone.  Mrs.  Adams  will  follow  me  soon  enough  to  go 
with  me  to  Philadelphia. 

TO    CHIEF    JUSTICE    ELLSWORTH. 

Quincy,  22  September,  1799. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  received  last  night  your  favor  of  the  18th. 
Judge  Gushing  called  here  yesterday  in  his  way  to  Vermont. 

1  Mr.  Wolcott,  on  the  other  hand,  seeking  for  bad  motives,  finds  them  in  the 
"  belief  that  the  President  supposes  he  is  conciliating  the  opposition."  Gibbs's 
Memoirs,  &c.  vol.  ii.  p.  279. 


OFFICIAL.  35 

This,  however,  may  not  perhaps  make  any  alteration  in  your 
views.  The  convulsions  in  France,  the  change  of  the  Directory, 
and  the  prognostics  of  greater  change,  will  certainly  induce  me 
to  postpone  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time  the  mission  to  Paris. 
I  wish  you  to  pursue  your  office  of  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
States  without  interruption,  till  you  are  requested  to  embark. 
You  will  receive  from  the  Secretary  of  State  letters  which  will 
occupy  your  leisure  hours.  I  should  be  happy  to  have  your 
own  opinion  upon  all  points.  We  may  have  further  information 
from  Europe.  If  your  departure  for  Europe  should  be  postponed 
to  the  20th  of  October,  or  even  to  the  1st  of  November,  as  safe 
and  as  short  a  passage  may  be  expected  as  at  any  other  season 
of  the  year.     This  is  all  I  can  say  at  present.^ 

With  great  and  sincere  esteem,  &c. 

John  Adams. 

to  t.  pickering,  secretary  of  state. 

Quincy,  23  September,  1799. 

I  return  you  ]VIr.  Murray's  letters  of  May  28th,  June  13th  and 
22d,  and  July  13th  and  15th,  and  the  parts  of  newspapers  inclosed 
with  them.  The  private  letter  you  sent  me  from  Mr.  Murray, 
some  time  ago,  contained  much  such  a  review  of  the  pamphlet 
of  Boulay  de  la  Meurthe.  I  have  been  anxious  to  see  it,  but  it 
is  not  yet  arrived.  A  parallel  between  the  English  republic  and 
the  French  njust  be  a  curious  thing.  I  have  long  thought  that 
the  present  generation  in  France,  England,  Ireland,  and  Ame- 
rica, had  never  read  Lord  Clarendon.  I  am  afraid  Mr.  Murray 
has  not.  If  he  had,  he  would  be  less  sanguine  about  so  early  a 
restoration  in  France.^ 

For  my  own  part,  I  have  more  anxiety  about  the  English  than 

1  Mr.  Ellsworth  communicated  the  substance  of  this  letter  to  Mr.  Wolcott, 
construing  it  as  a  suspension  of  his  destiny  to  France.  And  it  seems  to  have 
confirmed  the  cabinet  in  their  confidence  that  they  should  finally  defeat  the 
mission.  The  ministers  actually  sailed  on  the  3d  of  November.  Gibbs's  Federal 
Adininistrattotis,  vol.  ii.  p.  2G6. 

2  "Mr.  Murray  (in  letters,  mostly  private,  which  I  have  laid  before  the 
President)  viewing  the  State  of  France  within,  and  its  foreign  relations,  from  a 
near  station,  supposes  the  republic  will  not  survive  six  months;  the  President 
supposes  it  Avill  last  seven  years,  and  desires  his  opinion  may  be  remembered." 
T.  Pickering  to  G.  Washington,  in  Gibbs's  Memoirs,  vol.  ii.  p.  281. 

The  republic  lasted  about  five  years.  The  restoration  took  place  sixteen 
years  afterwards. 


36  OFFICIAL 

the  French.  Chance,  or,  if  you  will.  Providence,  has  added  to 
two  Scotchmen  a  Godwinian  descendant  of  a  French  refugee, 
and  justice,  I  fear,  will  not  be  heard. ^  I  own,  I  doubt  whether 
we  had  not  better  meet  the  result  in  all  its  deformities.  I  am  de- 
termined, so  far  as  depends  vipon  me,  to  execute  the  treaty  in 
its  full  extent.  If  it  costs  us  four  millions  sterling,  when  it 
ought  not  to  cost  us  one,  I  had  rather  pay  it  than  depart  from 
good  faith  or  lie  under  the  suspicion  of  it.  If  the  judgment  of 
Messrs.  McDonald,  Rich,  and  Guillemard,  finally  prevails, 
British  equity  will  never  be  forgotten  in  America.  The  court 
have  us  in  their  power.  If  we  believe  Britons  less  hungry  for 
plunder  than  Frenchmen,  we  shall  be  deceived. 

I  shall  be  with  you  between  the  10th  and  15th  of  October. 


T.    PICKERING    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Trenton,  24  September,  1799. 

Sir,  —  The  subject  of  the  proposed  mission  to  France  is  so 
important,  that,  whether  it  proceed  or  be  suspended,  your  deci- 
sion will  certainly  be  the  result  of  your  mature  consideration. 
But  as  the  idea  has  occurred  to  you  of  coming  to  Trenton,  and 
you  have  intimated  that  you  would  do  it,  if  judged  best,  I  have 
consulted  my  colleagues,  and  they  concur  with  me  in  opinion 
that  it  will  be  an  eligible  step.  Governor  Davie  will  probably 
be  here  the  first  week  in  October,  and  Judge  Ellsworth  will 
doubtless  be  ready  to  meet  him ;  or  if  you  should  conclude  to 
come  on,  the  judge  would  certainly  be  gratified  in  waiting  to 
accompany  you. 

Governor  Davie,  having  relinquished  his  government  and 
made  arrangements  for  the  voyage  to  Europe,  will  probably  be 
better  satisfied,  after  making  the  long  journey  from  North  Caro- 
lina, to  return  home  again,  if  the  further  suspension  of  the 
mission  take  place,  after  a  personal  interview  with  you  and  his 
colleague;  and  your  final  determination  relative  to  the  mission 
will  doubtless  give  more  general  satisfaction  to  the  community 
at  large,  when  accompanied  with  these  solemnities. 

If,  however,  the  news  expected  from  Europe  should  be  of  a 

*  This  refers  to  the  commission  under  the  sixth  article  of  Jay's  Treaty. 


OFFICIAL.  37 

nature,  not  only  to  strengthen  your  reasons  for  the  temporary 
suspension  which  you  have  already  deemed  expedient ;  but  if 
new  facts  should  be  decisive  of  the  course  proper  to  be  pursued, 
the  trouble  of  your  journey  may  be  saved. 

These  observations  are  most  respectfully  submitted  to  your 
consideration  ^  by 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

Timothy  Pickering. 


TO  B.  STODDERT  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Quincy,  26  September,  1799. 

I  return  you  Mr.  Read's  letter,  and  the  note  inclosed  in  your 
favor  of  the  19th.2 

From  a  long  intimacy  wdth  Mr.  Izard,  and  a  knowledge  of 
his  worth,  and  from  some  acquaintance  with  his  son,  I  assure 
you  that  nothing  of  the  kind  could  give  me  more  pleasure  than 
the  appointment  of  Ralph  Izard,  the  son  of  Ralph  Izard  of  South 
Carolina,  to  be  a  midshipman  in  the  navy.  I  wish  it  had  been 
my  fortune  to  have  had  a  son  or  grandson  of  a  suitable  age  to 
be  appointed  to  a  similar  office  in  the  same  day.  I  shall  take 
you  by  the  hand  not  long  after  the  10th  of  October,  I  hope. 

John  Adams. 


O.    ELLSWORTH    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Windsor,  5  October,  1799. 

Sir,  —  Since  you  passed  on,  I  have  concluded  to  meet  Gover- 
nor Davie  at  Trenton,  which  he  probably  will  expect,  and  which, 
besides  putting  it  in  our  power  to  pay  you  our  joint  respects, 
and  to  receive  as  fully  any  communication  of  your  views  as  you 
may  wish  to  make,  may  enable  me  to  accompany  him  east- 
ward, should  you  continue  inclined  to  such  suspension  of  our 
mission,  as,  under  present  aspect,  universal  opinion,  I  believe, 
and  certainly  my  own,  would  justify. 

It  is  a  matter  of  some  regret,  Sir,  that  I  did  not  consult  you 

'  It  would  appear  from  the  tone  of  this  letter  as  if  the  cabinet,  at  this  date,  had 
concerted  their  measures  to  secure  the  defeat  of  the  mission,  and  felt  confident 
of  success.  Hence  the  extent  of  their  surprise  and  mortification  when  the  com- 
bination proved  of  no  avail.  i 

2  These  papers  requested  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Izard. 

VOL.  IX.  4 


38  OFFICIAL. 

on  the  propriety  of  this  visit;  ^  but  if  I  err,  experience  has  taught 
me  that  you  can  excuse. 

I  have  the  honor,  &c. 

Oliver  Ellsavorth. 


C.    LEE,  ATTORNEY-GENERAL,    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Winchester,  6  October,  1799. 

Sir,  —  Hoping  it  will  not  be  deemed  improper  in  me  to  give 
my  opinion,  before  it  is  asked,  relative  to  the  suspension  of  the 
mission  to  France,  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  expressing  it.  I 
have  reflected  on  the  subject  a  good  deal,  and  I  cannot  perceive 
any  suflicient  reasons  for  the  suspension.'^  Such  a  measure 
would  exceedingly  disappoint  the  general  expectation  of  Ame- 
rica, and,  exciting  the  jealousy  and  suspicion  of  many  concerning 
your  sincerity  in  making  the  nomination,  would  afford  your 
enemies  an  opportunity  of  indulging  their  evil  dispositions.  If 
the  envoys  proceed,  as  I  think  they  ought,  it  does  not  appear 
to  me  that  any  inconvenience  will  be  felt  by  the  United  States, 
even  if  they  should  find  a  monarch  on  the  throne  of  France, 
which  I  by  no  means  expect  will  very  soon  happen.^ 
I  am,  Sir,  with  perfect  respect,  &c. 

Charles  Lee. 

'  The  singular  language  used  in  this  letter,  indicating  in  the  first  paragraph  a 
change,  and  in  the  second,  a  mere  concealment  of  purpose,  taken  in  connection 
with  Mr.  Pickering's  letter  of  the  24th,  suggesting  the  presence  of  ]\Ir.  Ellsworth, 
might  well  justify  a  suspicion  of  concert  between  them,  without  meriting  any 
reproach  on  Mr.  Adams  as  being  unreasonable. 

On  tliis  same  day,  Mr.  Ellsworth  reported  the  substance  of  his  conference 
with  Mr.  Adams,  "  to  a  friend."  Such  is  the  guarded  language  of  Mr.  Gibbs. 
That  friend  was  pi-obably  Mr.  Pickering.  Gibbs's  Fed.  Adm.,  vol.  ii.  p.  267, 
note.     p.  280. 

2  Mr.  Jay's  opinion  is  quite  as  clear.  See  liis  letter  to  Theophilus  Parsons. 
Jay's  Life  of  John  Jai/,  vol.  ii.  p.  296. 

3  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Hamilton  had  worked  himself  up  to  the  apprehen- 
sion that  the  execution  of  this  measure  would  "  involve  the  United  States  in  a 
Avar  on  the  side  of  France  with  her  enemies."  Mr.  Pickering  does  not  seem 
to  have  apprehended  so  much  that  no  treaty  could  be  made,  as  that  it  would  be 
made  too  easily,  and  would  go  too  far  against  Great  Britain.  Mr.  Wolcott  con- 
curred with  Mr.  Hamilton.  Mr.  McHenry,  on  the  contraiy,  although  agreeing 
in  their  views,  seems  to  have  foreseen  the  possibility  of  what  really  happened. 
See  his  letter  to  Wasliiagton.  Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  414.  Gibbs's  Fede- 
ral Administrations,  vol.  ii.  pp.  280,  281,  282. 


OFFICIAL.  39 


TO    T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Trenton,  16  October,  1799. 

Sir,  —  I  request  you  to  order  fair  copies  of  the  instructions, 
as  corrected  last  evening,  to  be  prepared  and  delivered  to  Judge 
Ellsworth  and  Governor  Davie,  with  another  for  ]Mr.  Murray, 
without  loss  of  time,  and  to  write  a  letter  to  those  gentlemen, 
as  envoys  extraordinary  to  the  French  republic,  expressing,  with 
the  affectionate  respects  of  the  President,  his  desire  that  they 
would  take  their  passage  for  France  on  board  the  frigate  the 
United  States,  Captain  Barry,  now  lying  at  Rhode  Island,  by 
the  1st  of  November,  or  sooner,  if  consistent  with  their  conve- 
niences. Captain  Barry  will  have  orders  to  land  them  in  any 
port  of  France  which  they  may  prefer,  and  to  touch  at  any  other 
ports  which  they  may  desire.  The  President's  best  wishes  for 
their  health  and  happiness,  as  well  as  for  an  honorable  termina- 
tion of  their  mission,  will  attend  them.  As  their  visit  to  France 
is  at  one  of  the  most  critical,  important,  and  interesting  moments 
that  ever  have  occurred,  it  cannot  fail  to  be  highly  entertaining 
and  instructive  to  them,  and  useful  to  their  country,  whether  it 
terminates  in  peace  and  reconciliation,  or  not.  The  President 
sincerely  prays  God  to  have  them  in  his  holy  keeping.^ 

I  am.  Sir,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO  B.  STODDERT,  secretary  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Trenton,  16  October,  1799. 

I  request  you  to  transmit  immediate  orders  to  Captain  Barry 
to  receive  on  board  his  frigate  and  convey  to  France,  and  such 
port  of  France  as  they  shall  desire,  our  envoys  to  the  French 
republic,  with  directions  to  touch  at  any  other  ports  which  they 
may  point  out,  and  to  sail  by  the  1st  of  November,  or  sooner, 

1  Thus  terminated  the  long  continued  struggle  of  the  three  cabinet  ministers 
to  overrule  the  President ;  and  from  this  date  commences  their  secret  cabal, 
darkly  alluded  to  in  Mr.  Stoddert's  letter  of  the  13th  September,  in  conjunction 
with  Mr.  Hamilton,  to  set  him  aside  at  the  next  election.  The  first  movement 
which  was  to  call  out  General  AVashington,  had  been  under  consideration  by 
them  for  some  time,  awaiting  this  decision.  Mr.  McHenry  says  that  Mr.  Stod- 
dert  and  Mr.  Lee  were  now  prepared  to  "advise  the  dismission,  at  least  of  one." 
Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  243,  p.  245,  p.  282. 


40  OFFICIAL. 

if  consistent  with  their  convenience.  1  need  say  nothing  of 
the  respect  to  be  paid,  or  the  honors  to  be  done,  to  these  great 
characters.     Captain  Barry  is  to  await  their  return  to  the  United 

States. 

John  Adams. 


TO  T.  PICKERING,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

(Private.) 

Trenton,  18  October,  1799. 

As  the  session  of  Congress  draws  nigh,  I  pray  you  to  favor 
me  with  your  sentiments  concerning  the  communications  neces- 
sary to  be  made  to  Congress  of  the  state  of  the  nation,  and 
particularly  a  concise  narration  of  the  proceedings  with  St. 
Domingo  and  the  Isle  of  France.  It  may  be  doubtful,  however, 
whether  any  thing  need  be  said  on  the  last.  A  very  succinct 
account  of  the  invitation  of  the  French  Directory  to  our  envoys, 
of  the  subsequent  change,  and  the  short  pause  made  on  this 
side  the  water  in  consequence  of  it,  may  be  proper ;  and  very 
explicit  declarations  that  no  relaxation  will  take  place  in  any 
executive  part  of  government  in  consequence  of  the  mission,  till 
we  know  its  result,  either  in  preparations  for  defence  by  sea 
and  land,  or  in  the  employment  of  the  means  aheady  provided 
by  the  legislature.  In  short,  whatever  is  thought  proper  to  be 
mentioned  to  Congress  from  the  full  consideration  of  the  state 
of  the  nation,  in  all  its  relations,  will  be  received  from  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  with  great  pleasure  by  his  faithful,  humble  servant. 

John   Adams. 

N.  B.  Perhaps  I  ought  to  have  mentioned  particularly  the 
unfortunate  interpretation  of  the  boards  of  commissioners,  the 
observations  to  be  made  on  them,  and  the  sentiments  proper  to 
be  expressed  in  consequence  of  them,  and  the  miserable  rebellion 
in  Pennsylvania,  which  must  be  stated,  I  suppose,  with  the 
means  of  its  suppression.^ 

1  Similar  requests  were  addressed  on  the  same  day  to  the  other  cabinet  officers. 
That  to  ISIr.  Wolcott  is  printed  in  Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  298. 


OFFICIAL.  41 


TO    T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Philadelphia,  12  November,  1799. 

I  think  it  will  be  expedient  to  lay  before  Congress,  on  the 
second  day  of  the  session,  all  the  papers  which  relate  to  the 
embassy  to  France,  that  they  may  be  printed  together,  and  the 
public  enabled  to  judge  from  correct  and  authentic  documents. 
To  this  end  I  request  you  to  order  copies  to  be  made  of  your 
letter  to  Mr.  Murray  and  his  answer,  of  his  letter  to  Talleyrand, 
and  his  answer,  which  should  be  copied  in  French,  and  accom- 
panied with  a  translation  into  English. 

The  proclamations,  that  respecting  the  insurrection  in  Penn- 
sylvania, and  that  respecting  St.  Domingo,  should  also  be  laid 
before  Congress,  together  with  copies  of  any  other  papers  rela- 
tive to  both  transactions,  which  you  may  judge  necessary  or 
proper,  and  I  pray  you  to  have  them  prepared  accordingly. 

The  organization  of  the  government  of  the  Mississippi  terri- 
tory, and  the  demarcation  of  the  line,  should  perhaps  be  men- 
tioned to  Congress,  and  I  pray  you  to  furnish  me  a  sketch  of 
the  facts  as  they  appear  from  the  intelligence  in  your  office. 


TO    O.    WOLCOTT,    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY. 

Philadelphia,  15  November,  1799. 

Sir,  —  By  some  accident  or  other,  the  original  papers  con- 
cerning the  conspiracy  against  the  laws  and  the  beginning  of 
the  late  insurrection  in  Pennsylvania,  were  never  laid  before  me. 
I  believe  they  were  transmitted  to  you  by  the  judge  and  the 
marshal.  How  far  it  will  be  necessary  to  communicate  the 
facts  in  detail  to  Congress,  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  consider ; 
and  I  should  be  obliged  to  you  for  your  sentiments  concerning 
all  things  to  be  inserted  in  the  speech,  as  soon  as  may  be  con- 
venient, because  the  time  draws  so  near  that  something  must 
be  soon  brought  to  a  conclusion.  I  wish  for  your  opinions  on 
all  points,!  but  particularly  on  the  rebellion,  and  the  St.  Domingo 
business. 

1  Mr.  Wolcott's  answer,  dated  18th  November,  1799,  is  printed  in  Gibbs's 
work,  vol.  ii.  pp.  299  -  306. 

4* 


42  OFFICIAL. 


TO    A.    J.    DALLAS. 

Philaclelphia,  2  December,  1799. 

I  return  you  my  hearty  thanks  for  the  obliging  present  of  your 
reports,  in  three  very  handsome  volumes,  which  I  received  on 
Saturday.  I  prize  them  highly,  not  only  in  the  light  in  which 
you  present  them,  but  on  account  of  their  intrinsic  merit  and 
worth  to  a  profession,  which  after  a  divorce  of  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century  I  still  hold  in  affection  and  veneration. 

Candor  obliges  me  to  say  that  I  have  made  a  singular  obser- 
vation relative  to  this  work.  Although,  in  the  times  which  have 
passed  since  its  first  publication,  the  spirit  of  party  has  been 
disposed  to  call  in  question  the  integrity  of  every  man  and 
every  action,  I  have  never  heard  an  insinuation  against  the 
fidelity  of  these  reports.  As  the  year  books,  and  the  reporters 
who  have  followed,  have  fixed  the  laws  of  England  upon  such 
permanent  principles  of  equity  and  humanity,  I  hope  these 
volumes  will  be  the  beginning  of  a  series  which  will  prove  stiU 
more  beneficial  to  mankind.^ 

John  Adams. 

to  t.  pickering,  secretary  of  state. 

Phlladelpliia,  7  December,  1799. 
The  Attorney- General  has  left  with  me,  and  I  now  send  to 
you,  a  project  of  an  explanatory  article  or  treaty,  and  a  project 
of  a  letter  to  Mr.  King,  desiring  an  ultimatum.  There  is  no 
business  before  the  government,  at  this  time,  of  more  importance 
than  this,  and  I  pray  you  to  turn  your  attention  to  it,  and  pre- 
pare a  draught  of  a  letter  to  Mr.  King,  to  be  considered,  if  pos- 
sible, on  Monday  evening  at  six  o'clock,  at  my  chamber,  when 
I  ask  the  favor  of  your  company,  with  all  the  heads  of  depart- 
ment.2 

1  Mr.  Dallas  had  addressed  the  following  note  to  Mr.  Adams : 

Philadelphia,  30  November,  1799. 

Sir,  —  Permit  me  to  request,  that  you  will  honor  a  set  of  my  reports  with  a 
place  in  your  library.  If  your  political  cares  have  not  extinguished  the  profes- 
sional ardor  which  you  displayed  In  the  early  period  of  your  life,  the  volumes 
will  afford  you  some  amusement. 

But  I  particularly  beg  you  to  accept  them  as  a  mark  of  the  sincere  respect 
with  which  I  am,  Sir,  &c.  A.  J.  Dallas. 

2  Mr.  Wolcott's  memorandum  of  the  advice  given  by  him  at  the  cabinet  meet- 


OFFICIAL.  43 


Notes 


Of  the  President  on  some  observations  made  to  him  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  upon  the  measures  proper  to 
be  taken  for  obtaining  an  explanation  of  the  6th  article  of  the 
treaty  with  Britain.^ 

Page  2,  line  18th.  A  special  commission  is  proposed.  The 
President  understood  it  to  be  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the 
heads  of  department,  that  no  special  commission  would  be 
necessary.  A  nomination  to  the  Senate  will  be  necessary  to  a 
special  commission.  The  full  powers  possessed  by  Mr.  King 
are  supposed  to  be  sufficient. 

Page  3.  The  concession  proposed  in  this  page,  the  President 
fears,  and  indeed  believes,  is  too  well  founded.  But  the  facts 
should  be  well  considered,  and  be  capable  of  being  made  certain, 
before  such  an  admission  is  made  by  the  President's  orders. 

Page  13.  Although  neither  nation  has  been  brovight  to  admit 
that  they  were  chargeable  with  the  first  infraction,  yet  no  Ame- 
rican can  forget  the  carrying  off  the  negroes. 

Page  17.  It  may  not  be  very  material,  but  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  independence,  at  the  treaty  of  peace,  may  fairly  imply 
more  than  is  contended  for  in  the  second  paragraph  of  this  page, 
against  the  authority,  validity,  and  effect  of  the  acts  and  decla- 
rations of  the  British  during  the  war. 

Page  19.  I  cannot  see  any  distinction  in  favor  of  officers, 
civil,  or  military,  or  naval.  They  are  no  more  bound  by  obliga- 
tions of  allegiance  than  any  other  subjects.  I  cannot  agree  to 
the  sentiment  at  the  bottom  of  this  page. 

Page  20.  I  cannot  agree  that  the  obligations  of  allegiance 
and  patriotism  are  or  can  be  ever  inconsistent  or  irreconcilable. 
Nor  can  I  admit  a  supposition  which  seems  to  be  here  implied, 

ings  on  this  subject,  held  on  the  13th  and  14th  November,  is  given  by  Mr. 
Gibbs.  Vol.  ii.  p.  306.  He  recommended  that  such  a  letter  and  project  as  the 
one  here  mentioned  should  be  prepared.  Mr.  Stoddert  had  suggested  that  the 
Attorney-General  should  be  the  person  to  perform  this  duty.  See  page  27. 
And  this  suggestion  seems  to  have  been  adopted. 

1  In  ]Mr.  Wolcott's  memorandum,  referred  to  in  the  last  note,  it  is  stated  that 
a  report  on  the  subject  of  the  suspension  of  the  boards  of  commissioners  under 
the  British  treaty,  was  made  to  the  President,  December  11th,  1799.  This 
report  is  not  found  among  Mr.  Adams's  papers;  and  it  is  not  printed  in  Mr. 
Gibbs's  work,  because  "  possessed  of  no  present  interest."  These  notes  upon 
that  report  are  without  date,  but  they  were  probably  drawn  up  on  the  1 2th. 


44  OFFICIAL. 


namely,  that  the  revolution  or  American  war,  as  it  was  called, 
had  for  its  object  the  division  of  an  empire.  This  will  require 
so  long  an  investigation,  and  so  many  distinctions  and  restric- 
tions, that  the  whole  of  this  must  be  expunged. 

Page  21.  We  can  never  consistently  admit  that  the  acts  and 
declarations  of  Britain  were  of  any  legal  value  at  all,  not  even 
within  the  sphere  of  their  influence. 

Page  21,  section  5th.  The  President  has  no  control  over  the 
opinions  of  judges.  They  are  as  independent  as  he  is.  Their 
judgments  in  courts  must  be  executed.  The  President,  how- 
ever, is  very  much  dissatisfied  with  this  passage,  and  fears  that 
wrong  will  be  done  in  consequence  of  it.  But  he  sees  no  pos- 
sibility of  avoiding  it. 

Page  23.  It  is  too  liberal  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
to  admit  that  acts  of  confiscation,  passed  during  the  war,  shall 
be  considered  as  having  been  annulled,  in  respect  to  debts,  by 
the  treaty  of  peace.  The  President  is,  however,  embarrassed 
by  the  opinion  of  the  judges,  and  will  not  differ  from  the  heads 
of  department  upon  this  point,  but  would  rather,  if  it  is  possible, 
that  the  point  should  be  left  to  the  board  to  be  appointed,  than 
that  a  formal  acknowledgment  should  be  made  by  government. 

Page  32.  The  President  doubts  the  expediency  of  the  decla- 
ration at  the  close  of  the  page.  It  is,  or  may  be  thought  an 
ostentation  of  candor  without  end,  effect,  or  utility.  Perhaps  a 
total  silence  on  this  head  is  sufficient  after  what  has  been  said 
in  the  speech  to  Congress  upon  this  subject. 


TO    TOBIAS    LEAR. 


Philadelphia,  24  December,  1799. 
Sir, —  I  received  in  due  season  your  letter  of  the  15th  of  this 
month,  and  immediately  communicated  it  to  both  houses  of 
Congress  in  a  message.  The  melancholy  event  announced  in 
it  had  been  before  communicated  to  the  legislature,  but  upon 
less  authentic  and  regular  evidence.  The  American  people  are 
sincere  mourners  under  the  loss  of  their  friend  and  benefactor. 
For  General  Washington,  it  is  a  consummation  devoutly  to  be 
wished. 


OFFICIAL.  45 

I  pray  you,  Sir,  to  present  my  regards  to  Madam  Washington 
and  all  the  amiable  and  worthy  family,  and  assure  them  of  my 
sincere  sympathy  with  them  under  this  great  affliction. 

I  feel  also  for  yourself,  as  you  have  lost  in  General  Washing- 
ton a  friend  not  to  be  replaced.^ 

With  much  esteem,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    MRS,    WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  27  December,  1799. 

Madam,  —  In  conformity  with  the  desire  of  Congress,  I  do 
myself  the  honor  to  inclose  by  Mr.  William  Smith  Shaw,  my 
secretary,  a  copy  of  their  resolutions  passed  the  24th  instant, 
occasioned  by  the  decease  of  your  late  consort.  General  George 
Washington,  assuring  you  of  the  profound  respect  Congress 
wdll  ever  bear  to  your  person  and  character,  and  of  their  con- 
dolence on  this  afflicting  dispensation  of  Providence.  In  pur- 
suance of  the  same  desire,  I  entreat  your  assent  to  the  interment 
of  the  remains  of  the  General  under  the  marble  monument  to 
be  erected  in  the  capital,  at  the  city  of  Washington,  to  com- 
memorate the  great  events  of  his  military  and  political  life. 

Renewing  to  you.  Madam,  my  expressions  of  condolence  on 
this  melancholy  occasion,  and  assuring  you  of  the  profound 
respect  which  I  personally  entertain  for  your  person  and  cha- 
racter, 

I  remain,  with  great  esteem.  Madam,  &c. 

John  Adams. 

^  The  death  of  General  Washington  at  this  moment  cut  off  the  plan  which 
had  been  maturing  to  draw  him  back  into  the  field  of  politics  as  President  again. 
The  letter  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  written  by  concert  with  Mr.  Hamilton's 
friends  in  New  England,  to  sound  his  feelings  on  this  subject,  was  probably 
lying  unopened  on  his  table.  That  event  also  cut  the  last  thread  connecting 
Mr.  Hamilton  with  Mr.  Adams.  In  his  letter  to  Mr.  Lear,  Mr.  Hamilton  speaks 
of  Washington  as  having  been  "  an  jEgis  very  essential  to  him."  And  three 
days  later  he  writes  to  Rufus  King,  "  the  irreparable  loss  of  an  inestimable  man 
removes  a  control  which  was  felt,  and  was  very  salutary."  This  control  was 
tacitly  not  less  operative  over  himself,  than  over  the  individual  upon  whom  he 
sought  to  bring  it  to  bear.  The  rest  of  this  last  letter,  and  especially  the  post- 
script, reveals  the  writer's  views  of  public  policy,  as  mocUfied  by  this  important 
event.  Sparks's  Life  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  vol.  iii.  p.  123.  Hamilton's  Works, 
vol.  vi.  pp.  415-417. 


46  .  OFFICIAL. 


TO    THE    PRESIDENT. 


Philadelphia,  13  January,  1800. 
We  have  by  the  President's  direction  considered  Mr.   Ran- 
dolph's letter,!  and  we  are  of  opinion  that  the  public  interest 
requires   that  the  contemptuous  language  therein  adopted  re- 
quires a  public  censure. 

If  such  addresses  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  remain  unnoticed, 
we  are  apprehensive  that  a  precedent  will  be  established,  which 
must  necessarily  destroy  the  ancient,  respectable,  and  urbane 
usages  of  this  country. 

Timothy  Pickering. 
Oliver  Wolcott. 
James  McHenry. 
Ben.  Stoddert. 


TO    henry    KNOX. 

Philadelphia,  10  March,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  received  the  favor  of  your  letter  of  the 
27th  of  last  month,  and  feel  myself  much  interested  in  the  sub- 
ject of  it.  Mr.  Stoddert  had  before  shown  me  your  letter  to 
him,  and  to  your  son,  and  I  had  consented  to  the  idea  suggested 
in  them.  The  navy,  however,  is  a  scene  of  momentous  respon- 
sibility to  me ;  and  if  a  ship  should  be  lost  by  any  man  for 
whom  I  shall  have  made  myself  thus  exclusively  answerable, 
you  know  what  candid  constructions  will  be  put  upon  your  old 
friend  and  humble  servant, 

John  Adams. 


TO    benjamin    LINCOLN. 

Philadelphia,  10  March,  1800. 

My  dear  Friend, —  I  have  this  morning  received  your  favor 
of  the  3d,  and  rejoice  in  the  recovery  of  your  usual  health,  and 
pray  that  it  may  continue  many  years. 

^  Mr.  John  Randolph's  letter  to  the  President,  attemptinj;  to  make  him  re- 
sponsible for  certain  alleged  insults  received  by  him  at  the  Theatre  from  officers 
of  the  marine  corps,  was  the  first  act  which  gave  him  any  notoriety  in  the  coun- 
try. The  Attorney-General,  who  did  not  sign  the  above  opinion,  seems  to  have 
furnished  the  draught  of  the  message  finally  sent  to  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, simply  referring  the  letter,  as  a  question  of  privilege,  to  that  body. 


OFFICIAL.  47 

When  I  came  into  office,  it  was  my  determination  to  make 
as  few  removals  as  possible  —  not  one  from  personal  motives, 
not  one  from  party  considerations.  This  resolution  I  have 
invariably  observed.  Conviction  of  infidelity  to  a  trust  cannot 
be  resisted,  and  gross  misconduct  in  office  ought  not  to  be  over- 
looked. The  representations  to  me  of  the  daily  language  of 
several  officers  at  Portsmouth,  were  so  evincive  of  aversion,  if 
not  hostility,  to  the  national  Constitution  and  government,  that 
I  could  not  avoid  making  some  changes.  IVIr.  Whipple  is  repre- 
sented as  very  artful  in  imputing  individual  misfortunes  to 
measures  of  administration,  and  his  whole  influence  to  have 
been  employed  against  the  government,  and  Mr.  Whipple  must 
take  a  more  decided  part  before  he  can  get  over  the  prejudices 
against  him.  I  never  regarded  his  conduct  about  the  address  ; 
but  his  apology  for  it  is  a  most  miserable  excuse.  If  the  officers 
of  government  \vill  not  support  it,  who  will  ?  I  have  no  ill  will 
to  Mr.  Whipple,  and  no  prejudice  against  him,  but  I  still  think 
his  removal  was  right. 

With  great  sincerity,  &c. 

John  Adams. 

to  b.  stoddert,  secretary  of  the  navy. 

Philadelphia,  31  March,  1800. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  requests  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  to  employ  some  of  his  clerks  in  preparing  a  catalogue 
of  books  for  the  use  of  his  office.  It  ought  to  consist  of  all  the 
best  writings  in  Dutch,  Spanish,  French,  and  especially  in 
English,  upon  the  theory  and  practice  of  naval  architecture, 
navigation,  gunnery,  hydraulics,  hydrostatics,  and  all  branches 
of  mathematics  subservient  to  the  profession  of  the  sea.  The 
lives  of  all  the  admirals,  English,  French,  Dutch,  or  any  other 
nation,  who  have  distinguished  themselves  by  the  boldness  and 
success  of  their  navigation,  or  their  gallantry  and  skill  in  naval 
combats.  If  there  are  no  funds  which  can  be  legally  applied 
by  the  Secretary  to  the  purchase  of  such  a  library,  application 
ought  to  be  made  to  Congress  for  assistance. 

31  March,  1800. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  requests  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  to  take  immediate  measures  for  carrying  into  execu- 


48  OFFICIAL. 

tion  the  resolution  of  Congress  of  the  29th,  for  presenting  to 
Captain  Thomas  Truxtun  a  gold  medal,  emblematical  of  the 
late  action  between  the  United  States  frigate  Constellation,  of 
thirty-eight  guns,  and  the  French  ship  of  war  La  Vengeance, 
of  fifty-four,  in  testimony  of  the  high  sense  entertained  by  Con- 
gress of  his  gallantry  and  good  conduct  in  the  above  engage- 
ment, wherein  an  example  was  exhibited  by  the  captain,  officers, 
sailors,  and  mariners,  honorable  to  the  American  name,  and 
instructive  to  its  rising  navy. 

John  Adams. 


TO    J.    MCHENRY,    SECRETARY    OF    WAR. 

Philadelphia,  31  March,  1800. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  requests  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  send  him,  without  delay,  a  list  of  the  officers  of  the  army, 
who  were  appointed  during  the  last  recess  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  that  the  President  may  be  enabled  to  make  their 
nominations,  as  the  Constitution  requires. 

31  March,  1800. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  requests  of  the  Secretary 
of  War  immediate  information,  whether  the  commissions  have 
been  sent  to  all  the  officers  of  the  army  or  not,  and  if  not,  how 
many  remain  to  be  sent. 

THOMAS    JOHNSON    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Georgetown,  8  April,  1800. 

I  shall  make  no  excuse,  my  dear  Sir,  for  writing  to  you  with 
frankness.  You  may  judge,  from  the  resolution  I  have  taken 
up  of  entering  again  the  field  of  political  contention,  if  I  have 
credit  enough  to  be  carried  there,  that  I  am  strongly  impressed 
with  the  idea  that  we  are  at  an  awful  crisis. 

If  our  bark  was  gliding  under  a  pleasant  breeze,  and  the  crew 
ready  and  disposed  to  join  their  efforts  for  a  happy  navigation, 
your  age  and  services  would  entitle  you  to  quit  the  tiller  and 
take  repose,  which  I  dare  say  you  would  willingly  do.  But 
former  services,  in  my  opinion,  lay  you  under  new  obligations, 
which  cannot  consistently  be  dispensed  with,  nor  honorable 
means  neglected  which  may  continue  you  in  a  situation  to  be 


OFFICIAL.  49 

eminently  useful.     There  is  a  great  deal  yet  to  be  done  to  pre- 
vent our  becoming  a  mere  satellite  of  a  mighty  power. 

Persuaded  that  your  being  in  the  city  this  summer,  and  as 
much  as  you  well  can,  will  strengthen  and  probably  extend  the 
favorable  sentiment  entertained  of  you,  I  entreat  you  at  least 
to  visit  us.  I  feel  something  of  selfishness  in  this  request.  A 
personal  interview  with  you  would  be  highly  gratifying  to  me. 
The  men  of  '74  are  grown  scarce.  How  much,  then,  ought  such 
a  rarity  to  be  valued,  when  recommended  by  intrinsic  worth ! 

I  am,  &c. 

Thomas  Johnson. 


TO    THOMAS    JOHNSON. 


Philadelphia,  11  April,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  received  this  morning  your  favor  of  the  8th 
from  Georgetown,  with  all  the  pleasure  that  we  usually  receive 
from  seeing  the  face  of  an  old  friend,  long  esteemed,  respected, 
and  beloved.  I  envy  you,  however,  that  vivacity  of  youth  with 
which  you  \vrite,  and  even  that  firm  and  steady  hand,  which 
appears  in  every  character. 

For  my  own  part,  I.  see  no  immediate  prospect  of  an  awful 
crisis  more  terrifying  than  I  have  constantly  beheld  for  forty 
years.  From  the  year  1760  to  this  moment  has  appeared  one 
uniform  state  of  doubt,  uncertainty,  and  danger,  to  me. 

Repose  is  desirable  enough  for  me,  but  I  have  been  so  long  a 
stranger  to  it,  that  I  know  not  whether  I  should  not  find  it  a 
mortal  enemy. 

I  know  of  nothing  that  would  give  me  more  pleasure  than  to 
meet  you ;  but  whether  it  will  be  possible  for  me  to  be  in  the 
city  before  November,  I  know  not.  If  any  services  I  can  render 
will  be  useful,  I  neither  want  a  disposition  to  render,  nor,  I  hope, 
resolution  to  suffer  under  them.  I  am  weary,  and  so  are  all 
men  at  my  age,  whether  in  public  or  private  life.  I  agree  per- 
fectly with  you,  that  a  great  deal  is  yet  to  be  done  to  prevent 
our  becoming  a  mere  satellite  to  a  mighty  power.  But  I  will 
candidly  confess  to  yovi,  I  sometimes  doubt  which  is  that 
mighty  power.  I  think  there  is  danger  from  two.  Nothing 
could  give  me  more  joy  than  your  resolution  to  come  again 
upon  the  stage,  because  I  know  your  noble  nature  so  well  that 

VOL.  IX.  5  D 


50  OFFICIAL. 

it  is  impossible  you  should  be  the  dupe  of  either.  It  will  always 
give  me  pleasure  to  hear  of  your  welfare,  as  I  am,  with  great 
and  sincere  esteem,  ancient  and  modern,  your  friend,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE,  AND  HEADS  OF  DEPARTMENT. 

Philadelphia,  23  April,  1800. 

Gentlemen,  —  The  President  of  the  United  States  proposes 
to  the  heads  of  department  a  subject,  which,  although  at  first 
view  it  may  appear  of  inconsiderable  moment,  will  upon  more 
mature  reflection  be  found  to  be  of  some  difficulty,  but  of  great 
importance  to  the  honor,  dignity,  and  consistency  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

In  every  government  of  Europe,  I  believe,  there  is  a  gazette 
in  the  service  of  the  government,  and  a  printer  appointed, 
acknowledged,  and  avowed  by  it  —  in  every  regular  government, 
at  least.  The  Gazette  of  France,  before  the  revolution,  answered 
the  same  purpose  with  the  London  Gazette  in  England.  Mr. 
Strahan  is  appointed  the  King's  printer  by  patent,  and  is  the 
editor  of  the  London  Gazette.  This  Gazette  is  said  by  lawyers 
and  judges  to  be  primd  facie  evidence  in  courts  of  justice,  of 
matters  of  State  and  of  public  acts  of  the  government.  As  it 
is  published  by  the  authority  of  the  crown,  it  is  the  usual  way 
of  notifying  such  acts  to  the  public,  and  therefore  is  entitled  to 
credit  in  respect  to  such  matters.  It  is  a  high  misdemeanor  to 
publish  any  thing  as  from  royal  authority  which  is  not  so.  The 
Gazette  is  evidence  of  the  King's  proclamations;  even  the  articles 
of  war,  printed  by  the  King's  printer,  are  good  evidence  of  those 
articles.  Addresses  of  the  subjects,  in  bodies  or  otherwise,  to 
the  King,  and  his  answers,  are  considered  as  matters  of  State 
when  published  in  the  Gazette,  and  are  proved  by  it,  primd  facie, 
in  the  King's  courts  in  Westminster  Hall.  The  Gazette  is  said 
to  be  an  authoritative  means  of  proving  all  acts  relating  to  the 
King  and  the  State.  Justice  Buller  asserts,  that  every  thing 
which  relates  to  the  King,  as  King  of  Great  Britain,  &c.,  is  in 
its  nature  public,  and  that  a  gazette  which  contains  any  thing 
done  by  his  Majesty  in  his  character  of  King,  or  which  has  passed 
through  his  Majesty's  hands,  is  admissible  evidence  in  a  court  of 
law  to  prove  such  thing.     Without  running  a  parallel  between 


OFFICIAL.  51 

the  President  of  the  United  States  and  the  King  of  England,  it 
is  certain  that  the  honor,  dignity,  and  consistency  of  govern- 
ment is  of  as  much  importance  to  the  people  in  one  case  as  the 
other.  The  President  must  issue  proclamations,  articles  of  war, 
articles  of  the  navy,  and  must  make  appointments  in  the  army, 
navy,  revenue,  and  other  branches  of  public  service ;  and  these 
ought  all  to  be  announced  by  authority  in  some  acknowledged 
gazette.  The  laws  ought  to  be  published  in  the  same.  It  is 
certain  that  a  President's  printer  must  be  restrained  from  publish- 
iiig  libels,  and  all  paragraphs  offensive  to  individuals,  public 
bodies,  or  foreign  nations ;  but  need  not  be  forbid  advertise- 
ments. The  gazette  need  not  appear  more  than  once  or  twice 
a  week.  Many  other  considerations  will  occur  to  the  minds  of 
the  secretaries.     The  President  requests  their  opinion, 

1.  Whether  a  printer  can  be  appointed  by  the  President, 
either  with  or  without  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  ? 

2.  Whether  a  printer  can  be  obtained,  without  salary  or  fees, 
for  the  profit  which  might  be  made  by  such  a  gazette? 

3.  Where  shall  we  find  such  a  printer  ? 

It  is  certain  that  the  present  desultory  manner  of  publishing 
the  laws,  acts  of  the  President,  and  proceedings  of  the  Executive 
departments,  is  infinitely  disgraceful  to  the  government  and 
nation,  and  in  all  events  must  be  altered.^ 


J.  MCHENRY,  SECRETARY  OF  WAR,  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

War  Department,  6  May,  1800. 

Sir,  —  I  have  the  honor  to  request  that  I  may  be  permitted 
to  resign  the  office  of  secretary  of  the  department  of  war,  and 

•  The  only  reply  to  these  questions  found  among  INIr.  Adams's  papers,  is  from 
Mr.  McHenry.  Whilst  he  favors  the  idea  that  a  public  printer  should  be  ap- 
pointed, he  doubts  the  power  of  the  President  to  estabhsh  any  such  officer  with 
a  fixed  compensation.  All  that  can  be  done  by  the  government,  would  be  to 
allow  some  private  printer  to  call  himself  ^;rm^er  lo  the  President,  and  to  give 
him  from  the  several  departments  such  work  as  belonged  to  each,  at  the  esta- 
blished prices.  "  A  better  plan,  particularly  in  view  of  the  proposed  removal 
to  the  new  seat  of  government,  the  city  of  Washington,  where  no  printer  is 
understood  to  reside,  would  be  that  a  law  should  be  passed  authorizing  the  Pre- 
sident to  appoint  from  time  to  time  some  fit,  trusty,  and  discreet  person,  as  prin- 
ter to  the  United  States,  whose  duty  It  should  be  to  print  the  laws,  &c.,  to  be 
paid  either  by  a  fi.N:ed  compensation,  or  according  to  the  work  done." 

The  want  of  such  an  organ  has  been  felt  by  the  government  from  that  day  to 
this,  but  none  has  ever  yet  been  formally  established. 


52  OFFICIAL. 

that  my  resignation  be  accepted,  to  take  place  on  the  first  day 
of  June  next. 

Explanations  may  be  desired  of  some  parts  of  the  business 
of  the  war  department,  while  under  my  direction,  which  I  shall 
be  very  ready  to  give,  and  can  more  conveniently  do  so  by  con- 
tinuing in  an  official  situation  until  the  period  mentioned.  I 
shall  esteem  myself  particularly  favored  by  your  inquiries  rela- 
tive to  any  subject  connected  with  my  official  duties,  because 
I  shall  then  have  an  opportunity  to  lay  before  you  full  informa- 
tion of  what  I  have  done  or  directed,  together  with  the  reasons 
and  motives,  known  best  to  myself,  which  induced  particular 
measures. 

Having  discharged  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  "War  for  upwards 
of  four  years  with  fidelity,  unremitting  assiduity,  and  to  the 
utmost  of  my  abilities,  I  leave  behind  me  all  the  records  of  the 
department,  exhibiting  the  principles  and  manner  of  my  official 
conduct,  together  with  not  a  few  difficulties  I  have  had  to  en- 
counter. To  these  written  documents  I  cheerfully  refer  my 
reputation  as  an  officer  and  a  man.^ 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

James  McHenry. 

'  Much  haf?  been  said  respecting  the  causes  of  Mr.  McHcnry's  involuntary 
resignation.  That  he  expected  a  dismission  six  months  sooner,  is  tolerably  clear 
from  his  own  letter  printed  in  Mr.  Gibbs's  work,  vol.  ii.  p.  282.  That  he  had 
merited  it  much  earlier,  is  now  proved  by  the  concurring  testimony  of  those  who 
cried  out  the  most  loudly  against  it,  when  it  happened.  So  early  as  July,  1798, 
Mr.  Hamilton  described  him  as  "  wholly  insufficient  for  his  place,  with  the  addi- 
tional misfortune  of  not  having  the  least  suspicion  of  the  fact."  Hamilton's 
Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  333.  In  April  preceding,  Mr.  R.  G.  Harper  had  prevailed 
upon  the  President  to  consent  to  Invite  Mr.  Hamilton  himself  to  occupy  the 
post.  "  The  army,  under  j)roper  direction,  will  put  arms  into  the  hands  of  all  our 
friends."  Hainilton's  Works,  vol.  vl.  p.  282.  Mr.  Hamilton's  answer  is  not 
given,  but,  in  the  letter  to  General  Washington  already  quoted,  he  admits  that 
Mr.  JNIcHenry  owed  his  place  to  Mr.  Adams's  forbearance. 

"  The  insufficiency  is  so  great  as  to  leave  no  probability  that  the  business  of 
the  war  department  can  make  any  tolerable  progress  In  his  hands.  This  has 
been  long  observed,  and  has  been  more  than  mentioned  to  the  President  by 
members  of  Congress.  He  is  not  Insensible,  I  believe,  that  the  execution  of  the 
department  does  not  produce  the  expected  results ;  but  the  case  Is  of  course 
delicate  and  embarrassing." 

General  Washington  in  reply  says : 

"  Your  opinion  respecting  the  unfitness  of  a  certain  gentleman  for  the  office 
he  holds,  accords  with  mine  ;  and  it  is  to  be  regretted,  sorely,  at  this  time,  that 
these  opinions  ai'c  so  well  founded.  I  early  discovered,  after  he  entered  upon 
the  duties  of  his  office,  that  his  talents  were  unequal  to  great  exertions  or  deep 
resources.  In  truth  they  were  not  expected ;  for  the  fact  is,  It  was  a  Hobson's 
choice."     Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  \i.  p.  337. 


OFFICIAL.  53 


TO     T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY     OF    STATE. 

Philadelphia,  10  May,  1800. 

Sir,  —  As  I  perceive  a  necessity  of  introducing  a  change  in 
the  administration  of  the  office  of  State,  I  think  it  proper  to 
make  this  communication  of  it  to  the  present  Secretary  of  State, 
that  he  may  have  an  opportunity  of  resigning,  if  he  chooses.  I 
should  wish  the  day  on  which  his  resignation  is  to  take  place, 
to  be  named  by  himself     I  wish  for  an  answer  to  this  letter. 

This  letter  is  not  found  in  Mr.  Sparks's  collection,  for  the  reason  given  in  a 
note  to  vol.  xi.  p.  285. 

Mr.  Wok'ott  is  not  a  whit  more  equivocal  in  his  opinion.  See  two  letters  in 
Gibbs's  Memoirs  of  the  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  pp.  101,  315,  and  another 
more  decided  still,  not  printed  by  Mr.  Gibbs,  in  Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  406. 

The  propriety  of  the  removal  being  thus  established  by  the  evidence  of  those 
claiming  to  be  Mr.  McHenry's  best  friends,  and  independently  of  a  still  more 
serious  c^uestion  touching  his  abuse  of  his  confidential  relation  with  the  Pi'esi- 
dent,  the  only  matter  remaining  to  be  considered  is  the  secondary  one  of  the 
mode  in  wlaich  it  was  done.  Mr.  Hamilton  has  already  explained  the  difficulty 
attending  Mr.  McHenry's  utter  unconsciousness  of  his  insufficiency ;  an  uncon- 
sciousness strikingly  visible  in  his  letters  after  his  dismission.  It  is  clear  that  he 
was  a  man  who  could  not  take  a  hint.  In  all  probability  this  it  was,  that  gradu- 
ally brought  on  the  personal  harshness  which  terminated  his  career.  It  must  be 
admitted  that  Mr.  Adams  was  neither  so  considerate  nor  so  dignified  in  his  case 
as  he  Avas  in  that  of  Mr.  Pickering.  But  the  object  once  effected,  he  seems  to 
have  been  the  first  to  regret  that  it  had  not  been  more  gently  done.  To  this 
Mr.  Wolcott,  with  all  his  secret  malevolence  to  Mr.  Adams,  unecpuvocally  testi- 
fies. Whilst,  in  a  secret  letter  to  Mr.  McIIenry,  he  instigates  him  to  disclose 
to  Mr.  Hamilton,  for  use  in  his  projected  pamphlet  against  Mr.  Adams,  the  details 
of  the  private  conversation  during  the  conference  that  led  to  the  dismissal,  in 
another  letter  to  him  of  the  same  day,  designed  for  public  use,  to  protect  him  in 
case  he  was  attacked  on  the  score  of  incompetency,  he  says :  — 

"  Soon  after  your  intended  retirement  from  the  department  of  war  was  made 
known  to  me,  I  waited  on  the  President  of  the  United  States  on  business  rela- 
ting to  the  treasury,  when  the  subject  of  your  resignation  was  voluntarily  men- 
tioned by  him. 

"  The  President  said  that  he  considered  you  a  gentleman  of  agreeable  manners, 
of  extensive  information,  and  great  industry ;  that  he  verily  believed  your  hands 
were  pure,  meaning  thereby,  as  I  understood  him,  that  he  reposed  entire  con- 
fidence in  your  integrity ;  that  he  was  happy  in  understanding  that  your  cir- 
cumstances were  affluent,  and  that  the  loss  of  your  late  office  Avould  not  distress 
your  family ;  and  that  if  any  suitable  office  should  become  vacant,  he  should 
with  pleasure  confer  it  on  you."     Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  410. 

Recent  disclosures  clearly  prove  that  Mr.  McHenry  had  not  merited  this 
generosity.  _  He  certainly  was  one,  though  the  least  important,  of  the  tliree 
cabinet  ministers  who  were  untrue  to  him,  and  who  betrayed  his  confidence. 
Neither  does  this  testimony  of  Mr.  Wolcott  seem  to  have  softened  his  rancor. 
He  furnished  Mr.  Hamilton  with  a  part  of  tlic  confidential  matter  used  by  him  in 
his  pamphlet,  and  he  entered  warmly  into  the  cabal  to  defeat  Mr.  Adams's  reelec-- 
tion.  It  is,  however,  no  more  than  due  to  him  to  add  that,  of  all  the  parties  to  it, 
his  letters  betray  the  most  profound  sense  of  the  degrading  measures  they  resorted 


54  OFFICIAL. 

on  or  before  Monday  morning,  because  the    nomination   of   a 
successor  must  be  sent  to  the  Senate  as  soon  as  they  sit. 

With  esteem,  I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  and  humble 
servant, 

John  Adams. 


T.    PICKERING,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE,    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Department  of  State,  Philadelphia,  12  May,  1800. 

Sir,  —  I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  dated 
last  Saturday,  stating  that,  "  as  you  perceive  a  necessity  of 
introducing  a  change  in  the  administration  of  the  office  of  State, 
you  think  it  proper  to  make  this  communication  of  it  to  the 
present  Secretary  of  State,  that  he  may  have  an  opportunity 
of  resigning,  if  he  chooses ; "  and  that  "  you  would  wish  the 
day  on  which  his  resignation  is  to  take  place  to  be  named  by 
himself." 

Several  matters  of  importance  in  the  office,  in  which  my 
agency  will  be  useful,  will  require  my  diligent  attention  until 
about  the  close  of  the  present  quarter.  I  had,  indeed,  contem- 
plated a  continuance  in  office  until  the  4th  of  March  next ; 
when,  if  Mr.  Jefferson  were  elected  President,  (an  event  which,  in 
your  conversation  with  me  last  week,  you  considered  as  certain,) 
I  expected  to  go  out,  of  course.  An  apprehension  of  that  event 
first  led  me  to  determine  not  to  remove  my  family  this  year  to 
the  city  of  Washington  ;  because  to  establish  them  there  would 
oblige  me  to  incur  an  extraordinary  expense  which  1  had  not 
the  means  of  defraying;  whereas,  by  separating  myself  from 
my  family,  and  living  there  eight  or  nine  months  with  strict 
economy,  I  hoped  to  save  enough  to  meet  that  expense,  should 
the  occasion  occur.     Or,  if  I  then  went  out  of  office,  that  saving- 

to.     He  desifinates  their  conduct  as  "  tremulous,  timid,  feeble,  deceptive,  and 

cowardly.      They  write  private  letters.     To  whom  ?     To  each  other."     

"  They  meditate  in  private.  Can  good  come  out  of  such  a  system  ?  If  the  party 
recovers  its  pristine  energy  and  splendor,  shall  I  ascribe  it  to  such  cunning, 
paltry,  indecisive,  back-door  conduct?" 

For  the  evidence  to  sustain  all  these  views,  drawn  exclusively  from  the  parties 
implicated,  see  O.  Wolcott's  private  letter  to  J.  McHenry,  26  August,  1800, 
in  Mr.  Gibbs's  work,  vol.  ii.  p.  409.  Also  his  public  letter  of  the  same  date, 
inclosed  in  the  other,  p.  410,  which  must  also  be  compared  with  the  letter  to 
Hamilton,  p.  416.  Also  McHenry  to  Wolcott,  in  the  same  work,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
384-385,  413. 


OFFICIAL.  55 

would  enable  me  to  subsist  my  family  a  few  months  longer, 
and  perhaps  aid  me  in  transporting  them  into  the  woods,  where 
I  had  land,  though  all  wild  and  unproductive,  and  where,  like 
my  first  ancestor  in  New  England,  I  expected  to  commence  a 
settlement  on  bare  creation.  I  am  happy  that  I  now  have  this 
resource,  and  that  those  most  dear  to  me  have  fortitude  enough 
to  look  at  the  scene  without  dismay,  and  even  without  regret. 
Nevertheless,  after  deliberately  reflecting  on  the  overture  you 
have   been  pleased  to  make  to  me,  I  do  not  feel  it  to  be  my 

duty  to  resign. 

^  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

Timothy  Pickering. 


TO    timothy    PICKERING. 

Philadelphia,  12  May,  1800. 

Sir,  —  Divers  causes  and  considerations,  essential  to  the 
administration  of  the  government,  in  my  judgment,  requiring  a 
change  in  the  department  of  State,  you  are  hereby  discharged 
from  any  further  service  as  Secretary  of  Stat^.^ 

John  Adams, 
President  of  the  United  States. 

1  This  letter  closes  the  official  relations  of  Mr.  Pickering  to  the  President. 
Construing  his  duty  as  a  cabinet  officer  as  consistent  with  a  singular  latitude  in 
secretly  counteracting  the  policy  and  betraying  the  purposes  of  his  chief,  he 
seems  at  the  same  time,  by  his  refusal  to  resign,  and  his  complaints  afterwards, 
to  have  overlooked  the  doctrine  which  he  himself  laid  down  less  than  three  years 
before.  In  his  letter  to  Mr.  Monroe,  of  the  24th  July,  1797,  he  says,  among 
many  other  things  quite  applicable  to  his  own  case ;  — 

"Again,  the  want  of  confidence,  from  whatever  cause  it  may  arise,  is  a  good 
reason  for  changing  a  diplomatic  agent.  If  he  is  found  on  experience  to  be 
deficient  in  judgment,  skill,  or  diligence,  or  if  circumstances  inspire  a  reasonable 
doubt  of  the  sincerity  of  his  views,  he  cannot  with  prudence  be  continued,  for  it 
is  essential  that  there  should  be  full  confidence  in  him." 

INIuch  was  said  in  many  of  the  writings  of  the  time,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  alludes 
to  it  often  in  his  letters,  of  the  want  of  system  of  Mr.  Adams's  administration. 
The  cause  of  much  of  this  difficulty  is  now  clearly  to  be  traced  to  these  cabinet 
officers,  who  were  never  really  disposed  to  cooperate  with  the  chief,  but  were 
constantly  acting  under  an  opposite  influence  from  without.  The  accession  of 
Messrs.  Marshall  and  Dexter  to  the  cabinet  marks  a  restoration  of  system  and 
harmonious  action. 

Many  years  after  this  removal  of  Mr.  Pickering,  that  gentleman,  in  under- 
taking to  account  for  the  act,  labored  to  prove  the  existence  of  unworthy  motives 
for  it  in  Mr.  Adams.  And  Mr.  Gibbs,  in  his  late  partisan  work,  though  mani- 
festly betraying  his  own  disbelief  of  them,  has  not  abstained  from  recording 
them.     "As  charges,"  he  says,  "  they  are  at  any  rate  matter  of  history."     "What 


56  OFFICIAL. 


TO    J.    MCHENRY,    SECRETARY    OF    WAR. 

Philadelphia,  15  May,  1800. 

Sir,  —  I  request  you  to  transmit  copies  of  the  law  for  re- 
ducing the  twelve  regiments,  which  passed  yesterday,  to  Major- 
Generals  Hamilton  and  Pinckney,  and  also  to  the  commandants 
of  brigades,  with  orders  to  the  major-generals  to  make  imme- 
diate arrangements  for  reducing  those  regiments  on  the  four- 
teenth day  of  June. 

I  pray  you,  also,  in  concert  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
to  make  seasonable  preparation  for  punctual  compliance  with 
the  other  provision  of  the  law,  by  advancing  the  three  months' 
pay  to  the  officers  and  men. 


TO     THE     ATTORNEY-GENERAL,    AND     THE     DISTRICT-ATTORNEY     OF 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Philadelphia,  16  May,  1800. 

I  transmit  you  a  copy  of  the  resolution  of  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  passed  in  Congress  on  the  14th  of  this  month, 
by  which  I  am  requested  to  instruct  the  proper  law  officers  to 
commence  and  carry  on  a  prosecution  against  William  Duane, 
editor  of  a  newspaper  called  the  Aurora,  for  certain  false, 
defamatory,  scandalous,  and  malicious  publications  in  the  said 
newspaper  of  the  19th  of  February  last  past,  tending  to  defame 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  to  bring  them  into  con- 
tempt and  disrepute,  and  to  excite  against  them  the  hatred  of 
the  good  people  of  the  United  States.  In  compliance  with  this 
request,  I  now  instruct  you,  gentlemen,  to  commence  and  carry 
on  the  prosecution  accordingly. 

With  great  esteem,  &c. 

John  Adams. 

sort  of  history  that -n-ould  be,  which  is  made  up  of  unfounded  charges  against 
public  men  anywhere,  and  especially  in  America,  it  is  easy  to  comprehend.  In 
the  present  instance,  the  whole  of  them  are  swept  away  by  the  letter  of  Mr. 
Stoddert,  27th  October,  1811,  giving  many  particulars  respecting  the  causes 
assigned  for  the  removal,  and  by  those  of  Robert  and  of  Samuel  Smith,  the  parties 
implicated  by  Mr.  Pickering,  30th  November,  1st  December,  1811,  which  are 
inserted  in  their  places  in  the  tenth  volume.  Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations, 
vol.  ii.  p.  353. 


OFFICIAL.  57 

TO    O.    WOLCOTT,    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY. 

Philadelphia,  17  May,  1800. 

Sir,  —  I  thank  you  for  your  report  of  the  16th  of  this  month, 
and  for  your  early  attention  to  the  important  subject  of  the  loan. 
I  have  subscribed,  and  send  you  herewith,  an  authorization  to 
borrow  to  the  amount  of  the  law ;  but  if  the  public  exigencies 
can  be  satisfied  with  a  part  of  it,  your  own  public  spirit  of 
economy  will  induce  you  to  confine  yourself  to  such  part. 

The  rate  of  interest  is  a  subject  of  great  anxiety  to  me.  When 
I  recollect  that  I  borrowed  for  this  country  near  a  million  ster- 
ling, at  a  rate  of  interest  at  from  four  and  a  half  to  six  per  cent., 
or  thereabout,  more  than  fifteen  years  ago,  when  this  nation  had 
not  two  thirds  of  its  present  population,  when  it  had  a  very 
feeble  government,  no  revenue,  no  taxes,  by  barely  pledging  the 
faith  of  the  people,  which  faith  has  been  most  punctually  and 
religiously  kept,  I  cannot  but  suspect  that  some  advantage  is 
taken  of  this  government  by  demanding  exorbitant  interest.  As 
Great  Britain,  with  her  immense  burdens,  after  so  long  and 
wasting  a  war,  is  able  to  borrow  at  a  more  moderate  interest,  I 
entertain  a  hope  that  we  may  at  last  abate  somewhat  of  a 
former  interest. 

As  I  know  your  zeal  for  the  interest  of  your  country  to  be 
equal  to  my  own,  I  have  entire  confidence  in  your  exertions, 
that  we  may  take  up  as  little  as  possible  of  the  sum,  and  at  as 
low  an  interest  as  can  be  obtained. 


TO    THE    HEADS    OF    DEPARTMENT. 

Philadelphia,  20  May,  1800. 

1.  Among  the  three  criminals  under  sentence  of  death,  is  there 
any  discrimination  in  the  essential  circumstances  of  their  cases, 
which  would  justify  a  determination  to  pardon  or  reprieve  one 
or  two,  and  execute  the  other  ? 

2.  Is  the  execution  of  one  or  more  so  indispensably  demanded 
by  public  justice  and  by  the  security  of  the  public  peace,  that 
mercy  cannot  be  extended  to  all  three,  or  any  two,  or  one  ? 


58  OFFICIAL. 

3.  Will  the  national  Constitution  acquire  more  confidence  in 
the  minds  of  the  American  people  by  the  execution  than  by  the 
pardon  of  one  or  more  of  the  offenders  ? 

4.  Is  it  clear  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt  that  the  crime  of 
which  they  stand  convicted,  amounts  to  a  levying  of  war  against 
the  United  States,  or,  in  other  words,  to  treason? 

5.  Is  there  any  evidence  of  a  secret  correspondence  or  com- 
bination wdth  other  anti-federalists  of  any  denomination  in 
other  States  in  the  Union,  or  in  other  parts  of  this  State,  to  rise 
in  force  against  the  execution  of  the  law  for  taxing  houses,  &c., 
or  for  opposing  the  commissioners  in  general  in  the  execution 
of  their  offices  ? 

6.  Quo  animo  was  this  insurrection  ?  Was  it  a  design  of 
general  resistance  to  all  law,  or  any  particular  law  ?  Or  was  it 
particular  to  the  place  and  persons? 

7.  Was  it  any  thing  more  than  a  riot,  high-handed,  aggra- 
vated, daring,  and  dangerous  indeed,  for  the  purpose  of  a  rescue? 
This  is  a  high  crime,  but  can  it  strictly  amount  to  treason  ? 

8.  Is  there  not  great  danger  in  establishing  such  a  construc- 
tion of  treason,  as  may  be  applied  to  every  sudden,  ignorant, 
inconsiderate  heat,  among  a  part  of  the  people,  wrought  up  by 
political  disputes,  and  personal  or  party  animosities  ? 

9.  Will  not  a  career  of  capital  executions  for  treason,  once 
opened,  without  actual  bloodshed  or  hostility  against  any  mili- 
tary force  of  government,  inflict  a  deep  wound  in  the  minds  of 
the  people,  inflame  their  animosities,  and  make  them  more 
desperate  in  sudden  heats,  and  thoughtless  riots  in  elections,  and 
on  other  occasions  where  political  disputes  run  high,  and  intro- 
duce a  more  sanguinary  disposition  among  them  ? 

10.  Is  not  the  tranquillity  in  the  western  counties,  since  the 
insurrection  there,  and  the  subsequent  submission  to  law,  a  pre- 
cedent in  favor  of  clemency? 

11.  Is  there  any  probability  that  a  capital  execution  will  have 
any  tendency  to  change  the  political  sentiments  of  the  people  ? 

12.  Will  not  clemency  have  a  greater  tendency  to  correct  their 
errors  ? 

13.  Are  not  the  fines  and  imprisonments,  imposed  and  suffered, 
a  sufficient  discouragement,  for  the  present,  of  such  crimes  ? 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  59 

May  not  the  long  imprisonment  of  Fries,  the  two  solemn, 
awful  trials,  his  acknowledgment  of  the  justice  of  his  sentence, 
his  professions  of  deep  repentance,  and  promises  of  obedience, 
be  accepted,  and  turned  more  to  the  advantage  of  government 
and  the  public  peace,  than  his  execution  ? 


THE  HEADS  OF  DEPARTMENT  TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

Philadelphia,  20  May,  1800. 

Having  considered  the  questions  proposed  by  the  President 
for  our  consideration,  we  respectfully  submit  the  following 
opinions. 

That  the  intent  of  the  insurgents  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1798, 
was  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  law,  directing  the  valuation 
of  houses  and  lands,  and  the  enumeration  of  slaves,  in  the  par- 
ticular district  of  country  where  they  resided.  That  we  know 
of  no  combination  in  other  States,  and  presume  that  no  com- 
bination, pervading  the  whole  State  of  Pennsylvania,  was  actually 
formed.  We  believe,  however,  that  if  the  government  had  not 
adopted  prompt  measures,  the  spirit  of  insurrection  would  have 
rapidly  extended. 

We  are  of  opinion  that  the  crime  committed  by  Fries,  Heyney, 
and  Getman,  amounted  to  treason,  and  that  no  danger  can  arise 
to  the  community  from  the  precedents  already  established  by 
the  judges  upon  this  subject.  We  cannot  form  a  certain  judg- 
ment of  the  eflfect  upon  public  opinion,  of  suffering  the  law 
to  have  its  course,  but  we  think  it  must  be  beneficial,  by  inspir- 
ing the  well  disposed  with  confidence  in  the  government,  and 
the  malevolent  and  factious  with  terror. 

The  Attorney- General  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  how- 
ever, believe  that  the  execution  of  one  will  be  enough  to  show  the 
power  of  the  laws  to  punish,  and  may  be  enough  for  example, 
the  great  end  of  punishment,  and  that  Fries  deserves  most  to 
suffer ;  because,  though  all  are  guilty,  and  all  have  forfeited 
their  lives  to  the  justice  of  their  country,  he  was  the  most  dis- 
tinguished in  the  commission  of  the  crime.  The  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  perceives  no  good  ground  for  any  distinction  in 
the  three  cases,  and  he  believes  that  a  discrimination,  instead 
of  being  viewed  as  an  act  of  mercy,  would  too  much  resemble 


60  OFFICIAL. 

a  sentence  against  an  unfortunate  individual.  He  also  believes 
that  the  mercy  of  government  has  been  sufficiently  manifested 
by  the  proceedings  of  the  Attorney  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  the  cause  of  humanity  will  be  most  effectually  promoted 
by  impressing  an  opinion  that  those  who  are  brought  to  trial, 
and  convicted  of  treason,  will  not  be  pardoned. 

Charles  Lee, 
Oliver  Wolcott. 
Ben.  Stoddert. 

The  Attorney-General  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy  beg  leave 
to  add,  as  their  opinion,  that  it  will  be  more  just  and  more  wise 
that  all  should  suffer  the  sentence  of  the  law,  than  that  all 
should  be  pardoned. 

Ben.  Stoddert. 
Charles  Lee. 


TO    C.    LEE,    secretary    OF    STATE,    PRO   TEM. 

Philadelphia,  21  May,  1800. 

Sir,  —  I  received  yesterday  the  opinion  of  yourself,  the  Se- 
cretary of  the  Treasury,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  on  the 
case  of  the  prisoners  under  sentence  of  death  for  treason,  formed, 
as  I  doubt  not,  under  the  full  exercise  of  integrity  and  humanity. 
Nevertheless,  as  I  differ  in  opinion,  I  must  take  on  myself  alone 
the  responsibility  of  one  more  appeal  to  the  humane  and  gene- 
rous natures  of  the  American  people. 

I  pray  you,  therefore,  to  prepare  for  my  signature,  this  morn- 
ing, a  pardon  for  each  of  the  criminals,  John  Fries,  Frederic 
Heyney,  and  John  Getman.^ 

I  pray  you,  also,  to  prepare  the  form  of  a  proclamation  of  a 
general  pardon  of  all  treasons,  and  conspiracies  to  commit 
treasons,  heretofore  committed  in  the  three  offending  counties, 

1  "  Fries,  It  Is  said,  opened  a  tin-ware  store  In  Philadelphia,  where,  profiting 
by  the  custom  his  notoriety  drew  to  him,  he  acquired  a  respectable  fortune,  and 
a  respectable  character."     Wharton's  State  Trials,  cVc,  p.  648,  note. 

For  the  pardon  of  Fries,  Mr.  Adams  was  attacked  by  Mr.  Hamilton  and  his 
friends  as  guilty  of  "  a  virtual  dereliction  of  the  friends  of  the  government." 
Posterity  may  perhaps  judge  that  It  was  more  wise,  as  well  as  humane,  to  save 
the  criminal  for  a  respectable  life,  selling  tin-ware,  than  to  make  of  him  a  politi- 
cal martyr,  and  a  precedent  for  vindictive  retribution. 


OFFICIAL.  61 

in  opposition  to  the  law  laying  taxes  on  houses,  &c.,  that  tran- 
quillity may  be  restored  to  the  minds  of  those  people,  if  possible. 
I  have  one  request  more;  that  you  would  consult  the  judge, 
and  the  late  and  present  attorneys  of  this  district,  concerning  the 
circumstances  of  guilt  and  punishment  of  those  now  under  sen- 
tence for  fines  and  imprisonment,  and  report  to  me  a  list  of  the 
names  of  such,  if  there  are  any,  as  may  be  proper  objects  of  the 
clemency  of  government. 

With  great  esteem,  I  am,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

Philadelphia,  22  May,  1800. 

Inclosed  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  received  this  morning  from 
Colonel  Smith.  I  am  at  present  at  a  loss  to  judge  of  it.  Will 
you  be  so  kind,  without  favor  or  affection,  as  to  give  me  your 
candid  opinion  of  it  ?  Whether  his  request  can  be  granted,  in 
the  whole  or  in  part,  without  injustice  to  other  officers  ;  and 
whether  it  is  consistent  with  the  military  ideas.  I  pray  your 
answer  as  soon  as  possible.^ 

I  am,  &:c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    W.    S.    SMITH. 

Philadelphia,  26  May,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Upon  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  21st,  I 
sent  a  copy  of  it  to  General  Hamilton,  and  the  original  to  Mr. 
McHenry,  and  asked  their  candid  opinion  of  it,  without  favor 
or  affection.  From  General  Hamilton  I  have  as  yet  received  no 
answer.  From  Mr.  McHenry  I  have  the  inclosed,  which  is,  I 
believe,  a  very  honest  answer ;  and,  although  I  am  not  of  his 
opinion  in  all  points,  I  think  there  is  enough  in  it  to  convince 

1  A  letter  to  the  same  purport  was  sent  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Mr.  Hamilton's  answer  is  found  in  the  collection  of  his  works,  vol.  v.  p.  430. 
Colonel  Smith  had  solicited  to  be  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  second 
regiment  of  artillerists  and  engineers,  and  to  be  allowed  the  selection  of  a  major 
and  full  battalion  of  men  from  his  actual  command,  to  complete  the  regiment. 

VOL.  IX.  6 


62  OFFICIAL. 

you  that  it  would  be  highly  improper  in  me,  and  therefore  im- 
possible, to  adopt  your  project.^ 

I  am,  with  affection  to  Mrs.  Smith  and  Miss  Caroline,  sin- 
cerely yours, 

John  Adams. 


TO    BENJAMIN    STODDERT. 

Philadelphia,  26  May,  1800. 

Sir, —  I  hereby  request  you  on  the  1st  of  June,  or  whenever 
Mr.  McHenry  shall  leave  the  war  office,  to  take  upon  you  the 
charge  of  that  office,  and  I  hereby  invest  you  with  full  power 
and  authority  to  exercise  all  the  functions  of  secretary  of  the 
department  of  war,  and  charge  you  with  all  the  duties  and 
obhgations  attached  by  law  to  that  officer,  until  a  successor 
regularly  appointed  and  commissioned  shall  appear  to  relieve 
you. 

I  am,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


B.    STODDERT    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Philadelphia,  2C  May,  1800. 

Sir,  —  I  have  the  honor  of  your  direction  of  this  day's  date, 
for  me  to  take  upon  myself  the  charge  of  the  war  office,  and  to 
exercise  all  the  functions  of  secretary  of  the  department  of  war, 
from  the  first  day  of  June,  or  from  the  time  Mr.  McHenry  shall 
leave  the  office,  until  a  successor  regularly  appointed  and  com- 
missioned shall  appear  to  relieve  me ;  which  I  shall  attend  to 
with  great  cheerfulness,  but  under  the  hope  that  I  may  be  soon 
relieved  from  the  duties  enjoined  me. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  &c.,  &c. 

Ben.  Stoddert. 

1  Mr.  McHenry  doubted  the  power  of  the  President  to  make  the  appointment, 
for  the  reasons  expressed  in  a  former  letter.  Moreover,  although  speaking  highly 
of  Colonel  Smith,  as  an  officer  of  Infantry,  he  questioned  the  fitness  of  trans- 
ferring him  to  the  command  of  a  corps  of  artillery.  This  last  argument  seems 
to  have  decided  the  point.     See  vol.  viii.  pp.  632,  647. 


OFFICIAL  63 


TO    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

Philadelpliia,  20  June,  1800. 

SiRj —  The  itinerant  life  I  have  led^  has  prevented  me  from 
acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  favor  of  May  24th  till  this 
time.  Your  sentiments  are  very  satisfactory  to  me,  and  will  be 
duly  attended  to.  I  anticipate  criticism  in  every  thing  which 
relates  to  Colonel  Smith  ;  but  criticism,  now  criticized  so  long,  I 
regard  no  more  than  "  Great  George's  birth-day  song."  Colonel 
Smith  served  through  the  war  with  high  applause  of  his  supe- 
riors. He  has  served,  abroad  in  the  diplomatic  corps,  at  home 
as  marshal  and  supervisor,  and  now  as  commandant  of  a  bri- 
gade. These  are  services  of  his  own,  not  mine.  His  claims 
are  his  own.  I  see  no  reason  or  justice  in  excluding  him  from 
all  service,  w^hile  his  comrades  are  all  ambassadors  or  generals, 
merely  because  he  married  my  daughter.^     1  am,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  11  July,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  received  only  last  night  your  favor  of  the  30th 
June.  There  is  no  part  of  the  administration  of  our  govern- 
ment which  has  given  me  so  much  discontent  as  the  negotiation 
in  the  Mediterranean,  our  ill  success  in  which  I  attribute  to  the 
diffidence  of  the  agents  and  ministers  employed  in  them,  in 
soliciting  aid  from  the  English  and  the  French  and  the  Prus- 
sians.    M.  D'Engestrom  has  too  much  reason  to  reproach  us, 

1  Mr.  Adams  had  been  on  a  visit  to  Washington,  the  proposed  seat  of  govern- 
ment. 

2  Colonel  Smith  was  soon  afterwards  appointed  surveyor  and  inspector  for 
the  port  of  New  York.  The  propriety  of  embracing  or  of  excluding  relatives 
in  the  consideration  of  appointments  to  office,  opens  questions  upon  which  per- 
sons may  honestly  differ  in  opinion.  One  rule  has  been  adopted  by  some,  and 
another  by  others,  of  the  Presidents.  Mr.  Adams  followed  one,  and  his  son  the 
other.  There  can  be  no  doubt  in  cases  of  the  selection  of  unworthy  or  incom- 
petent persons.  And  every  President  who  assumes  the  responsibility  of  appoint- 
ing a  relation,  subjects  the  fitness  of  his  choice  to  a  severe  scrutiny.  Considered 
in  this  light,  Mr.  Adams  is  responsible  for  the  transfer  of  his  son,  John  Quincy 
Adams,  from  one  diplomatic  mission  to  another,  for  the  appointments  given  to 
Colonel  Smith,  and  I'or  the  selection  of  his  wife's  nephew,  William  Crauch,  to  be 
chief  justice  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  district  of  Columbia. 


64  OFFICIAL. 

or  to  commiserate  us,  for  paying  the  triple  of  the  sums  given  hy 
Sweden  and  Denmark.  As,  however,  the  promises  of  the  United 
States,  although  made  to  their  hurt,  ought  to  be  fulfilled  with 
good  faith,  I  know  not  how  far  we  can  accede  to  the  proposition 
of  uniting  with  Sweden  and  Denmark,  or  appointing,  in  concert 
with  them  and  others,  convoys  for  their  and  our  trade.  Convoys 
for  our  own  trade  I  suppose  we  may  appoint  at  any  time,  and 
in  any  seas,  to  protect  our  commerce,  according  to  our  treaties 
and  the  law  of  nations.  If,  indeed,  the  Barbary  powers,  or  any 
of  them,  should  break  their  treaties  with  us,  and  recommence 
hostilities  on  our  trade,  we  may  then  be  at  liberty  to  make  any 
reasonable  arrangement  with  Sweden  or  Denmark.  You  will 
be  at  no  loss  to  instruct  Mr.  Adams  to  give  a  polite  and  respect- 
ful answer  to  Mr.  D'Engestrom,  according  to  these  principles, 
if  you  approve  them.i 


TO  B.  STODDERT,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Quincy,  23  July,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  received  this  morning  your  favor  of  the  12th, 
and  thank  you  for  the  summary  of  the  stations  and  destinations 
of  the  navy.  At  the  same  time  I  received  your  other  letter  of 
the  same  date,  and  have  read  all  its  inclosures,  which  I  return 
with  this.  Nothing  affects  me  so  much  as  to  see  complaints 
against  officers  who  have  distinguished  themselves  by  their 
vigilance,  activity,  and  bravery  in  the  service,  as  Maley  has 
done;  but  the  complaints  must  not  be  rejected  without  inquiry. 
I  leave  this  business  to  your  wisdom,  as  well  as  the  other  com- 
plaints against  other  officers. 

The  transgression  of  the  British  captain  in  opening  the  letters 
of  Dr.  Stevens  to  Captain  Talbot,  can  be  redressed  only  by  a 
representation  to  the  court  of  St.  James,  where  so  many  circum- 
stances of  justification,  or  excuse,  or  palliation  will  occur,  that  I 
doubt  whether  it  is  expedient  to  take  any  trouble  about  it.  If 
you  think  otherwise,  you  may  furnish  the  Secretary  of  State 
with  copies,  and  he  may  instruct  Mr.   King  to  acquaint  the 

1  This  proposition  to  unite  with  Sweden  and  Denmark  in  keeping  a  naval 
force  in  the  Mediterranean  for  the  protection  of  the  trade  of  the  three  nations, 
had  been  made  by  Count  d'Engestrom,  through  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams,  at  Berlin. 


OFFICIAL.  65 

ministry  with  them.     It  is  not  worth  while  to  make  any  vehe- 
ment representation  about  it.^ 

With  great  respect,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    S,    DEXTER,    SECRETARY    OF    WAR. 

Quincy,  25  July,  1800. 

I  received  last  night,  and  read  with  great  pleasure,  your  letter 
of  the  16th  of  July.  I  am  very  much  pleased  with  your  plan 
for  executing  the  existing  laws  for  the  instruction  of  the  artil- 
lerists and  engineers.  I  am  very  ready  to  appoint  the  whole 
number  of  cadets  provided  for  by  law,  namely,  two  for  each 
company,  or  sixty-four  in  all,  as  soon  as  proper  candidates 
present  themselves ;  and  the  whole  of  the  four  teachers  and  two 
engineers,  if  you  are  prepared  to  recommend  suitable  persons. 
It  is  my  desire  that  you  take  the  earliest  measures  for  providing 
all  the  necessary  books,  instruments,  and  apparatus,  authorized 
by  law,  for  the  use  and  benefit  of  the  artillerists  and  engineers. 
I  think  with  you  that  it  will  be  prudent  to  begin  by  appointing 
two  teachers  and  an  engineer,  and  I  pray  you  to  make  inquiry  for 
proper  characters,  and  to  take  measures  to  induce  young  men 
to  enter  the  service  as  cadets,  collect  them  together,  and  form 
a  regular  school,  and  cause  the  battalions  to  be  instructed  in 
rotation  at  some  regular  stations.  You  may  assure  the  cadets, 
that,  in  future,  officers  will  be  taken  from  the  most  deserving  of 
their  members,  if  any  should  be  found  fit  for  an  appointment. 

1  agree  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  that  it  would  be 
highly  useful  to  the  navy,  that  midshipmen  be  admitted  into 
the  school  by  courtesy.  Yet  there  ovight  to  be  a  school  on  board 
every  frigate.  Thirty  persons  have  been  taught  navigation,  and 
other  sciences  connected  with  the  naval  service,  on  board  the 
Boston  during  her  first  cruise. 

1  wish  you  may  easily  find  teachers.  What  think  you  of 
Captain  Barron  for  one  ?  Every  one  speaks  well  of  Mr.  Bureau 
de  Pusy.     But  I  have   an  invincible   aversion  to  the  appoint- 

'  Mr.  Stoddert  had  expressed  the  opinion  that  this  act  of  the  British  Captain 
"  appeared  one  of  those  things,  difficult  to  condemn,  and  still  more  difficult  to 
justify"     "  His  letters  did  not  ehow  him  to  be  a  man  of  much  understandinor." 

6*  E 


66  OFFICIAL. 

ment  of  foreigners,  if  it  can  be  avoided.  It  mortifies  the  honest 
pride  of  our  officers,  and  damps  their  ardor  and  ambition.  I 
had  rather  appoint  the  teachers,  and  form  the  schools,  and  take 
time  to  consider  of  an  engineer.^ 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  30  July,  1800. 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  21st,  and  have  read  the 
respectable  recommendations  inclosed,  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lloyd 
Beal  and  Mr.  Bent  Bowlings  to  be  marshal  of  Maryland.  I 
return  all  these  letters  to  you  in  this.  With  the  advantages  of 
Mr.  Thomas  Chase,  in  the  opportunity  to  consult  his  father  and 
Mr.  Martin,  I  still  think  that  his  appointment  is  as  likely  to 
benefit  the  public  as  that  of  any  of  the  respectable  candidates 
would  be.  Your  knowledge  of  persons,  characters,  and  circum- 
stances, are  so  much  better  than  mine,  and  my  confidence  in 
your  judgment  and  impartiality  so  entire,  that  I  pray  you,  if 
Mr.  Chase  should  not  appear  the  most  eligible  candidate  to  you, 
that  you  would  give  the  commission  to  him  whom  you  may 
prefer. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  31  July,  1800. 

In  the  night  of  the  29th,  your  favor  of  the  21st  was  left  at 
my  house.  Mr.  King's  letters  shall  be  soon  considered.  At 
present  1  shall  confine  myself  to  the  despatch  from  our  envoys 
in  France.  The  impression  made  upon  me  by  these  communi- 
cations is  the  same  with  that  which  they  appear  by  your  letter 
to  have  made  on  you.  There  are  not  sufficient  grounds  on 
which  to  form  any  decisive  opinion  of  the  result  of  the  mission. 
But  there  are  reasons  to  conjecture  that  the  French  government 
may  be  inclined  to  explore  all  the  resources  of  their  diplomatic 
skill,  to  protract  the  negotiation.  The  campaign  in  Europe  may 
have  some  weight,  but  the  progress  of  the  election  in  America 

1  This  is  the  foundation  of  the  military  academy  at  West  Point. 


OFFICIAL.  67 

may  have  much  more.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the 
communications  between  the  friends  of  France  in  Europe  and 
America  are  more  frequent  and  constant,  as  well  as  more  secret, 
than  ours;  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  French 
government  is  flattered  with  full  assurances  of  a  change  at  the 
next  election,  which  will  be  more  favorable  to  their  views. 
McNeil,  it  appears,  was  arrived  at  Havre  the  latter  part  of  May. 
Our  envoys  will  probably  insist  on  definitive  and  categorical 
answers,  and  come  home,  according  to  their  instructions,  either 
with  or  without  a  treaty.  On  this  supposition,  we  need  say  no 
more  upon  this  subject. 

Another  supposition  is,  however,  possible,  and,  in  order  to 
guard  against  that,  I  shall  propose  to  your  consideration,  and 
that  of  the  heads  of  department,  the  propriety  of  writing  to  our 
envoys,  by  the  way  of  Holland,  and  England  or  Hamburg,  or 
any  other  more  expeditious  and  certain  conveyance.  The  ques- 
tion is,  what  we  shall  write.  There  are  but  two  points,  which 
appear  to  me  to  deserve  a  further  attention,  and  indeed  their 
present  instructions  are  sufficient  upon  these  heads.  I  always 
expected  that  our  envoys  would  be  hard  pressed  to  revive  the 
old  treaty,  to  save  its  anteriority,  as  they  say  they  shall  be.  I 
cannot  see,  however,  that  we  can  relax  the  instruction  on  that 
head.  Perhaps  it  may  be  necessary  to  repeat  and  confirm  it. 
The  other  point  relates  to  a  discontinuance  of  our  naval  protec- 
tion of  our  commerce,  and  to  opening  our  commerce  with 
France.  But  we  have  no  official  or  other  authentic  information 
that  the  French  have  done  any  thing  to  justify  or  excuse  us  in 
the  smallest  relaxation.  And,  indeed,  nothing  they  can  do, 
short  of  a  treaty,  would  justify  me  in  taking  one  step.  I  there- 
fore think  that  our  envoys  may  be  instructed  to  be  as  explicit 
as  decency  and  delicacy  will  admit,  in  rejecting  all  propositions 
of  the  kind. 

I  return  you  all  the  papers  relative  to  this  subject. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  31  July,  1800. 

Last  night  the  consul  of  Spain,  Mr.  Stoughton,  came  out  to 
Quincy  upon  the  important  errand  of  delivering  to  me  in  my 


68  OFFICIAL. 

own  hand,  according  to  his  own  account  of  his  orders,  the 
inclosed  letter,  demanding  of  the  government  a  fulfilment  of  the 
5th  article  of  our  treaty  with  Spain.^  Although  I  see  no  suffi- 
cient reason  in  this  case  for  deviating  from  the  ordinary  course 
of  business,  I  shall  take  no  exception  to  this  proceeding  on  that 
account,  but  I  desire  you  to  communicate  this  letter  to  the  Se- 
cretary at  "War,  and  concert  with  him  the  proper  measures  to  be 
taken.  Orders,  I  think,  should  be  sent  to  Mr.  Hawkins  and  to 
General  Wilkinson,  to  employ  every  means  in  their  power  to 
preserve  the  good  faith  according  to  the  stipulation  in  this  5th 
article  of  the  treaty  with  Spain.  And  I  also  desire  you  would 
write  a  civil  and  respectful  answer  to  this  letter  of  the  Chevalier, 
still  the  minister  of  the  King  of  Spain,  assuring  him  of  the 
sincere  friendship  of  the  government,  for  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment and  nation,  and  of  our  determination  to  fulfil  with  perfect 
good  faith  the  stipulations  in  the  treaty,  and  informing  him  that 
orders  have  been  given,  or  shall  be  immediately  given,  to  the 
officers  of  the  United  States,  civil  or  military,  to  take  all  the 
measures  in  their  power  for  that  purpose. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  1  August,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  twice  read  the  despatch  of  Mr.  King, 
No.  67,  inclosed  in  your  favor  of  the  21st  of  July.  I  am  glad 
to  see  that  Lord  Grenville  expressed  his  opinion,  that  the  new 
board  ought  to  proceed  in  a  different  manner  from  their  prede- 
cessors, by  deciding  cases  singly,  one  after  another,  instead  of 
attempting  to  decide  by  general  resolves  and  in  classes. 

The  idea  of  paying  a  gross  sum  to  the  British  government  in 
lieu  of,  and  in  satisfaction  for,  the  claims  of  the  British  creditors, 
seems  to  me  to  merit  attentio)i  and  mature  deliberation.  There 
Avill  be  great  difficulties  attending  it,  no  doubt.  How  can  we 
form  an  estimate  that  will  satisfy  the  American  government 
and  the  British  government  ?  How  shall  the  claims  of  British 
creditors  be   extinguished  or  barred  from  recovery  in  our  courts 

1  For  the  protection  of  the  Spanish  territory  from  the  incursions  of  the  In- 
dians. 


OFFICIAL.  69 

of  law  ?  Shall  the  claim  of  the  creditor  be  transferred  to  our 
government,  and  how  ?  or  shall  it  be  a  total  extinguishment  of 
debt  and  credit  between  the  parties  ?  How  will  the  British 
government  apportion  the  sum  among  the  British  creditors  ? 
This,  however,  is  their  affair.  You  ask  an  important  question, 
whether  such  an  arrangement  can  afford  just  cause  of  discon- 
tent to  France.  But  I  think  it  must  be  answered  in  the  nega- 
tive. Our  citizens  are  in  debt  to  British  subjects.  We  surely 
have  a  right  to  pay  our  honest  debts  in  the  manner  least  incon- 
venient to  ourselves,  and  no  foreign  power  has  any  thing  to  do 
with  it.  I  think  I  should  not  hesitate  on  this  account.  The 
difficulty  of  agi-eeing  upon  a  sum  is  the  greatest;  but  I  am 
inclined  to  think  this  may  be  overcome.  If  nothing  of  this  kind 
can  be  agreed  on,  and  the  British  government  refuse  all  explana- 
tions, I  think  that  good  faith  will  oblige  us  to  try  another  board  ; 
and  I  have  so  little  objection  to  the  modes  of  appointing  a  new 
board,  suggested  to  Mr.  King  by  our  government  or  by  the 
British  government,  that  I  am  content  to  leave  it  to  Mr.  King 
to  do  the  best  he  can.  I  shall  keep  the  copy  of  Mr.  King's  des- 
patch. No.  67,  presuming  that  you  have  the  original. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  2  August,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Last  night  I  received  your  favor  of  the  24th 
of  July.  The  letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  dated  the  24th  of  July,  I 
have  read,  and  as  I  see  no  reason  to  desire  any  alteration  in  it, 
I  shall  give  it  to  General  Lincoln,  the  collector  at  Boston,  to 
be  by  him  sent  to  Hamburg  or  Amsterdam  by  the  first  good 
opportunity.^  The  duplicate  and  triplicate  you  may  send  by 
such  opportunities  as  may  be  presented  to  you.  Mr.  King's 
despatches,  Nos.  71  and  72,  I  have  read,  and,  if  you  think  proper, 
you  may  authorize  Mr.  King,  if  he  thinks  it  proper,  to  communi- 
cate to  the  court,  in   any  manner   he  thinks  most  decent,  the 

1  Mr.  Marshall  had  expressed  a  desire  that  it  should  take  this  course.  But 
he  says ; — 

"  I  transmit  it  to  you,  because  there  are  in  it  some  sentiments  further  than 
those  contained  in  your  letter.  Should  you  wish  any  change,  be  pleased  to  note 
it,  and  return  the  letter." 


70  OFFICIAL. 

congratulations  of  his  government,  and,  if  he  pleases,  of  the 
President,  on  the  King's  fortunate  escape  from  the  attempt  of 
an  assassin. 

The  mighty  bubble,  it  seems,  is  burst,  of  a  projected  combi- 
nation of  all  the  north  of  Europe  against  France.  This  mighty 
design,  which  was  held  up  in  terror  before  my  eyes  to  intimidate 
me  from  sending  envoys  to  France,  is  evaporated  in  smoke. 
Indeed,  I  never  could  hear  it  urged  against  the  mission  to  France 
without  laughter. 

The  jewels  for  Tunis  are  a  more  serious  object.  When  I  read 
over  all  the  despatches  from  the  Barbary  States,  I  remember 
your  predecessor  consulted  me  concerning  these  jewels.  His 
opinion  was,  that  it  was  best  to  make  the  present,  rather  than  to 
hazard  a  rupture.  After  the  expenditure  of  such  great  sums,  I 
thought  with  him  that  it  would  be  imprudent  to  hazard  an 
interruption  of  the  peace  on  account  of  these  jewels,  and  I 
presume  he  w^rote  to  Mr.  Eaton  or  Mr.  Smith  accordingly.  I 
am  still  of  the  same  opinion. 

I  see  no  objection  against  requesting  Mr.  Smith,  and  all  the 
consuls  in  the  Barbary  States, to  keep  Mr,  King  informed  of  the 
general  state  of  affairs.  It  will  be  of  service  to  the  public  that 
our  minister  at  London  should  know  as  much  information  as 
possible  concerning  our  affairs  in  those  countries.  I  return  Mr. 
King's  despatches,  71  and  72. 


TO  B.  STODDERT,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

Quincy,  3  August,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  knoAV  not  whether  the  inclosed  letter  from 
Lady  Catherine  Duer  has  not  excited  too  much  tenderness  in 
my  feelings,  but  I  cannot  refrain  from  inclosing  it  to  you,  and 
recommending  it  to  your  serious  consideration.  If  it  is  possible, 
without  material  injury  to  the  discipline  of  the  navy,  to  accept 
of  the  resignation  of  this  unhappy  youth,  I  pray  you  to  do  it. 
I  had  almost  said  that  this  letter,  at  first  reading,  excited  as 
much  of  a  temporary  indignation  against  the  captain,  for  suffer- 
ing these  dinners  at  St.  Kitts,  as  it  has  of  a  permanent  pity  for 
an  unfortunate  family.      Captain  Little  has  returned  without 


OFFICIAL.  71 

the  loss  of  a  man  by  sickness,  and  with  a  ship  in  perfect  health, 
only  by  keeping  always  at  sea. 


TO    O.    WOLCOTT,    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY. 

Quincy,  6  August,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  In  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  26th  of  July,  I  have 
to  inform  you  that  although  you  omitted  to  inclose  to  me  the 
letter  from  John  Cowper,  Esquire,  as  you  intended,  yet  as  there 
are  no  candidates  for  the  office,  that  I  know  of,  that  ought  to 
excite  any  hesitation,  I  am  well  satisfied  that  you  should  apply 
to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  commissions  for  Mr.  Claude 
Thompson,  to  be  collector  of  the  customs,  for  the  district  of 
Brunswick  in  Georgia,  and  inspector  of  the  revenue  for  said 
port,  provided  you  are  satisfied  with  Mr.  Cowper's  recommend- 
ation. 

To  show  you  the  passions  that  are  continually  excited  by  the 
appointments  and  dismissions  we  are  so  often  obliged  to  make, 
I  inclose  a  letter  I  received  last  night  from  Mr.  Jabez  Bowen 
at  Augusta.  Such  are  the  reproaches  to  which  the  most  up- 
right actions  of  our  lives  are  liable  I^ 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  7  August,  1800. 

I  have  just  received  your  favor  of  July  29th.  The  merit  of 
Judge  Chase,  of  which  I  have  been  a  witness  at  times  for  six 
and  twenty  years,  are  very  great  in  my  estimation,  and  if  his 
sons  are  as  well  qualified  as  others,  it  is  quite  consistent  with 
my  principles  to  consider  the  sacrifices  and  services  of  a  father 

1  Just  at  this  time,  the  officer  to  whom  this  letter  was  addressed,  was  engaging 
in  the  preparation  of  the  materials  for  the  use  of  Mr.  Hamilton  in  the  deliberate 
attack  he  was  meditating  upon  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Hamilton's  letter  inviting  him 
to  execute  this  task,  and  his  reply,  disclose  the  motives  of  the  actors  not  less 
than  their  sense  of  the  moral  obstacles  in  their  way.  They  also  establish  the 
fact  that  the  shape  of  the  attack  was  the  result  of  cool  and  concerted  hostility, 
rather  than  the  impulse  of  self-defence  under  which  it  is  declared  to  have  been 
made.     Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  pp.  397,  416. 


72  OFFICIAL. 

in  weighing  the  pretensions  of  a  son.  The  old  gentleman  will 
not  last  very  long,  and  it  can  hardly  be  called  accumulating 
offices  in  a  family  to  appoint  the  son  of  a  judge  of  the  United 
States  marshal  of  a  particular  State.  However,  I  have  so 
much  deference  for  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Stoddert,  especially  in  an 
appointment  in  his  own  State,  that  I  will  wave  my  own  incli- 
nation in  favor  of  his  judgment,  and  consent  to  the  appointment 
of  Major  David  Hopkins. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  7  August,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  inclose  to  you  a  letter  from  Governor  Trum- 
bull, of  Connecticut,  a  petition  for  a  pardon  from  Isaac  Wil- 
liams, in  prison  at  Hartford,  for  privateering  under  French 
colors.  His  petition  is  seconded  by  a  number  of  very  respect- 
able people.  I  inclose  many  other  papers  relative  to  the  subject, 
put  into  my  hands  yesterday  by  a  young  gentleman  from  Nor- 
wich, his  nephew.  The  man's  generosity  to  American  prisoners, 
his  refusal  to  act,  and  resigning  his  command,  when  he  was 
ordered  to  capture  American  vessels,  his  present  poverty  and 
great  distress,  are  arguments  in  favor  of  a  pardon,  and  I  own  I 
feel  somewhat  inclined  to  grant  it.  But  I  will  not  venture  on 
that  measure  without  your  advice  and  that  of  your  colleagues. 
I  pray  you  to  take  the  opinions  of  the  heads  of  department 
upon  these  papers,  and  if  they  advise  to  a  pardon,  you  may 
send  me  one.^ 

With  high  esteem,  &c. 

John  Adams. 

1  The  trial  of  Isaac  Williams  is  found  in  Wharton's  State  Trials,  ^c,  pp.  652- 
658,  with  a  carefully  prepared  note  touching  the  difficult  question  of  expatria- 
tion, which  can  scarcely  yet  be  pronounced  settled  in  America.  Mr.  Marshall, 
in  his  reply  to  the  above  letter,  dated  the  16th,  says  ;  — 

"  The  petition  of  Isaac  Williams,  with  the  accompanying  documents,  was,  in 
conformity  with  your  direction,  laid  before  the  heads  of  clepartment,  and  by  their 
unanimous  opinion  the  fines  are  remitted.  I  have  inclosed  his  pardon  to  the 
marshal  for  the  district  of  Connecticut." 


OFFICIAL.  73 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  11  August,  1800. 

On  Saturday  I  received  your  favor  of  the  26th  ultimo.  The 
German  letter  proposing  to  introduce  into  this  country  a  com- 
pany of  schoolmasters,  painters,  poets,  &c.,  all  of  them  disciples 
of  Mr.  Thomas  Paine,  will  require  no  answer.  I  had  rather 
countenance  the  introduction  of  Ariel  and  Caliban,  with  a  troop 
of  spirits  the  most  mischievous  from  fairy  land.  The  direction 
to  deliver  the  Sandwich^  to  the  Spanish  minister,  on  the  requi- 
sition of  the  King  of  Spain,  as  the  case  is  stated,  no  doubt 
accurately,  in  your  letter,  I  believe  was  right ;  and  it  was  better 
to  do  it  promptly,  than  to  wait  for  my  particular  orders  in  a  case 
so  plain.  Respecting  Bowles,  I  wrote  you  on  the  31st  of  July, 
that  I  thought  General  Wilkinson  and  Mr.  Hawkins  should  be 
written  to.  I  now  add  that  I  think  the  governors  of  Georgia, 
Tennessee,  and  the  Mississippi  territory  should  be  written  to, 
to  employ  all  the  means  in  their  power  to  preserve  the  good 
faith  of  the  United  States,  according  to  the  fifth  article  of  the 
treaty  with  Spain.  How  far  it  will  be  proper  to  order  General 
Wilkinson  to  cooperate  with  the  Spanish  government  or  mili- 
tary forces,  it  will  be  proper  for  the  heads  of  department  to 
consider.  I  can  see  no  objection  against  ordering  them  to  join 
in  an  expedition  against  Bowles,  wherever  he  may  be,  in  concert 
with  the  Spanish  forces,  at  their  request.  The  only  danger 
would  arise  from  misunderstandings  and  disagreements  between 
the  officers  or  men.  Jn  my  letter  of  the  31st  ultimo  I  also 
requested  you  to  give  a  civil  answer  to  the  Chevalier,  assuring 
him  of  our  sincere  friendship  for  the  Spanish  government  and 
nation,  and  of  our  resolution  to  fulfil  the  treaty  with  good  faith. 
This  letter  I  hope  you  received. 

On  the  1st  of  August  I  wrote  you  on  the  subject  of  a  sum  in 
gross  to  be  paid,  instead  of  going  through  all  the  chicanery, 
which  may  be  practicable  under  the  treaty .^  I  most  perfectly 
agree  with  you  and  the  heads  of  department,  that  the  proposi- 
tion merits  serious  attention.  My  only  objection  to  it  is  one 
that  cannot  be  seriously  mentioned.     I  am  afraid  that,  as  soon 

'  A  vessel  captured  by  Captain  Talbot  in  a  Spanish  port  of  St.  Domingo. 
2  The  claims  of  British  subjects  under  the  sixth  article  of  the  British  treaty. 

VOL.  IX.  7 


74  OFFICIAL. 

as  this  point  of  dispute  is  removed,  such  is  their  habitual  de- 
light in  wrangling  with  us,  they  will  invent  some  other.  Some 
pretext  or  other  of  venting  their  spleen  and  ill  humor  against 
us  they  will  always  find.  This,  however,  cannot  be  gravely 
urged  as  a  reason  against  settling  this  quarrel.  I  am  willing 
you  should  write  to  Mr.  King  instructions  on  this  head.  Take 
the  opinions,  however,  of  the  heads  of  department  on  the  letter, 
before  you  send  it.  If  they  are  unanimous  with  you  for  going 
as  far  as  a  million,  in  the  latitude  to  be  given  to  Mr.  King  in 
the  negotiation,  I  will  agree  to  it.^ 


TO    JOHN    TRUMBULL. 

Quincy,  12  August,  1800. 
Dear  Sir, —  A  letter  from  my  old  friend  Trumbull  is  always 
so  cheering  a  cordial  to  my  spirits,  that  I  could  almost  rejoice 
in  the  cause  which  produced  yours  of  the  6th.  The  gentleman 
you  allude  to  did,  it  is  true,  make  me  a  visit  at  Ncav  Haven. 
It  was  not  unexpected,  for  it  was  not  the  first  or  second  mark 
of  attention  that  I  have  received  from  him,  at  the  same  place. 
On  this  occasion  his  deportment  was  polite,  and  his  conversation 
easy,  sensible,  and  agreeable.  I  understood  from  him,  what  I 
well  knew  before  and  always  expected,  that  there  had  been 
some  uneasiness  and  some  severe  criticisms  in  Connecticut  on 
account  of  the  late  removal  of  the  late  Secretary  of  State ;  but 
he  mentioned  no  names,  nor  alluded  to  persons  or  places.  No 
such  insinuations  concerning  Hartford,  as  you  have  heard, 
escaped  his  lips.^  I  had  for  many  years  had  it  in  contempla- 
tion to  take  the  road  of  the  sea  coast,  and  I  believe  that  for 

1  Mr.  Marshall  in  his  reply,  dated  the  23d,  writes  ;  — 

"  I  understand  your  opinion  to  be  that  the  explanatory  articles,  if  attainable, 
are  preferred  to  any  other  mode  of  accommodating  the  differences  which  pro- 
duced the  dissolution  of  the  board  lately  sitting  at  Philadelphia;  and  that  the 
most  eligible  mode  is  the  substitution  of  a  sum  in  gross  as  a  compensation  for 
the  claims  of  the  creditors  of  the  United  States.  On  this  idea  the  letter  to 
Mr.  King  is  drawn.  For  many  reasons  I  am  myself  decidedly  of  the  same 
opinion,  and  I  believe  there  is  with  respect  to  it  no  difference  among  the  heads 
of  department." 

2  Mr.  Trumbull  had  written  to  know  whether  the  stories  in  circulation  were 
true,  that  Mr.  Adams  had  been  induced  to  change  his  course  from  Hartford  to 
New  London  by  reason  of  the  representations  made  by  the  gentleman  referred 


OFFICIAL.  75 

many  years  I  have  never  stopped  at  New  Haven,  without  mak- 
ing some  inquiries  concerning  the  roads  and  inns.  The  gentle- 
man in  question  had  just  returned  from  New  London,  and 
assured  me  the  road  was  good,  the  accommodations  at  the 
public  houses  not  bad,  and  the  passage  of  the  ferry  neither 
dangerous  nor  inconvenient  to  any  but  the  ferrymen.  He 
added,  that  he  had  heard  people  at  several  places  on  that  route 
observe,  that  I  had  never  seen  it,  that  they  wished  to  see  me 
that  way,  and  that  the  distance  to  my  own  house  in  Quincy 
was  ten  or  twelve  miles  less,  than  the  other.  An  economy  of 
a  dozen  miles  to  an  old  man,  who  was  already  weary  with  a 
journey  of  six  or  seven  hundred  miles,  was  an  object  of  atten- 
tion, and  that  way  I  took.  I  never  entertained  nor  conceived  a 
suspicion,  that  I  should  not  meet  the  same  cordial  reception  at 
Hartford  as  usual.  There  was  some  conversation  concerning 
constitutions  and  administration,  rather  free,  but  very  cool  and 
decent,  without  any  personal  or  party  allusions,  which  gave  me 
an  opinion  of  the  correctness  of  his  judgment,  which  I  had  not 
before.  But  as  these  were  private  conversations,  I  do  not  think 
it  necessary,  if  it  could  be  justifiable,  to  mention  them.  Who 
is  it  says,  in  the  Old  Testament,  I  will  go  out  and  be  a  lying 
spirit  among  them  ?  ^ 

With  affectionate  esteem,  dear  Sir,  your  much  pained  friend, 

John  Adams. 

to,  of  the  hostility  felt  to  him  at  the  former  place.  la  this  connection  Mr.  T. 
says; — 

"  In  fact,  had  you  given  Hartford  the  honor  of  a  visit,  you  would  have  been 
met  from  all  parties  with  more  than  usual  marks  of  attention  and  respect.  Many 
were  desirous  of  convincing  you  that  they  did  not  consider  the  President's  exer- 
tion of  his  constitutional  right  of  displacing  a  subordinate  executive  officer,  as  a 
matter  of  national  concern ;  that  wlule  they  felt  no  dissatisfaction  at  the  conduct 
of  administration  in  public  and  consequential  measures,  no  minute  clamors  could 
shake  their  confidence ;  and  that  of  the  propriety  or  necessity  of  the  measure, 
they  pretended  not  at  that  time  to  be  possessed  of  the  evidence,  or  the  right, 
which  could  enable  them  to  judge  or  decide." 

-  Mr.  Adams  was  not  fated  to  have  his  own  measure  meted  to  him  by  others. 
A  specimen  of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  treated,  in  this  very  instance,  is  dis- 
closed in  a  letter  of  Chauncey  Goodrich  to  Oliver  AVolcott,  still  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury.  The  writer  warns  his  correspondent,  that  the  person  to  whom  this 
letter  is  addressed,  described  as  "  our  friend  Trumbull,  remains  as  firmly  as  ever 
attached  to  his  old  master."  Noah  Webster,  too,  is  not  well  affected  to  the 
cabal.     Gibbs's  Memoirs  of  the  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  411. 


76  OFFICIAL. 


TO    S.    DEXTER,    SECRETARY    OF    WAR. 

Quincy,  13  August,  1800. 
Dear  Sir,  —  Last  night  I  received  your  favor  of  the  4th,  and 
have  read  the  inclosures,  all  which  I  return  to  you.  I  will  not 
object  to  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Foncin  as  one  of  the  three. 
But  I  shall  not  appoint  him  first  as  long  as  Barron  lives.  If 
you  can  find  another  American  mathematician  better  than 
Barron,  it  is  well ;  if  not,  we  will  appoint  him  first  teacher.  I 
am  well  satisfied  with  the  recommendation  of  Colonel  David 
Vance  and  willing  to  appoint  him,  but  I  wish  you  to  ask  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Wolcott.  In  all  business  which  involves  expense, 
I  love  to  consult  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasviry.  My  opinion 
is  clear  in  favor  of  one  commissioner  rather  than  three,i  and 
Vance  will  be  enough.  I  need  say  nothing  about  Bloody 
Fellow,2  Mr.  McHenry,^  or  Mr.  Sevier,  if  we  have  but  one. 
Would  it  be  worth  while  to  write  to  Presidents  Willard,  Dwiffht, 
Smith,  Ewing,  &c.,  to  inquire  after  young  ruathematicians  ? 

I  am,  Sir,  with  cordial  esteem, 

John  Adams. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  13  August,  1800. 
hi  answer  to  yours  of  the  2d,  I  have  agreed  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  Major  David  Hopkins  to  be  marshal  of  Maryland, 
according  to  the  advice  of  Mr.  Stoddert,  although  it  was  a 
great  disappointment  and  mortification  to  me  to  lose  the  only 
opportunity  I  shall  ever  have  of  testifying  to  the  world  the 
high  opinion  I  have  of  the  merits  of  a  great  magistrate  by  the 

^  To  negotiate  with  the  Southern  Indians  for  some  land. 

2  An  Indian  chief,  whose  evidence  had  been  quoted  in  this  case  ajrainst  Mr. 
evier. 

3  It  is  a  singular  fact  that  Mr.  McHenry's  name  does  not  appear  in  Mr.  Dex- 
ter's  letter,  among  those  recommended.  The  idea  of  giving  him  an  appointment, 
mentioned  by  Mr.  Wolcott  as  at  first  entertained  by  the  President,  seems  to 
have  been  still  cherished.  In  the  meantime  that  gentleman  was  stimulating  Mr. 
Wolcott  to  buckle  on  his  armor,  and  complaining  of  everybody  in  any  way 
attached  to  Mr.  Adams.     Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  408. 


OFFICIAL.  77 

appointment  of  his  son  to  an  office  for  which  he  is  fully  quali- 
fied and  accomplished.^ 

I  agree  with  you  that  a  letter  should  be  written  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Guadaloupe,  remonstrating  against  the  treatment  of 
Daniel  Tripe  and  another  sailor,  and  holding  up  the  idea  of 
retaliation.  I  agree,  too,  that  complaints  should  be  made 
through  ]Vlr.  Humphreys  to  the  Spanish  court,  of  the  violation 
of  their  treaty  in  the  case  of  Gregory  and  Pickard  of  Boston. 
I  return  Mr.  Sitgreaves's  letter  received  in  yours  of  August  2d. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  14  August,  1800. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  received  but  last  night  your  favor  of  the  4th. 
I  have  read  the  papers  inclosed.  1.  The  letter  from  Mr.  Robert 
Wain.  2.  The  letter  from  Gid.  Hill  Wells.  3.  The  represent- 
ation of  three  masters  of  vessels,  Thomas  Choate,  Robert 
Forrest,  and  Knowles  Adams,  relative  to  the  consulate  of 
Madeira.  If  there  is  a  necessity  of  removing  Mr.  John  Marsden 
Pintard,  a  native  American  and  an  old  consul,  why  should 
we  appoint  a  foreigner  in  his  stead  ?  Among  the  number  of 
applications  for  consulates,  cannot  we  find  an  American  capable 
and  worthy  of  the  trust?  Mr.  Lamar  is  a  partner  in  a  respect- 
able house,  but  it  is  said  to  be  an  English,  or  rather  a  Scotch 
house.  Why  should  we  take  the  bread  out  of  the  mouths  of 
our  own  children  and  give  it  to  strangers  ?  We  do  so  much 
of  this  in  the  army,  navy,  and  especially  in  the  consulships 
abroad,  that  it  frequently  gives  me  great  anxiety.  If,  however, 
you  know  of  no  American  fit  for  it,  who  would  be  glad  of  it,  I 
shall  consent  to  your  giving  the  commission  to  Mr.  Lamar,  for 
it  seems  to  me,  from  these  last  representations,  there  is  a  neces- 
sity of  removing  Mr.  Pintard. 

* 

1  Judge  Samuel  Chase.  It  is  curious  to  notice  the  bitterness  of  the  feeling 
indulged  in  by  Mr.  McIIenry  against  him  and  his  friends  on  account  of  their 
preference  of  Mr.  Adams  to  Mr.  Pinckney.  Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations, 
vol.  ii.  pp.408,  419. 

The  omission  to  make  this  appointment  was  supplied  in  another  form  twenty- 
seven  vears  afterwards  by  his  son  John  Quincy  Adams,  whilst  President. 


78  OFFICIAL. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  26  August,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  received  last  night  your  letter  of  the  16th.  I 
am  well  satisfied  with  all  its  contents.  The  only  thing  which 
requires  any  observation  from  me,  is  the  proposed  instruction  to 
Mr.  King.  As  far  as  I  am  able  to  form  a  conjecture,  five  mil- 
lions of  dollars  are  more  than  sufficient,  provided  the  British 
creditors  are  left  at  liberty  to  prosecute  in  our  courts,  and  recover 
all  the  debts  which  are  now  recoverable.  I  agree,  however, 
with  the  heads  of  department,  that  it  is  better  to  engage  to  pay 
by  instalments,  or  otherwise,  as  may  be  agreed,  the  whole  sum, 
than  be  puzzled  and  teased  wdth  a  new  board  and  two  or  three 
years  of  incessant  wrangles.  I  should  be  for  instructing  Mr. 
King  to  obtain  the  lowest  sum  possible,  but  to  go  as  far 
as  five  millions  rather  than  fail.  J  wish  Mr.  King  may  be 
furnished  with  as  many  reasons  as  can  be  thought  of  for  redu- 
cing the  sum.  I  pray  you  to  prepare  a  letter  to  Mr.  King  as 
soon  as  possible ;  and  as  we  are  all  so  well  agreed  in  all  the 
principles,  I  do  not  think  it  necessary  to  transmit  it  to  me. 
Lay  it  before  the  heads  of  department,  and  if  they  approve  of 
it,  I  certainly  shall  not  disapprove  it,  and  you  may  send  it,  if 
opportunity  occurs,  without  further  advice  from  me.  Whether 
it  will  be  advisable  to  stipulate  for  a  transfer  to  the  United 
States  of  such  claims  as  the  British  government  shall  think  fit 
to  discharge  in  consequence  of  this  arrangement,  I  wish  you  to 
consider.  I  believe  it  will  occasion  more  trouble,  and  expense 
too,  than  profit. 


TO     O.     WOLCOTT,     SECRETARY     OF     THE     TREASURY. 

Quincy,  27  August,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Inclosed  is  a  letter  from  Mr.  John*C.  Jones,  of 
Boston,  recommending  Captain  Joseph  Coffin  Boyd,  to  fill  the 
place  of  Colonel  Lunt.  Also  a  letter  from  Richard  Hunnewell, 
requesting  the  office  for  himself.  Thus  you  see  we  have  an 
ample  choice  of  candidates.  Fosdick,  Titcomb,  Mayo,  Boyd, 
and  Hunnewell,  all  well  qualified,  and  recommended  by  very 
respectable  men.      The  last,  however,  appears  to  me  to  have 


OFFICIAL.  79 

the  best  pretensions,  though  supported  by  no  recommendations. 
These  he  might  easily  obtain,  but  I  think  it  unnecessary.  This 
gentleman  resigned  the  office  of  a  sheriff  of  a  county,  worth  fif- 
teen hundred  dollars  a  year,  for  the  sake  of  an  appointment  in 
the  late  army  worth  three  hundred  dollars  less.  He  was  lieute- 
nant-colonel commandant  of  the  fifteenth  regiment,  in  the  late 
brigade  at  Oxford.  The  public  seems  to  be  under  some  obliga- 
tion to  these  gentlemen,  who  were  so  suddenly  turned  adrift. 
Hunnewell,  though  very  young,  was  an  officer  in  the  army  last 
war,  and  from  his  manners,  appearance,  education,  and  accom- 
plishments, as  well  as  from  the  circumstances  before  mentioned, 
I  think  we  cannot  do  better  than  to  appoint  him.  If  you  are  of 
the  same  opinion,  you  may  send  him  a  commission  ;  but  if  you 
are  aware  of  any  objection  or  of  any  reason  for  preferring 
any  other  candidate,  I  pray  you  to  let  me  know  it,  before  any 
appointment  is  made. 

"With  great  esteem. 


TO    BARNABAS    BIDWELL. 


Quincy,  27  August,  1800. 
Sir, —  I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  16th,  and  thank  you 
for  the  information  it  contains.^  A  very  little  reflection,  I  think, 
must  convince  a  gentleman  of  your  information,  that  it  would 
be  altogether  improper  for  me  to  enter  into  any  conversation 
or  correspondence  relative  to  the  changes  in  administration. 
If  a  President  of  the  United  States  has  not  authority  enough 
to  change  his  own  secretaries,  he  is  no  longer  fit  for  his  office. 
If  he  must  enter  into  a  controversy  in  pamphlets  and  news- 
papers, in  vindication  of  his  measures,  he  would  have  employ- 
ment enough  for  his  whole  life,  and  must  neglect  the  duties  and 
business  of  his  station.  Let  those  who  have  renounced,  all  of  a 
sudden,  that  system  of  neutrality  for  which  they  contended  for 
ten  years,  justify  themselves,  if  they  can. 

I  am,  Su-,  very  respectfully, 

John  Adams. 

'  Mr.  Bidwell  had  written  a  letter,  requesting  an  explanation  of  the  grounds 
of  dismission  of  Mr.  Pickering,  "not  for  his  own  satisfaction,"  he  said,  "but  for 
the  sake  of  counteracting  injurious  impressions." 


80  OFFICIAL. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  30  August,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  received  last  night  your  favor  of  the  23d.  My 
ideas  are  perfectly  conformable  to  yours  in  your  instructions  to 
Mr.  King,  as  you  state  them  to  me.  The  explanatory  articles, 
if  attainable,  are  preferable  to  any  other  mode.  The  next  most 
eligible  is  the  substitution  of  a  sum  in  gross,  that  sum  to  be  as 
small  as  can  be  agreed  to,  or  will  be  agreed  to,  by  the  British 
government ;  but  to  agree  to  five  millions  of  dollars,  rather  than 
fail  of  explanations  and  substitution  both,  and  be  compelled  to 
agree  to  a  new  board,  and  all  their  delays  and  altercations. 

The  proposed  letters  to  the  governors  of  Georgia,  Tennessee, 
and  Mississippi,  will,  I  presume,  be  unnecessary.^  Mr.  King's 
letter  of  the  5th  of  July  is  a  melancholy  picture  of  Britain. 
Alas!  how  different  from  that  held  up  to  view  in  this  country, 
twelve  months  ago,  to  frighten  me  from  sending  to  France ! 
However,  Mr.  King  is  somewhat  of  a  croaker  at  times.  He  is 
apt  to  be  depressed  by  what  he  thinks  a  train  of  unfortunate 
events.  There  is  enough,  however,  of  likeness  in  his  drawing 
to  give  great  spirits  and  a  high  tone  to  the  French.  It  will  be 
our  destiny,  for  what  I  know,  republicans  as  we  are,  to  fight  the 
French  republic  alone.  I  cannot  account  for  the  long  delay  of 
our  envoys.  We  cannot  depart  from  our  honor,  nor  violate  our 
faith,  to  please  the  heroic  consul.^ 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  4  September,  1800. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  have  received  your  favor  of  August  25th.  I 
am  much  of  your  opinion,  that  we  ought  not  to  be  surprised, 
if  we  see  our  envoys  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks  or  days, 
without  a  treaty.  Nor  should  I  be  surprised,  if  they  should  be 
loaded  with  professions  and  protestations  of  love,  to  serve  as  a 
substitute  for  a  treaty.     The  state  of  things  will  be  so  critical, 

1  To  request  their  aid  in  keeping  the  peace  among  the  Indians  on  the  Spanish 
border. 

^  Bonaparte. 


OFFICIAL.  81 

that  the  government  ought  to  be  prepared  to  take  a  decided 
part.  Questions  of  consequence  will  arise,  and,  among  others, 
whether  the  President  ought  not  at  the  opening  of  the  session 
to  recommend  to  Congress  an  immediate  and  general  declara- 
tion of  war  against  the  French  republic.  Congress  has  already, 
in  my  judgment,  as  well  as  in  the  opinion  of  the  judges  at 
Philadelphia,  declared  war  within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitu- 
tion against  that  republic,  under  certain  restrictions  and  limita- 
tions. If  war  in  any  degree  is  to  be  continued,  it  is  a  serious 
question  whether  it  will  not  be  better  to  take  off  all  the  restric- 
tions and  limitations.  We  have  had  wonderful  proofs  that  the 
public  mind  cannot  be  held  in  a  state  of  suspense.  The  public 
opinion,  it  seems,  must  be  always  a  decided  one,  whether  in  the 
right  or  not.  We  shall  be  tortured  with  a  perpetual  conflict  of 
parties,  and  new  and  strange  ones  will  continually  rise  up,  until 
we  have  either  peace  or  war.  The  question  proposed  by  you 
is  of  great  magnitude.  I  pretend  not  to  have  determined  either, 
in  my  own  mind ;  but  I  wish  the  heads  of  department  to  turn 
their  thoughts  to  the  subject,  and  view  it  in  all  its  lights.^ 

The  despatches  from  the  Isle  of  France  are  unexpected. 
Four  or  five  parties  have  in  succession  had  the  predominance 
in  that  island,  and  the  old  governor  has  gone  along  with  each 
in  its  turn.  We  ought  to  be  cautious  on  that  business.  I 
should  prefer  Mr.  Lamar,  so  strongly  recommended,  to  any 
Spaniard  or  Madeira  man.  If  you  can  find  a  sound  native 
American,  well  qualified,  appoint  him ;  if  not,  I  will  agree  to 
Mr.  Lamar.     I  will  return  the  papers  by  a  future  opportunity. 

1  Mr.  Marshall,  in  his  letter,  says :  — 

"The  state  of  the  negotiation  on  the  17th  of  May,  considered  in  connection 
with  the  subsequent  military  operations  of  the  armies,  and  with  the  impression 
which  will  probably  be  made  by  the  New  York  election,  gives  the  appearance  of 
truth  to  the  intelligence  in  the  papers  from  St.  Sebastian's.  We  ought  not  to  be 
surprised,  if  we  see  our  envoys  in  the  course  of  the  next  month,  without  a  treaty. 
This  pi'oduces  a  critical  state  of  things,  which  ought  to  be  contemplated  in  time. 
The  question,  whether  hostilities  against  France,  with  the  exception  of  their 
West  India  privateers,  ought  to  be  continued,  if  on  their  part  a  change  of  con- 
duct shall  be  manifest,  is  of  serious  and  interesting  magnitude,  and  is  to  be  viewed 
in  a  variety  of  aspects." 

Mr.  Wolcott's  tone  on  this  subject  may  be  gathered  from  his  very  remarkable 
letter  of  the  3d  September  to  Alexander  Hamilton.  Gibbs's  Memoirs  of  the 
Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  417. 


8S  OFFICIAL. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE 

Quincy,  5  September,  1800. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  hope,  as  you  do,  that  the  resistance  to  the 
execution  of  the  judgment  of  the  courts  of  the  United  States 
in  Kentucky,  as  represented  by  Judge  Harry  Innes,  exists  no 
longer.     I  return  you  all  the  papers. 

Mountflorence's  information  was,  that  our  envoys  "  were  ready 
to  depart  for  Havre  de  Grace,  where  they  intended  to  embark 
for  the  Hague."  This  was,  probably,  given  out  by  the  French 
to  conceal  something  from  the  public.  What  that  something 
was,  you  may  conjecture  as  well  as  I.  They  would  not  be 
anxious  to  conceal  settlement  to  mutual  satisfaction.^ 

I  agree  with  you  that  very  serious,  though  friendly  remon- 
strances ought  to  be  made  to  Spain.  I  can  even  go  as  far  as 
you,  and  demand  compensation  for  every  American  vessel  con- 
demned by  the  French  consular  courts  in  the  dominions  of 
Spain.     I  return  all  the  papers  relative  to  this  subject. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  9  September,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Mr.  Stevens's  letter,  inclosed  in  yours  of  the 
30th,  seems  to  require  a  proclamation  to  open  the  trade  between 
the  United  States  and  the  ports  of  St.  Domingo,  which  were 
lately  in  the  possession  of  Rigaud,  and  I  am  ready  to  agree  to 
it  whenever  you  and  the  heads  of  department  shall  be  satisfied. 

Mr.  Mitchell,  of  Charleston,  promises  great  things,  and  he 
may  be  able  to  perform  them,  for  any  thing  I  know.  But  I 
have  no  intimation  that  Mr.  Boudinot  will  resign,  and  I  can 
promise  no  office  beforehand.  It  has  been  the  constant  usage, 
now  twelve  years,  for  the  President  to  answer  no  letters  of  soli- 
citation or  recommendation  for  office.  I  know  of  no  coins  of 
gold  better  executed  than  our  eagles,  nor  of  sUver  than  our  dol- 
lars. The  motto  of  the  Hotel  de  Valentinois,  in  which  I  lived 
at  Passy,  was,  "  se  sta  bene,  non  si  muove."     "  If  you   stand 

1  This  was  a  false  report.     Mr.  Wolcott's  hopes  peep  even  through  his  doubts. 
See  his  letter  to  J.  McHenry.     Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  410. 


OFFICIAL.  83 

well,  stand  still."  The  epitaph,  "  stava  ben,  ma  por  stare  meg- 
lio,  sto  qui,"  "I  was  well,  but  by  taking  too  much  physic  to 
be  better,  lo  hei-e  I  lie,"  is  a  good  admonition.  I  will  not  be 
answerable  for  the  correctness  of  my  Italian,  but  you  see  I  have 
an  idle  morning,  or  I  should  not  wTite  you  this  common-place. 
I  return  you  Mr.  Humphreys's  letter,  and  inclose  that  of  Mr. 
John  H.  Mitchell,  and  that  of  Mr.  Stevens. 

With  sincere  regard,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    JOHN    TRUMBULL. 


Quincy,  10  September,  1800. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  thank  you  for  your  favor  of  the  4th.  Porcu- 
pine's gazette,  and  Fenno's  gazette,  from  the  moment  of  the 
mission  to  France,  aided,  countenanced,  and  encouraged  by 
soi-disant  Federalists  in  Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia, 
have  done  more  to  shuffle  the  cards  into  the  hands  of  the  jacobin 
leaders,  than  all  the  acts  of  administration,  and  all  the  policy  of 
opposition,  from  the  commencement  of  the  government.  After 
the  house  of  representatives  had  unequivocally  and  unanimously 
applauded  that  measure,  as  they  did  in  their  address  in  answer 
to  the  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  last  session  of  Congress,  it 
is  arrogance,  presumption,  and  inconsistency,  without  a  parallel, 
in  any  to  say,  as  they  continue  to  do,  in  the  newspapers,  that 
the  Federalists  disapprove  it.  The  jacobins  infer  from  this 
disapprobation  designs  in  such  Federalists,  which  they  are  not 
prepared  to  avow.  These  Federalists  may  yet  have  their  fill  at 
fighting.  They  may  see  our  envoys  without  peace  ;  and  if  they 
do,  what  has  been  lost  ?  Certainly  nothing,  unless  it  be  the 
intlvience  of  some  of  the  Federalists  by  their  own  imprudent 
and  disorganizing  opposition  and  clamor.  Much  time  has  been 
gained.  If  the  election  of  a  Federal  President  is  lost  by  it,  they 
who  performed  the  exploit  will  be  the  greatest  losers.  They 
must  take  the  consequences.  They  will  attempt  to  throw  the 
blame  of  it  upon  me,  but  they  will  not  succeed.  They  have 
recorded  their  own  intemperance  and  indiscretion  in  characters 
too  legible  and  too  public.  For  myself,  age,  infirmities,  family 
misfortunes,  have  conspired  with  the  unreasonable  conduct  of 


84  OFFICIAL. 

jacobins  and  insolent  Federalists,  to  make  me  too  indifferent  to 
whatever  can  happen. 

I  am,  as  ever,  your  affectionate  friend. 

John  Adams. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Quincy,  18  September,  1800. 

I  received  last  night,  and  have  read  this  morning,  the  copy 
of  your  letter  to  Mr.  King,  inclosed  in  your  favor  of  the  9th. 
I  know  not  how  the  subject  could  have  been  better  digested. ^ 

An  idea  has  occurred  to  me,  which  I  wish  you  would  con- 
sider. Ought  not  something  to  be  said  to  Mr.  King  about  the 
other  board  ?  That,  I  mean,  in  London.^  We  understand  it, 
no  doubt,  all  along,  that  those  commissioners  are  to  proceed, 
and  their  awards  are  to  be  paid.  But  should  not  something  be 
expressed  concerning  it,  in  this  new  arrangement,  whether  by 
explanations  or  a  composition  for  a  gross  sum?  Can  it  be 
stipulated  that  the  gross  sum,  if  that  should  be  accepted,  should 
be  paid,  in  whole  or  in  part,  to  American  claimants  before  the 
board  in  London,  in  satisfaction  of  awards  in  their  favor? 
These,  perhaps,  would  loan  the  money  to  government,  and 
receive  certificates  on  interest,  as  the  merchants  have  for  ships. 
I  only  hint  the  thing  for  consideration  ;  am  not  much  satisfied 
with  it. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 


Quiney,  27  September,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  received  yesterday  the  inclosed  letter,  sent  up 
from  Boston,  with  several  others,  and  large  packets  which  appear 
to  be  only  newspapers.  This  is  a  duplicate  of  No.  244,  from 
Mr.  Humphreys  at  Madrid,  dated  29th  July  and  August  1st. 
Talleyrand's  reply  to  the  French  minister  says :  "  In  the  present 
state  of  the  negotiation  between  the  United  States  and  France, 
you  may  inform  Mr.  Humphreys  that  he  shall  not  long  have 
occasion  to  complain  of  any  more  robberies  [brigandages)  com- 

'  This  clear  and  statesmanlike  despatch  proposed  the  settlement  of  the  ques- 
tions under  the  sixth  article  of  the  British  treaty  by  the  payment  of  a  gross  sum. 
2  That  constituted  under  the  seventh  article  of  the  same  treaty. 


OFFICIAL.  85 

mitted  under  the  name  of  privateering."  This  sentiment  favors 
your  idea  in  your  letter  of  the  17th,  that  "  the  present  French 
government  is  much  inclined  to  correct,  at  least  in  part,  the 
follies  of  the  past."  ^  Inclosed  is  a  private  letter  to  me  from 
Mr.  King  of  28th  July,  which  may  reflect  some  light  upon  the 
disposition  of  the  French  government  about  that  time.  They 
might  be  courting  or  flattering  the  northern  powers  into  an  armed 
neutrality.  The  envoys,  when  they  come,  will,  I  hope,  be  able 
to  clear  away  all  doubts,  and  show  us  plainly  both  our  duty  and 
our  interest.  I  return  you  the  three  parchments  signed  as  com- 
missions for  Clark,  Vanderburg,  and  Griffin,  to  be  judges  in  the 
Indiana  territory.  I  wish  you  a  pleasant  tour  to  Richmond, 
but  I  pray  you  to  give  such  orders  that,  if  despatches  should 
arrive  from  our  envoys,  they  may  be  kept  as  secret  as  the  grave 
till  the  Senate  meets.  On  Monday,  the  13th  October,  I  shall 
set  off  from  this  place.  Letters  should  not  be  sent  to  me,  to 
reach  this  place  or  Boston  after  that  day.  I  pray  you  to  turn 
your  reflections  to  the  subject  of  communications  to  be  made 
to  Congress  by  the  President,  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  and 
give  me  your  sentiments  as  soon  as  possible  in  writing.  The 
Constitution  requires  that  he  should  give  both  information  and 
counsel. 

I  am,  Sir,  with  a  sincere  attachment, 

John  Adams. 

1  Mr.  Marshall  bad  written  as  follows  :  — 

"It  is  certainly  wise  to  contemplate  the  event  of  our  envoys  returning  without 
a  treaty,  but  it  will  very  much  depend  on  the  intelligence  and  assurances  they 
maj'  bring,  what  course  sound  policy  will  direct  the  tjnited  States  to  pursue.  I 
am  greatly  disposed  to  think  that  the  present  government  is  much  inclined  to 
correct,  at  least  in  part,  the  follies  of  the  past.  Of  these,  perhaps,  none  were 
more  conspicuous,  or  more  injurious  to  the  French  nation,  than  their  haughty  and 
hostile  conduct  to  neutrals.  Considerable  retrograde  steps  in  this  respect  have 
already  been  taken,  and  I  expect  the  same  course  will  be  continued.  Should 
this  expectation  not  be  disappointed,  there  will  be  security,  at  least  a  reasonable 
prospect  of  it,  for  the  future,  and  there  will  exist  no  cause  of  war,  but  to  obtain 
compensation  for  past  injuries.  This,  I  am  persuaded,  will  not  be  deemed  a 
sufficient  motive  for  such  a  measure." 

Mr.  Wolcott,  at  this  time,  was  very  differently  engaged.  Gibbs's  Memoirs  of 
the  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  430.     Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  vl.  p.  471. 

VOL.  IX.  8 


86  OFFICIAL. 


TO    S.    DEXTER,    SECRETARY    OF    WAR. 

Quincy,  30  September,  1800. 

Dear  Sir, —  The  letter  of  Mr.  King  to  me  of  August  the  11th, 
with  Bell's  Weekly  Messenger  of  August  10th,  I  inclose  to  you, 
because  General  Marshall,  I  suppose,  will  be  absent.  I  pray 
you  to  communicate  it  to  the  other  gentlemen.  If  the  negotia- 
tion is  terminated  upon  the  stated  points,  the  object  is,  no  doubt, 
our  United  States  election  ;  but  time  will  show  they  are  directed 
by  superficial  advisers.  Instead  of  operating  in  favor  of  their 
man,  it  will  work  against  him.  It  is  very  probable  they  will 
send  a  minister  or  ministers  here,  and  it  behoves  us  to  consider 
how  we  shall  receive  him.  There  can  be  no  question  in  Ame- 
rica, or  at  least  with  the  executive  authority  of  government, 
whether  we  shall  preserve  our  treaty  with  Britain  with  good 
faith.  It  is  impossible  we  should  violate  it,  because  impossibile 
est  quod  jure  impossibile.  I  send  you  a  letter  also  from  Mr. 
Gore  of  August  8th,  and  a  triplicate  from  Mr.  King  of  2Sth  of 
Jiily.     I  will  thank  you  to  return  me  these  letters. 


TO  J.  MARSHALL,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Quincy,  3  October,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  received  last  night  your  letter  of  24th 
September.  I  return  you  Mr.  Adams's  letter  of  28th  of  June. 
The  question,  whether  neutral  ships  shall  protect  enemies'  pro- 
perty, is  indeed  important.  It  is  of  so  much  importance,  that 
if  the  principle  of  free  ships,  free  goods,  were  once  really  esta- 
blished and  honestly  observed,  it  would  put  an  end  forever  to 
all  maritime  war,  and  render  all  military  navies  useless.  How- 
ever desirable  this  may  be  to  humanity,  how  much  soever 
philosophy  may  approve  it  and  Christianity  desire  it,  I  am 
clearly  convinced  it  will  never  take  place.  The  dominant  power 
on  the  ocean  will  forever  trample  on  it.  The  French  would 
despise  it  more  than  any  nation  in  the  world,  if  they  had  the 
maritime  superiority  of  power,  and  the  Russians  next  to  them. 
We  must  treat  the  subject  with  great  attention,  and,  if  all  other 
nations  will  agree  to  it,  we  will.     But  while  one  holds  out,  we 


OFFICIAL.    ^  87 

shall  be  the  dupes,  if  we  agree  to  it.  Sweden  and  Denmark, 
Russia  and  Prussia,  might  form  a  rope  of  sand,  but  no  depend- 
ance  can  be  placed  on  such  a  maritime  coalition.  We  must, 
however,  treat  the  subject  with  gi-eat  respect.  If  you  have 
received  a  certificate  that  the  ratifications  of  the  treaty  with 
Prussia  are  exchanged,  should  not  a  proclamation  issue,  as 
usual,  to  publish  it?  I  have  read  with  some  care,  and  great 
pleasure,  your  letter  to  Mr.  King  of  20th  September.  I  think  it 
very  proper  that  such  a  letter  should  be  sent,  and  I  am  so  fully 
satisfied  with  the  representations  and  reasonings  in  it,  that  I 
shall  give  it  to  General  Lincoln,  the  collector  of  Boston,  to  be 
sent  by  the  first  opportunity  to  I^ondon.^ 


TO    O.    WOLCOTT,    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY. 

Quincy,  4  October,  1800. 

Dear  Sir, —  Inclosed  is  a  letter  from  Mr.  Daniel  Bedinger, 
with  a  certificate  in  his  favor  from  Governor  Wood.  I  suppose 
this  letter  comes  too  late;  but  that,  if  it  had  arrived  earlier,  it 
would  have  made  no  alteration  in  your  judgment  or  mine. 
Neither  Mr.  Parker  nor  any  other  person  ever  had  authority  from 
me  to  say,  that  any  man's  political  creed  would  be  an  insuper- 
able bar  to  promotion.  No  such  rule  has  ever  been  adopted. 
Political  principles  and  discretion  will  always  be  considered, 
with  all  other  qualifications,  and  well  weighed,  in  all  appoint- 
ments. But  no  such  monopolizing,  and  contracted,  and  illiberal 
system,  as  that  alleged  to  have  been  expressed  by  Mr.  Parker, 
was  ever  adopted  by  me. 

Washington  appointed  a  multitude  of  democrats  and  jaco- 
bins of  the  deepest  die.  I  have  been  more  cautious  in  this 
respect;  but  there  is  danger  of  proscribing,  under  imputations 
of  democracy,  some  of  the  ablest,  most  influential,  and  best 
characters  in  the  Union. 

Inclosed  is  a  letter  from  William  Cobb,  requesting  to  be  col- 
lector at  Portland.  I  send  you  these  letters,  that  they  may  be 
filed  in  your  office,  with  others  relative  to  the  same  subject. 

1  Mr.  Marshall  had  said  of  this  letter,  — 

"If  you  conceive  that  no  such  letter  should  be  sent,  it  may  at  once  be  sup- 
pressed. If  you  wish  any  changes  in  that  now  transmittod,  I  will,  on  receiving 
your  wish,  immediately  obey  it.  If  the  letter,  as  sent,  is  satisfactory  to  you,  I 
must  ask  the  favor  of  you  to  let  Mi".  Shaw  forward  it  to  Mr.  King." 


88  OFFICIAL. 


TO    S.    DEXTER,     SECRETARY    OF    WAR. 

Quincy,  9  October,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  read  the  inclosed  tedious  proceedings, 
but  cannot  reconcile  myself  to  the  severity  of  the  sentences. 
One  of  the  officers  certainly  ought  to  be  dismissed,  and  com- 
pelled to  do  justice  to  the  men.  But  the  circumstances  of 
degradation  and  infamy  might  work  upon  the  compassion  of 
his  neighbors  powerfully  enough  to  make  him  a  great  man  in 
the  militia  or  some  State  government.  The  other,  perhaps, 
ought  to  be  dismissed  only,  but  of  this  I  am  not  decided.  Let 
them  rest  till  I  see  you,  which  will  not  be  long  after,  nor  much 
before,  Mrs.  Dexter  will  make  you  healthy  and  happy. 

I  am,  with  great  regard, 

John  Adams. 


O.    WOLCOTT,    secretary    OF    THE    TREASURY,    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Washington,  8  November,  1800. 

Sir, —  I  have,  after  due  reflection,  considered  it  a  duty  which 
I  owe  to  myself  and  family,  to  retire  from  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  ;  and  accordingly  I  take  the  liberty  to  request 
that  the  President  would  be  pleased  to  accept  my  resignation, 
to  take  effect,  if  agreeable  to  him,  only  at  the  close  of  the  pre- 
sent year.i 

In  thus  suggesting  my  wishes,  I  am  influenced  by  a  desire 
of  affording  to  the  President  suitable  time  to  designate  my 
successor,  and  also  of  reserving  to  myself  an  opportunity  to 

'  Mr.  Woloott  seems  not  to  have  been  entirely  easy  in  his  mind  touching  his 
secret  occupations  during  the  preceding  two  months.  His  mode  of  compounding 
with  his  conscience  is  curiously  set  forth  in  his  letter  to  Alexander  Hamilton  of 
the  3d  of  September.  Gibbs's  Memoirs,  Sfc,  vol.  ii.  p.  416.  See  also  the  letter 
of  the  3d  October,  given  in  Gibbs,  with  omissions  which  are  nearly  all  supplied 
in  Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  471.  The  idea  of  giving  the  President,  whom  he 
was  doing  his  best  to  eject  from  office  after  the  3d  of  March,  time  to  select  a 
successor  for  two  months,  is  only  one  degree  less  singular  than  that  suggested  by 
his  biographer,  that  his  decision  was  postponed  until  after  he  had  become  satis- 
fied that  the  last  hope  of  his  continuance,  through  the  secret  movement  for  Mr. 
Pinckney,  must  fail.     See  Gibbs's  Memoirs,  ^'c,  vol.  ii.  pp.  443. 

In  the  meantime,  Mr.  Adams  had  not  the  remotest  suspicion  of  what  was 
going  on.  Not  altogether  unfitly  does  Mr.  Wolcott  himself  remark :  "  It  ap- 
pears to  me  that  certain  federalists  are  in  danger  of  losing  character  in  point  of 
sincerity!"     Gibbs,  vol.  ii.  p.  431. 


OFFICIAL.  89 

transfer  the  business  of  the  department  without  injury  to  the 
public  service. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

Oliver  Wolcott. 


TO    OLIVER    WOLCOTTj    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY. 

Washington,  10  November,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  8th  of  this 
month,  and  am  sorry  to  find  that  you  judge  it  necessary  to 
retire  from  office.  Although  I  shall  part  with  your  services  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  with  reluctance  and  regret,  I  am 
nevertheless  sensible  that  you  are  the  best  and  the  only  judge 
of  the  expediency  of  your  resignation. 

If  you  persist  in  your  resolution,  your  own  time  shall  be  mine. 
I  should  wish  to  know  whether,  by  the  close  of  the  present  year, 
you  mean  the  last  of  December,  or  the  fourth  of  March.  If  the 
first,  it  is  so  near  at  hand  that  no  time  is  to  be  lost  in  consider- 
ing of  a  successor. 

I  am,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


JOHN    JAY     TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

(Private.) 

Albany,  10  November,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Still  pressed  by  public  business,  occasioned  by 
the  late  session,  I  take  up  my  pen  to  ^vTite  you  a  few  lines 
before  the  mail  closes.  It  very  unexpectedly  happened  that  the 
anti-federal  party  succeeded  in  the  last  election  at  the  city  of 
New  York,  and  acquired  a  decided  majority  in  the  Assembly. 
Well  knowing  their  views  and  temper,  it  was  not  advisable 
that  the  speech  should  contain  any  matter  respecting  national 
officers  or  measures,  which  would  affijrd  them  an  opportunity 
of  indulging  their  propensity  to  do  injustice  to  both  in  their 
answer. 

But  the  next  morning  after  the  delivery  of  the  speech,  and 
before  they  proceeded  to  the  appointment  of  the  electors,  ] 
sent  them  a  message  (and  it  is  not  usual  to  return  any  answers 
to  such  messages,)  in  which  I  expressed  sentiments  which  leave 

8* 


90  OFFICIAL. 

no  room  for  your  political  enemies  to  draw  improper  inferences 
from  the  reserve  observable  in  the  speech.  The  respect  due  to 
myself,  as  well  as  to  you,  forbade  me  to  remain  silent  on  a 
subject  and  on  an  occasion  so  highly  interesting;  and  I  flatter 
myself  it  will  be  agreeable  to  you  to  perceive  from  these  cir- 
cumstances, and  to  be  assured,  that  I  still  remain,  and  will 
remain,  dear  Sir,  your  sincere  and  faithful  friend, 

John  Jay. 

Just  on  closing  this  letter,  a  newspaper,  which  I  inclose,  came 
in.     It  contains  a  copy  of  the  Message. 


O.    WOLCOTT,    SECRETARY    OF    THE    TREASURY,    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Washington,  11  November,  1800. 
Sir,  —  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  with  thanks  the 
President's  obliging  letter  of  yesterday.  The  time  contemplated 
by  myself  for  retiring  from  office  is  the  last  day  of  December 
next.  It  will,  however,  be  necessary  for  me  to  remain  here 
several  weeks  after  my  resignation  takes  place,  whenever  that 
event  may  happen,  for  the  purpose  of  completing  the  business 
which  will  have  been  by  me  previously  commenced.  Notwith- 
standing my  resignation  will  take  place,  agreeable  to  the  Pre- 
sident's permission,  on  the  last  day  of  December,  any  services, 
which  I  can  afterwards  render,  while  here,  will  be  at  the  dis- 
posal of  my  successor  or  the  government. 

I  have  the  honor,  &c. 

Oliver  Wolcott. 

to  john  jay. 

Washington,  24  November,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  received  last  week  your  friendly  private  letter 
of  the  lOtli.  The  assurance  of  the  continuance  of  your  friend- 
ship was  unnecessary  for  me,  because  I  have  never  had  a  doubt 
of  it.  But  others  invent  and  report  as  they  please.  They  have 
preserved  hitherto,  however,  more  delicacy  towards  the  friend- 
ship between  you  and  me  than  any  other. 

The  last  mission  to  France,  and  the  consequent  dismission  of 


OFFICIAL.  91 

the  twelve  regiments,  although  an  essential  branch  of  my  system 
of  policy,  has  been  to  those  who  have  been  intriguing  and  labor- 
ing for  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men,  an  unpardonable  fault. 
If  by  thfir  folly  they  have  thrown  themselves  on  their  backs, 
and  jacobins  should  walk  over  their  bellies,  as  military  gentle- 
men express  promotions  over  their  heads,  whom  should  they 
blame  but  themselves  ? 

Among  the  very  few  truths,  in  a  late  pamphlet,^  there  is  one 
which  I  shall  ever  acknovvdedge  with  pleasure,  namely,  that  the 
principal  merit  of  the  negotiation  for  peace  was  Mr.  Jay's.  I 
Avish  you  would  permit  our  Historical  Society  to  print  the  papers 
you  drew  up  on  that  occasion.  I  often  say,  that,  when  my 
confidence  in  Mr.  Jay  shall  cease,  I  must  give  up  the  cause  of 
confidence,  and  renounce  it  with  all  men. 

With  great  truth  and  regard,  I  am  now,  and  ever  shall  be, 
your  friend  and  servant, 

John  Adams. 

to  john  jay. 

Washington,  19  December,  1800. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Mr.  Ellsworth,  afflicted  with  the  gravel  and  the 
gout,  and  intending  to  pass  the  winter  in  the  south  of  France, 
after  a  few  weeks  in  England,  has  resigned  his  office  of  Chief 
Justice,  and  I  have  nominated  you  to  your  old  station.  This 
is  as  independent  of  the  inconstancy  of  the  people,  as  it  is  of 
the  will  of  a  President.  In  the  future  administration  of  our 
country,  the  firmest  security  we  can  have  against  the  effects 
of  visionary  schemes  or  fluctuating  theories,  will  be  in  a  solid 
judiciary ;  and  nothing  will  cheer  the  hopes  of  the  best  men  so 
much  as  your  acceptance  of  this  appointment.  You  have 
now  a  great  opportunity  to  render  a  most  signal  service  to 
your  country.  I  therefore  pray  you  most  earnestly  to  consider 
of  it  seriously,  and  accept  it.  You  may  very  properly  resign 
the  short  remainder  of  your  gubernatorial  period,  and  Mr.  Van 
Rensselaer  may  discharge  the  duties.  I  had  no  permission  from 
you  to  take  this  step,  but  it  appeared  to  me  that  Providence 
had  thrown  in  my  way  an  opportunity,  not  only  of  marking  to 
the  public  the  spot  where,  in  my  opinion,  the  greatest  mass  of 

'  Mr.  Hamilton's  attack  upon  him. 


92  OFFICIAL. 

worth  remained  collected  in  one  individual,  but  of  furnish- 
ing my  country  with  the  best  security  its  inhabitants  afforded 
against  the  increasing  dissolution  of  morals. 

With  unabated  friendship,  and  the  highest  esteem  and  respect, 

I  am,  &c. 

John  Adams. 

P.  S.     Your  commission  will  soon  follow  this  letter.^ 


TO    GEORGE    CHURCHMAN    AND    JACOB    LINDLEY. 

Washington,  24  January,  1801. 

Friends, —  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  17th  of  the  first 
month,  and  thank  you  for  communicating  the  letter  to  me  of 
our  friend  Warner  Mifflin.  I  have  read  both  with  pleasure, 
because  I  believe  they  proceeded  from  a  sense  of  duty  and  a 
principle  of  benevolence. 

Although  I  have  never  sought  popularity  by  any  animated 
speeches  or  inflammatory  publications  against  the  slavery  of  the 
blacks,  my  opinion  against  it  has  always  been  known,  and  my 
practice  has  been  so  conformable  to  my  sentiments  that  I  have 
always  employed  freemen,  both  as  domestics  and  laborers,  and 
never  in  my  life  did  I  own  a  slave.  The  abolition  of  slavery 
must  be  gradual,  and  accomplished  with  much  caution  and  cir- 
cumspection. Violent  means  and  measures  would  produce 
greater  violations  of  justice  and  humanity  than  the  continuance 
of  the  practice.  Neither  Mr.  Mifflin  nor  yourselves,  I  presume, 
would  be  willing  to  venture  on  exertions  which  would  probably 
excite  insurrections  among  the  blacks  to  rise  against  their  mas- 
ters, and  imbue  their  hands  in  innocent  blood. 

There  are  many  other  evils  in  our  country  which  are  growing 
(whereas  the  practice  of  slavery  is  fast  diminishing),  and  threaten 
to  bring  punishment  on  our  land  more  immediately  than  the 
oppression  of  the  blacks.     That  sacred  regard  to  truth  in  which 

'  "  Governor  Jay's  determination  to  retii-e  from  public  life  had  been  formed 
with  too  much  deliberation  and  sincerity  to  be  shaken  by  the  honor  now  tendei-ed 
to  him,  and  the  appointment  was  promptly  and  unequivocally  declined."  Jay's 
Life  of  J.  Jay,  vol.  i.  p.  422. 

Mr.  Jay,  in  his  answer,  assigns  the  state  of  his  health  as  the  deciding  reason, 
which  removed  every  doubt  from  his  mind. 


OFFICIAL.  93 

you  and  I  were  educated,  and  which  is  certainly  taught  and 
enjoined  from  on  high,  seems  to  be  vanishing  from  among  us. 
A  general  relaxation  of  education  and  government,  a  general 
debauchery  as  well  as  dissipation,  produced  by  pestilential 
philosophical  principles  of  Epicurus,  infinitely  more  than  by 
shows  and  theatrical  entertainments ;  these  are,  in  my  opinion, 
more  serious  and  threatening  evils  than  even  the  slavery  of  the 
blacks,  hateful  as  that  is.  I  might  even  add  that  I  have  been 
informed  that  the  condition  of  the  common  sort  of  white  people 
in  some  of  the  Southern  States,  particularly  Virginia,  is  more 
oppressed,  degraded,  and  miserable,  than  that  of  the  negroes. 
These  vices  and  these  miseries  deserve  the  serious  and  compas- 
sionate consideration  of  friends,  as  well  as  the  slave  trade  and 
the  degraded  state  of  the  blacks.  I  wish  you  success  in  your 
benevolent  endeavors  to  relieve  the  distresses  of  our  fellow, 
creatures,  and  shall  always  be  ready  to  cooperate  with  you  as 
far  as  my  means  and  opportunities  can  reasonably  be  expected 
to  extend. 

I  am,  with  great  respect  and  esteem,  your  friend, 

John  Adams. 


TO    ELIAS    BOUDINOT. 

Washington,  26  January,  1801. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have,  this  morning,  received  your  favor  of  the 
20th.  The  anxiety  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  law  in  New  Jersey 
to  have  the  present  President  of  the  United  States  appointed 
Chief  Justice,  after  the  3d  of  March,  is  very  flattering  to  me.^ 
Although  neither  pride,  nor  vanity,  nor  indolence,  would  prevent 
me  from  accepting  any  situation,  in  which  I  could  be  useful,  I 
know  of  none  for  which  I  am  fit.  The  office  of  Chief  Justice 
is  too  important  for  any  man  to  hold  of  sixty-five  years  of  age, 
who  has  wholly  neglected  the  study  of  the  law  for  six  and  twenty 

1  This  sinfjular  idea  is  sugsested  by  Mr.  Boudinot  in  the  followinw  manner ;  — 
"  Being  just  returned  from  New  Jersey,  will  you  excuse  the  liberty  I  take  m 
mentioning  to  you,  that  I  found  the  gentlemen  of  the  law  there  exceedingly 
anxious  relative  to  a  report  that  is  prevailing,  that  the  office  of  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States  may  possibly  be  filled  by  our  present  Chief  Magistrate,  after 
the  month  of  March  next.  I  am  authorized  to  say,  that  it  would  give  them  the 
greatest  pleasure,  and  raise  their  drooping  confidence  in  the  future  government 
of  the  United  States." 


94  OFFICIAL. 

years.  I  have  already,  by  the  nomination  of  a  gentleman  in  the 
full  vigor  of  middle  age,  in  the  full  habits  of  business,  and 
whose  reading  in  the  science  is  fresh  in  his  head,  to  this  office, 
put  it  wholly  out  of  my  power,  and,  indeed,  it  never  was  in  my 
hopes  or  wishes. 

The  remainder  of  my  days  will  probably  be  spent  in  the 
labors  of  agriculture,  and  the  amusements  of  literature,  in  both 
of  which  I  have  always  taken  more  delight  than  in  any  public 
office,  of  whatever  rank.  Far  removed  from  all  intrigues,  and 
out  of  the  reach  of  all  the  great  and  little  passions  that  agitate 
the  world,  although  I  take  no  resolutions,  nor  make  any  promises, 
I  hope  to  enjoy  more  tranquillity  than  has  ever  before  been  my 
lot.  Mrs.  A.  returns  her  thanks  for  the  friendly  politeness  of 
Mrs.  Boudinot  and  Mrs.  Bradford.  The  other  parts  of  your 
letter  will  be  duly  weighed  and  considered  in  their  season. 


TO    RICHARD    STOCKTON. 


AVashington,  27  January,  1801. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  am  much  obliged  by  your  favor  of  the  17th. 
If  the  judiciary  bill  should  pass,  as  I  hope  and  believe  it  will, 
I  should  be  very  glad  of  your  advice  relative  to  appointments 
in  other  States  as  well  as  your  own. 

The  talents  and  literary  qualifications  of  Mr.  William  Griffith, 
of  Burlington,  have  been  familiar  to  me  for  some  time.  Your 
account  of  his  character  in  other  respects  is  very  satisfactory. 
I  doubt,  however,  of  his  being  literally  at  the  head  of  his  pro- 
fession at  the  bar,  while  Mr.  Richard  Stockton  is  there,  and  am 
not  clear  that  his  pretensions  to  the  circuit  bench  are  the  first. 
I  wish  to  know,  in  confidence,  your  sentiments.  You  may  have 
reasons  for  resigning  to  another  your  own  pretensions,  but 
before  any  nomination  is  made,  I  should  be  very  glad  to  know, 
whether  you  would  accept  it.  It  is  very  probable  to  me  that 
your  prospects  in  your  own  State  and  at  large  may  be  better  for 
yourself,  and  more  for  the  benefit  of  the  public,  but  as  I  am  not 
certainly  informed,  I  shall  be  somewhat  embarrassed.  I  may 
have  been  too  indifferent  to  the  smiles  of  some  men,  and  to  the 


OFFICIAL.  95 

frowns  of  others,^  but  neither  will  influence  my  judgment,  I 
hope,  in  determining  nominations  of  judges,  characters  at  all 
times  sacred  in  my  estimation. 

With  great  esteem,  I  remain,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    J.    MARSHALL,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Washington,  31  January,  1801. 

I  request  you  would  cause  to  be  prepared  letters  for  me  to 
sign,  to  the  King  of  Prussia,  recalling  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams, 
as  minister  plenipotentiary  from  his  court.  You  may  express 
the  thanks  of  the  President  to  his  Majesty  for  the  obliging 
reception  and  kind  treatment  this  minister  has  met  with  at  his 
court,  and  may  throw  the  letter  into  the  form  of  leave  to  return 
to  the  United  States.  You  will  look  into  the  forms,  in  your 
office,  of  former  instances  of  recall.  I  wish  you  to  make  out  one 
letter  to  go  by  the  way  of  Hamburg,  another  by  Holland,  a 
third  by  France,  a  fourth  through  Mr.  King  in  England,  a  fifth, 
if  you  please,  by  the  way  of  Bremen  or  Stettin,  or  any  other 
channel  most  likely  to  convey  it  sooil  It  is  my  opinion  this 
minister  ought  to  be  recalled  from  Prussia.  Justice  would 
require  that  he  should  be  sent  to  France  or  England,  if  he 
should  be  continued  in  Europe.  The  mission  to  St.  James's  is 
perfectly  well  filled  by  Mr.  King ;  that  to  France  is  no  doubt 
destined  for  some  other  character.  Besides,  it  is  my  opinion 
that  it  is  my  duty  to  call  him  home. 


TO    S.    DEXTER,    SECRETARY    OF    AVAR. 

Washington,  31  January,  1801. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  hereby  authorize  and  request  you  to  execute 
the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  so  far  as  to  affix  the  seal  of  the 
United  States  to  the  inclosed  commission  to  the  present  Secre- 

'  This  is  an  allusion  to  INIr.  Stockton's  letter,  who  said,  speaking  of  "  those 
•who  under  one  name  or  another  have  perpetually  opposed  this  government  and 
calumniated  its  administration  ;  "  — 

"  Your  public  conduct,  Sir,  has  fully  evinced  that  you  never  dreaded  the 
frowns,  nor  courted  the  smiles  of  such  men." 


96  OFFICIAL. 

tary  of  State,  John  Marshall,  of  Virginia,  to  be  Chief  Justice 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  certify  in  your  own  name  on  the 
commission  as  executing  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
pro  hdc  vice. 

John  Adams. 


JOHN  MARSHALL  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

4  February,  1801. 

Sir,  —  I  pray  you  to  accept  my  grateful  acknowledgments 
for  the  honor  conferred  on  me  in  appointing  me  Chief  Justice 
of  the  United  States.  This  additional  and  flattering  mark  of 
your  good  opinion  has  made  an  impression  on  my  mind  which 
time  will  not  efface. 

I  shall  enter  immediately  on  the  duties  of  the  office,  and  hope 
never  to  give  you  occasion  to  regret  having  made  this  appoint- 
ment. 

With  the  most  respectful  attachment,  &c. 

J.  Marshall. 


TO    JOHN    MARSHALL. 

Washington,  4  February,  1801. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  this  moment  received  your  letter  of  this 
morning,  and  am  happy  in  your  acceptance  of  the  office  of 
Chief  Justice,  The  circumstances  of  the  times,  however,  render 
it  necessary  that  I  should  request  and  authorize  you,  as  I  do  by 
this  letter,  to  continue  to  discharge  all  the  duties  of  Secretary 
of  State  until  ulterior  arrangements  can  be  made. 

With  great  esteem,  I  am,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO  JOSEPH  ward. 


Washington,  4  February,  1801. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  received  and  read  with  much  pleasure 
your  kind  and  friendly  letter  of  January  22d.     As  I  have  all  my 


OFFICIAL.  97 

lifetime  expected  such  events  as  these  which  have  lately  occur- 
red, I  was  not  surprised  when  they  happened.  They  ought  to 
be  lessons  and  solemn  warnings  to  all  thinking  men.  Clouds 
black  and  gloomy  hang  over  this  country,  threatening  a  fierce 
tempest  arising  merely  from  party  conflicts,  at  a  time  when  the 
internal  and  external  prosperity  of  it,  and  the  national  prospects 
in  every  other  respect,  are  the  most  pleasing  and  promising  that 
we  ever  beheld.  I  pray  Heaven  to  dissipate  the  storm.  Depres- 
sions of  spirits,  such  as  wound  the  nice  organs  of  health,  I  have 
not  perceived  and  do  not  apprehend,  but  I  have  some  reason  to 
expect  that  my  constitution  will  have  another  trial  when  I  come 
to  exchange  a  routine  of  domestic  life,  without  inuch  exercise, 
for  a  life  of  long  jom-neys  and  distant  voyages,  in  one  or  other 
of  which  I  have  been  monthly  or  at  least  yearly  engaged  for 
two  and  forty  years.  When  such  long  continued  and  violent 
exercise,  such  frequent  agitations  of  the  body,  are  succeeded  by 
stillness,  it  may  shake  an  old  frame.  Rapid  motion  ought  not 
to  be  succeeded  by  sudden  rest.  But,  at  any  rate,  I  have  not 
many  years  before  me,  and  those  few  are  not  very  enchanting 
in  prospect.  Till  death,  an  honest  man  and  candid  friend  will 
ever  be  dear  to  my  heart,  and  Colonel  Ward,  as  one  of  that 
character,  may  ever  be  sure  of  the  good-will  and  kind  remem- 
brance of 

John  Adams. 

P.  S.     Ward,  1  wish  you  would  ^vrite  a  dissertation  upon 
parties  in  this  country. 


TO    ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

Washington,  7  February,  1801. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  lament  with  you  the  arbitrary  application  of 
party  nicknames  and  unpopular  appellations,  and  although 
with  you  I  heartily  wish,  yet  I  cannot  say  I  hope,  that  the 
wickedness  of  the  wicked  will  come  to  an  end.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  appears  to  me  that,  unlike  the  rising  light  which  shineth 
more  and  more  to  the  perfect  day,  the  darkness  will  thicken  till 
it  may  be  felt.  In  the  multitude  of  applications  for  consulates, 
it  is  impossible  for  me  to  say  what  Mr.  Lee's  success  may  be. 

VOL.  IX.  9  e 


98  OFFICIAL. 

The  imputation  of  jacobinism,  which  I  believe  to  be  groundless, 
will  have  no  weight  with  me.    It  may,  however,  with  the  Senate. 

I  have  no  inclination  to  inquire  whether  I  should  have  been 
evaded,  if  the  electors  in  South  Carolina  had  been  federal,  or 
not.  I  can  easily  credit  such  a  conjecture.  Yet  I  believe 
the  Pinckneys  are  honorable  men,  and  would  not  have  pro- 
moted or  connived  at  the  design.  The  original  plan,  which 
was  determined  in  a  caucus,  proposed,  I  suppose,  by  Hamilton, 
and  promoted  by  Goodhue  and  his  patrons  and  puppets,  was 
the  fundamental  error.  Messrs.  Pinckney  had  no  just  preten- 
sions to  such  an  elevation  any  more  than  Mr.  Burr,  except  that 
their  characters  are  fairer,  more  independent,  and  respectable. 

I  know  no  more  danger  of  a  political  convulsion,  if  a  President, 
pro  tempore,  of  the  Senate,  or  a  Secretary  of  State,  or  Speaker 
of  the  House,  should  be  made  President  by  Congress,  than  if 
Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Burr  is  declared  such.  The  President 
would  be  as  legal  in  one  case  as  in  either  of  the  others,  in  my 
opinion,  and  the  people  as  well  satisfied.  This,  however,  must 
be  followed  by  another  election,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  would  be 
chosen ;  I  should,  in  that  case,  decline  the  election.  We  shall 
be  tossed,  at  any  rate,  in  the  tempestuous  sea  of  liberty  for 
years  to  come,  and  where  the  bark  can  land  but  in  a  political 
convulsion,  I  cannot  see.  I  wish  the  good  ship  to  her  desired 
harbor. 

"With  usual  esteem  and  regard,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    SECRETARY    OF    STATE. 

Washington,  10  February,  1801. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Inclosed  is  a  Newburyport  Herald,  in  which  is 
quoted  "a  letter  from  John  Adams,  dated  Amsterdam,  15th 
December,  1780,  to  Thomas  Cashing,  Lieutenant-Governor  of 
Massachusetts."  This  letter  has  been,  for  some  years  past, 
reprinted  and  quoted  in  many  American  pamphlets  and  news- 
papers as  genuine,  and  imposes  on  many  people  by  supposing 
and  imputing  to  me  sentiments  inconsistent  with  the  whole 
tenor  of  my  life  and  all  the  feelings  of  my  nature.^     I  remember 

1  This  letter  has  been,  very  lately,  quoted  as  genuine. 


OFFICIAL.  99 

to  have  read  the  letter  in  English  newspapers  soon  after  it  was 
published,  at  a  time  when  the  same  English  papers  teemed  with 
forged  letters,  long,  tedious,  flat,  and  dull,  in  the  name  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  the  most  concise,  sprightly,  and  entertaining  writer  of 
his  time.  The  Doctor  declared  them  all  to  be  forgeries,  which  he 
was  not  under  a  necessity  of  doing,  because  every  reader  of  com- 
mon sense  and  taste  knew  them  to  be  such  from  their  style  and 
nonsense.  The  letter  in  my  name,  I  also  declare  to  be  a  for- 
gery. I  never  wTote  a  letter  in  the  least  degree  resembling  it 
to  Lieutenant-Governor  Gushing,  nor  to  any  other  person.  This 
declaration  I  pray  you  to  file  in  your  office,  and  you  have  my 
consent  to  publish  it,  if  you  think  fit. 

I  am.  Sir,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


OLIVER    WOLCOTT    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

JMiddletown,  28  IVIarch,  1801. 

I  embrace  the  earliest  opportunity  which  I  have  been  able 
to  improve,  since  your  arrival  at  Quincy,  to  express  my  most 
sincere  acknowledgments  for  the  distinguished  proof,  which  I 
have  received,  of  your  confidence,  in  being  appointed  a  judge 
of  the  second  circuit  of  the  United  States. 

My  friends  have  communicated  to  me  the  circumstances 
which  attended  the  appointment ;  by  which  I  hear,  with  the 
highest  satisfaction,  that  I  owe  the  honorable  station  in  which 
I  have  been  placed,  to  your  favorable  opinion,  and  in  no  degree 
to  their  solicitation.  Believing  that  gratitude  to  benefactors  is 
among  the  most  amiable,  and  ought  to  be  among  the  most 
indissoluble,  of  social  obligations,  I  shall,  without  reserve,  cherish 
the  emotions  which  are  inspired  by  a  sense  of  duty  and  honor 
on  this  occasion.^ 

I  am,  &c. 

Oliver  Wolcott. 

'  It  is  stated  in  Mr.  Gibbs's  work,  that  this  "  appointment  had  been  made 
with  a  full  knowledjie  of  Mr.  Wolcott's  pohtical  views,  which  were,  indeed,  no 
secret  to  any  one."  Mr.  Adams  certainly  had  no  suspicion  of  the  spirit  betrayed 
in  the  letter  to  Fisher  Ames,  of  the  10th  August,  1800.  Mr.  Wolcott  shows 
conscientious  struggles  to  obtain  from  his  friends  the  right  publicly  to  declare 
his  opposition ;  but  this  they  denied  him,  and  therefore  he  never  exercised  it. 
Gibbs's  Memoirs,  Sj-c,  vol.  ii.  pp.  400,  431,  496. 


100  OFFICIAL. 


TO    OLIVER    WOLCOTT. 

Quincy,  6  April,  1801. 

Sir,  —  I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  28th  of  March,  and 
I  read  it  with  much  pleasure.  The  information  you  have 
received  from  your  friends,  concerning  the  circumstances  of 
your  nomination  to  be  a  judge  of  the  second  circuit  of  the 
United  States,  is  very  correct. 

I  have  never  allowed  myself  to  speak  much  of  the  gratitude 
due  from  the  public  to  individuals  for  past  services,  but  I  have 
always  wished  that  more  should  be  said  of  justice.  Justice  is 
due  from  the  public  to  itself,  and  justice  is  also  due  to  indivi- 
duals. When  the  public  discards  or  neglects  talents  and  inte- 
grity, united  with  meritorious  past  services,  it  commits  iniquity 
against  itself,  by  depriving  itself  of  the  benefit  of  future  services ; 
and  it  does  wrong  to  the  individual,  by  depriving  him  of  the 
reward,  which  long  and  faithful  services  have  merited.  Twenty 
years  of  able  and  faithful  services  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Wolcott, 
remunerated  only  by  a  simple  subsistence,  it  appeared  to  me, 
constituted  a  claim  upon  the  public,  which  ought  to  be  attended 
to.  As  it  was  of  importance  that  no  appointment  should  be 
made  that  would  be  refused,  I  took  measures  to  ascertain  from 
your  friends  the  probability  of  your  acceptance,  and  then  made 
the  nomination,  happy  to  have  so  fair  an  opportunity  to  place 
you  beyond  the  reach  of  will  and  pleasure.  I  wish  you  much 
pleasure,  and  more  honor,  in  your  law  studies  and  pursuits,  and 
I  doubt  not  you  will  contribute  your  full  share  to  make  justice 
run  down  our  streets  as  a  stream.  My  family  joins  in  friendly 
regards  to  you  and  yours.  With  much  esteem,  I  have  the 
honor  to  be,  Sir,^  &c. 

John  Adams. 

1  Mr.  Adams  was  charged  by  his  enemies,  and  among  others  by  Mr.  Wolcott, 
with  being  unreasonably  jealous  and  suspicious.  To  the  day  of  his  death  he 
never  suspected  that  the  individual  to  whom  he  addressed  this  letter,  over- 
flowing with  kindness,  was  the  person  who  had  secretly  furnished  the  confi- 
dential information,  obtained  as  a  cabinet  officer  and  adviser  of  the  President, 
upon  which  Mr.  Hamilton  rested  his  attack  upon  his  reputation,  and  had 
revised,  corrected,  amended,  and  approved  all  of  that  paper,  whilst  in  manu- 
script. The  evidence  of  this  has  now  been  voluntarily  placed  before  the  pub- 
lic by  his  own  grandson,  and  by  the  son  of  Mr.  Hamilton.  See  his  letter  to  Mr. 
Hamilton,  3d  September,  1800,  in  Gibbs's  Memoirs  of  the  Federal  Adminis- 


OPFICIAL.  101 

irations,  vol.  ii.  pp.  41G-418,  and  that  of  2d  October,  1800,  in  Hamilton's 
Workit,  vol.  vi.  pp.  471-475.  Micv  a  perusal  of  these  letters,  the  conclusions 
lately  drawn  by  a  perfectly  impartial  witness,  may  be  deemed  not  entirely 
unworthy  of  consideration.  Referring  to  Mr.  Gibbs's  own  statement,  this 
writer  says,  — 

"  Even  from  this  ex  parte  case,  it  is  clear  that  the  secretaries,  during  the  whole 
period  of  their  official  serv^ice,  were  cognizant  of  a  plot  for  the  overthrow  of  their 
chief ;  that  they  not  only  did  not  disclose  this,  but  did  their  best  to  promote  it ; 
and  that  they  both  directed  the  public  counsels  to  its  furtherance,  and  without 
stint  disclosed  the  confidential  proceedings  of  the  President  himself  to  supply  it 
with  fuel.  A  parallel  to  this,  it  is  true,  is  found  in  the  treatment  of  James  U.,  by 
Churchill  and  Sunderland,  and  of  Napoleon  by  Talleyrand  and  Fouch6 ;  but  even 
to  these  extreme  and  revolutionary  cases  no  term  short  of  ill-faith  can  be  applied. 
It  is  argued  that  the  cabinet  saw  that  the  President's  cause  was  inimical  to 
good  government,  and  that,  therefore,  they  had  a  right  to  oppose  him.  Cer- 
tainly they  had,  it"  they  had  first  resigned,  and  then,  when  in  opposition,  respected 
the  sanctity  of  official  communications."  Wharton's  State  Trials.  Preliminary 
Notes,  p.  13. 

The  reason  given,  why  these  officers  did  not  resign,  is  that  they  were  deter- 
mined to  remain,  in  order  "  to  control  the  actions  of  the  President."  Gibbs's 
Memoirs,  §'c.,  vol.  ii.  p.  214.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  in  this  connection,  that  in 
all  the  subsequent  vicissitudes  of  party  conflict  in  the  United  States,  no  similar 
violation  of  confidence  in  cabinet  officers  has  ever  taken  place. 


9* 


SPEECHES     AND     MESSAGES 

TO    CONGRESS, 

PROCLAMATIONS, 


AND 


ADDRESSES. 


SPEECHES   TO   CONGHESS 


INAUGURAL    SPEECH   TO   BOTH   HOUSES   OF   CONGRESS, 

4  March,  1797. 

When  it  was  first  perceived,  in  early  times,  that  no  middle 
com'se  for  America  remained  between  unlimited  submission  to 
a  foreign  legislature  and  a  total  independence  of  its  claims, 
men  of  reflection  were  less  apprehensive  of  danger  from  the 
formidable  power  of  fleets  and  armies  they  must  determine  to 
resist,  than  from  those  contests  and  dissensions,  which  would 
certainly  arise,  concerning  the  forms  of  government  to  be  insti- 
tuted, over  the  whole,  and  over  the  parts  of  this  extensive 
country.  Relying,  however,  on  the  purity  of  their  intentions, 
the  justice  of  their  cause,  and  the  integrity  and  intelligence  of 
the  people,  under  an  overruling  Providence,  which  had  so  sig- 
nally protected  this  country  from  the  first,  the  representatives  of 
this  nation,  then  consisting  of  little  more  than  half  its  present 
numbers,  not  only  broke  to  pieces  the  chains  which  were  forg- 
ing, and  the  rod  of  iron  that  was  lifted  up,  but  frankly  cut 
asunder  the  ties  which  had  bound  them,  and  launched  into  an 
ocean  of  uncertainty.       ' 

The  zeal  and  ardor  of  the  people  during  the  revolutionary 
war,  supplying  the  place  of  government,  commanded  a  degree 
of  order,  sufficient  at  least  for  the  temporary  preservation  of 
society.  The  confederation,  which  was  early  felt  to  be  neces- 
sary, was  prepared  from  the  models  of  the  Batavian  and  Helvetic 
confederacies,  the  only  examples  which  remain,  with  any  detail 
and  precision,  in  history,  and  certainly  the  only  ones  which  the 
people  at  large  had  ever  considered.  But,  reflecting  on  the 
striking  difference  in  so  many  particulars  between  this  country 


106  OFFICIAL. 

and  those  where  a  courier  may  go  from  the  seat  of  government 
to  the  frontier  in  a  single  day,  it  was  then  certainly  foreseen  by 
some,  who  assisted  in  Congress  at  the  formation  of  it,  that  it 
could  not  be  durable. 

Negligence  of  its  regulations,  inattention  to  its  recommenda- 
tions, if  not  disobedience  to  its  authority,  not  only  in  indivi- 
duals but  in  States,  soon  appeared,  with  their  melancholy 
consequences  ;  universal  languor,  jealousies,  rivalries  of  States ; 
decline  of  navigation  and  commerce  ;  discouragement  of  neces- 
sary manufactures ;  universal  fall  in  the  value  of  lands  and 
their  produce ;  contempt  of  public  and  private  faith ;  loss  of 
consideration  and  credit  with  foreign  nations;  and,  at  length, 
in  discontents,  animosities,  combinations,  partial  conventions, 
and  insurrection  ;  threatening  some  great  national  calamity. 

In  this  dangerous  crisis  the  people  of  America  were  not 
abandoned  by  their  usual  good  sense,  presence  of  mind,  resolu- 
tion, or  integrity.  Measures  were  pursued  to  concert  a  plan  to 
form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  ensure  domestic 
tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  gene- 
ral welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty.  The  public 
disquisitions,  discussions,  and  deliberations,  issued  in  the  pre- 
sent happy  constitution  of  government. 

Employed  in  the  service  of  my  country  abroad,  during  the 
whole  course  of  these  transactions,  I  first  saw  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  in  a  foreign  country.  Irritated  by  no 
literary  altercation,  animated  by  no  public  debate,  heated  by  no 
party  animosity,  I  read  it  with  great  satisfaction,  as  a  result  of 
good  heads,  prompted  by  good  hearts ;  as  an  experiment  better 
adapted  to  the  genius,  character,  situation,  and  relations  of 
this  nation  and  country,  than  any  which  had  ever  been  proposed 
or  suggested.  In  its  general  principles  and  great  outlines,  it 
was  conformable  to  such  a  system  of  government  as  I  had  ever 
most  esteemed,  and  in  some  States,  my  own  native  State  in 
particular,  had  contributed  to  establish.  Claiming  a  right  of 
suffrage  in  common  with  my  fellow-citizens,  in  the  adoption  or 
rejection  of  a  constitution,  which  was  to  rule  me  and  my  posterity 
as  well  as  them  and  theirs,  I  did  not  hesitate  to  express  my 
approbation  of  it  on  all  occasions,  in  public  and  in  private.  It 
was  not  then  nor  has  been  since  any  objection  to  it,  in  my  mind, 
that  the  Executive  and  Senate  were  not  more  permanent.      Nor 


OFFICIAL.  107 

have  I  entertained  a  thought  of  promoting  any  alteration  in  it, 
but  such  as  the  people  themselves,  in  the  course  of  their  expe- 
rience, should  see  and  feel  to  be  necessary  or  expedient,  and  by 
their  representatives  in  Congress  and  the  State  legislatures, 
according  to  the  Constitution  itself,  adopt  and  ordain. 

Returning  to  the  bosom  of  my  country,  after  a  painful  separa- 
tion from  it  for  ten  years,  I  had  the  honor  to  be  elected  to  a 
station  under  the  new  order  of  things,  and  I  have  repeatedly 
laid  myself  under  the  most  serious  obligations  to  support  the 
Constitution.  The  operation  of  it  has  equalled  the  most  san- 
guine expectations  of  its  friends  ;  and,  from  an  habitual  atten- 
tion to  it,  satisfaction  in  its  administration,  and  delight  in  its 
effect  upon  the  peace,  order,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  the 
nation,  I  have  acquired  an  habitual  attachment  to  it,  and  vene- 
ration for  it. 

What  other  form  of  government,  indeed,  can  so  well  deserve 
our  esteem  and  love  ? 

There  may  be  little  solidity  in  an  ancient  idea,  that  congre- 
gations of  men  into  cities  and  nations,  are  the  most  pleasing 
objects  in  the  sight  of  superior  intelligences  ;  but  this  is  very 
certain,  that,  to  a  benevolent  human  mind,  there  can  be  no 
spectacle  presented  by  any  nation,  more  pleasing,  more  noble, 
majestic,  or  august,  than  an  assembly  like  that  which  has  so 
often  been  seen  in  this  and  the  other  chamber  of  Congress  ;  of 
a  government,  in  which  the  executive  authority,  as  well  as  that 
of  all  the  branches  of  the  legislature,  are  exercised  by  citizens 
selected  at  regular  periods  by  their  neighbors,  to  make  and 
execute  laws  for  the  general  good.  Can  any  thing  essential, 
any  thing  more  than  mere  ornament  and  decoration,  be  added 
to  this  by  robes  or  diamonds  ?  Can  authority  be  more  amiable 
or  respectable,  when  it  descends  from  accidents  or  institutions 
established  in  remote  antiquity,  than  when  it  springs  fresh  from 
the  hearts  and  judgments  of  an  honest  and  enlightened  people  ? 
For  it  is  the  people  only  that  are  represented ;  it  is  their  power 
and  majesty  that  is  reflected,  and  only  for  their  good,  in  every 
legitimate  government,  under  whatever  form  it  may  appear. 
The  existence  of  such  a  government  as  ours,  for  any  length  of 
time,  is  a  full  proof  of  a  general  dissemination  of  knowledge 
and  virtue  throughout  the  whole  body  of  the  people.  And  what 
object  of  consideration,  more  pleasing  than  this,  can  be  presented 


108  OFFICIAL. 

to  the  human  mind  ?  If  national  pride  is  ever  justifiable  or 
excusable,  it  is  when  it  springs,  not  from  power  or  riches, 
grandeur  or  glory,  but  from  conviction  of  national  innocence, 
information,  and  benevolence. 

In  the  midst  of  these  pleasing  ideas,  we  should  be  unfaithful 
to  ourselves,  if  we  should  ever  lose  sight  of  the  danger  to  our 
liberties,  if  any  thing  partial  or  extraneous  should  infect  the 
purity  of  our  free,  fair,  virtuous,  and  independent  elections.  If 
an  election  is  to  be  determined  by  a  majority  of  a  single  vote, 
and  that  can  be  procured  by  a  party,  through  artifice  or  corrup- 
tion, the  government  may  be  the  choice  of  a  party,  for  its  own 
ends,  not  of  the  nation,  for  the  national  good.  If  that  solitary 
suffrage  can  be  obtained  by  foreign  nations,  by  flattery  or 
menaces ;  by  fraud  or  violence  ;  by  terror,  intrigue,  or  venality ; 
the  government  may  not  be  the  choice  of  the  American  people, 
but  of  foreign  nations.  It  may  be  foreign  nations  who  govern 
us,  and  not  we,  the  people,  who  govern  ourselves.  And  candid 
men  will  acknowledge,  that,  in  such  cases,  choice  would  have 
little  advantage  to  boast  of  over  lot  or  chance. 

Such  is  the  amiable  and  interesting  system  of  government 
(and  such  are  some  of  the  abuses  to  which  it  may  be  exposed), 
which  the  people  of  America  have  exhibited,  to  the  admiration 
and  anxiety  of  the  wise  and  virtuous  of  all  nations,  for  eight 
years ;  under  the  administration  of  a  citizen,  who,  by  a  long 
course  of  great  actions  regulated  by  prudence,  justice,  temper- 
ance, and  fortitude,  conducting  a  people,  inspired  with  the 
same  virtues,  and  animated  with  the  same  ardent  patriotism 
and  love  of  liberty,  to  independence  and  peace,  to  increasing 
wealth  and  unexampled  prosperity,  has  merited  the  gratitude 
of  his  fellow-citizens,  commanded  the  highest  praises  of  foreign 
nations,  and  secured  immortal  glory  with  posterity. 

In  that  retirement  which  is  his  voluntary  choice,  may  he  long 
live  to  enjoy  the  delicious  recollection  of  his  services,  the  grati- 
tude of  mankind,  the  happy  fruits  of  them  to  himself  and  the 
world,  which  are  daily  increasing,  and  that  splendid  prospect 
of  the  future  fortunes  of  his  country,  which  is  opening  from 
year  to  year!  His  name  may  be  still  a  rampart,  and  the  know- 
ledge that  he  lives,  a  bulwark  against  all  open  or  secret  enemies 
of  his  country's  peace. 

This  example  has  been  recommended  to  the  imitation  of  his 


OFFICIAL.  109 

successors,  by  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  by  the  voice  of  the 
legislatures  and  the  people  throughout  the  nation. 

On  this  subject  it  might  become  me  better  to  be  silent,  or  to 
speak  with  diffidence ;  but,  as  something  may  be  expected,  the 
occasion,  I  hope,  will  be  admitted  as  an  apology,  if  I  venture 
to  say,  that,  if  a  preference  upon  principle  of  a  free  republican 
government,   formed  upon  long  and  serious  reflection,  after  a 
diligent  and  impartial  inquiry  after  truth  ;  if  an  attachment  to 
the    Constitution  of  the   United   States,  and  a  conscientious 
determination  to  support  it,  until  it  shall  be  altered  by  the    \ 
judgments  and  the  wishes  of  the  people,  expressed  in  the  mode    j 
prescribed  in  it ;  if  a  respectful  attention  to  the  constitutions  of     I 
the    individual    States,  and  a  constant  caution   and   delicacy 
towards  the  State  governments;    if  an  equal   and   impartial 
regard  to  the  rights,  interests,  honor,  and  happiness  of  all  the 
States  in  the  Union,  without  preference  or  regard  to  a  northern 
or  southern,  eastern  or  western  position,  their  various  political 
opinions    on    essential    points,  or  their  personal    attachments; 
if  a  love  of  virtuous  men  of  all  parties  and  denominations ;  if  a 
love  of  science  and  letters,  and  a  wish  to  patronize  every  rational 
effort  to  encourage  schools,  colleges,  universities,  academies,  and 
every  institution  for  propagating  knowledge,  virtue,  and  religion 
among  all  classes   of  the   people,    not  only  for    their  benign 
influence  on  the  happiness  of  life  in  all  its  stages  and  classes 
and  of  society  in  all  its  forms,  but  as  the  only  means  of  pre- 
serving our  constitution  from  its  natural  enemies,  the  spirit  of 
sophistry,  the   spirit  of  party,  the  spirit  of  intrigue,  profligacy, 
and  corruption,  and  the  pestilence  of  foreign  influence,  which  is 
the  angel  of  destruction  to  elective  governments ;  if  a  love  of 
equal  laws,  of  justice  and  humanity,  in  the  interior  administra- 
tion ;  if  an  inclination  to  improve  agi-iculture,  commerce,  and 
manufactures  for  necessity,  convenience,  and  defence  ;  if  a  spirit 
of  equity  and  humanity  towards  the  aboriginal  nations  of  Ame- 
rica, and  a  disposition  to  meliorate  their  condition  by  inclining 
them  to  be  more  friendly  to  us,  and  our  citizens  to  be  more  friend- 
ly to  them  ;  if  an  inflexible  determination  to  maintain  peace  and 
inviolable  faith  with  all  nations,  and  that  system  of  neutrality 
and  impartiality  among  the  belligerent  powers  of  Europe,  which 
has   been  adopted  by  the  government,  and  so  solemnly  sanc- 
tioned by  both   Houses   of  Congress,   and   applauded   by   the 
VOL.  IX.  10 


110  OFFICIAL. 

legislatures  of  the  States  and  the  public  opinion,  until  it  shall 
be  otherwise  ordained  by  Congress ;  if  a  personal  esteem  for  the 
French  nation,  formed  in  a  residence  of  seven  years  chiefly 
among  them,  and  a  sincere  desire  to  preserve  the  friendship 
which  has  been  so  much  for  the  honor  and  interest  of  both 
nations ;  if,  while  the  conscious  honor  and  integrity  of  the 
people  of  America,  and  the  internal  sentiment  of  their  own 
power  and  energies  must  be  preserved,  an  earnest  endeavor  to 
investigate  every  just  cause,  and  remove  every  colorable  pre- 
tence of  complaint ;  if  an  intention  to  pursue,  by  amicable 
negotiation,  a  reparation  for  the  injuries  that  have  been  com- 
mitted on  the  commerce  of  our  fellow-citizens  by  whatever 
nation,  and  (if  success  cannot  be  obtained)  to  lay  the  facts 
before  the  legislature,  that  they  may  consider  what  further 
measures  the  honor  and  interest  of  the  government  and  its 
constituents  demand ;  if  a  resolution  to  do  justice,  as  far  as 
may  depend  upon  me,  at  all  times,  and  to  all  nations,  and 
maintain  peace,  friendship,  and  benevolence  with  all  the  world ; 
if  an  unshaken  confidence  in  the  honor,  spirit,  and  resources  of 
the  American  people,  on  which  I  have  so  often  hazarded  my 
all,  and  never  been  deceived ;  if  elevated  ideas  of  the  high 
destinies  of  this  country,  and  of  my  own  duties  towards  it, 
founded  on  a  knowledge  of  the  moral  principles  and  intellectual 
improvements  of  the  people,  deeply  engraven  on  my  mind  in 
early  life,  and  not  obscured,  but  exalted  by  experience  and  age ; 
and  with  humble  reverence  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  add,  if  a  vene- 
ration for  the  religion  of  a  people,  who  profess  and  call  them- 
selves Christians,  and  a  fixed  resolution  to  consider  a  decent 
respect  for  Christianity  among  the  best  recommendations  for 
the  public  service ;  —  can  enable  me  in  any  degree  to  comply 
with  your  wishes,  it  shall  be  my  strenuous  endeavor  that  this 
sagacious  injunction  of  the  two  Houses  shall  not  be  without 
effect. 

With  this  great  example  before  me,  with  the  sense  and 
spirit,  the  faith  and  honor,  the  duty  and  interest  of  the  same 
American  people,  pledged  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  I  entertain  no  doubt  of  its  continuance  in  all 
its  energy ;  and  my  mind  is  prepared  without  hesitation,  to  lay 
myself  under  the  most  solemn  obligations  to  support  it  to  the 
utmost  of  my  power. 


OFFICIAL.  Ill 

And  may  that  Being,  who  is  supreme  over  all,  the  patron  of 
order,  the  fountain  of  justice,  and  the  protector,  in  all  ages  of  the 
world,  of  virtuous  liberty,  continue  his  blessing  upon  this  nation 
and  its  government,  and  give  it  all  possible  success  and  dura- 
tion, consistent  with  the  ends  of  his  providence  I 

John  Adams. 


SPEECH  TO  BOTH  HOUSES   OF   CONGRESS, 
16  May,  1797. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representative8-, 

The  personal  inconveniences  to  the  members  of  the  Senate 
and  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  leaving  their  families 
and  private  affairs  at  this  season  of  the  year,  are  so  obvious, 
that  I  the  more  regret  the  extraordinary  occasion  which  has 
rendered  the  convention  of  Congress  indispensable. 

It  would  have  afforded  me  the  highest  satisfaction  to  have 
been  able  to  congratulate  you  on  a  restoration  of  peace  to  the 
nations  of  Europe,  whose  animosities  have  endangered  our 
tranquillity ;  but  we  have  still  abundant  cause  of  gratitude  to 
the  Supreme  Dispenser  of  national  blessings  for  general  health 
and  promising  seasons  ;  for  domestic  and  social  happiness;  for 
the  rapid  progress  and  ample  acquisitions  of  industry  through 
extensive  territories ;  for  civil,  political,  and  religious  liberty. 
While  other  States  are  desolated  with  foreign  war  or  convulsed 
with  intestine  divisions,  the  United  States  present  the  pleas- 
ing prospect  of  a  nation  governed  by  mild  and  equal  laws, 
generally  satisfied  with  the  possession  of  their  rights ;  neither 
envying  the  advantages  nor  fearing  the  power  of  other  nations ; 
solicitous  only  for  the  maintenance  of  order  and  justice  and  the 
preservation  of  liberty,  increasing  daily  in  their  attachment  to  a 
system  of  government,  in  proportion  to  their  experience  of  its 
utility  ;  yielding  a  ready  and  general  obedience  to  laws  flowing 
from  the  reason,  and  resting  on  the  only  solid  foundation,  the 
affections  of  the  people. 

It  is  with  extreme  regret  that  I  shall  be  obliged  to  turn  your 
thoughts  to  other  circumstances,  which  admonish  us  that  some 
of  these  felicities  may  not  be  lasting ;  but  if  the  tide  of  our 


112  OFFICIAL. 

prosperity  is  full,  and  a  reflux  commencing,  a  vigilant  circum- 
spection becomes  us,  that  we  may  meet  our  reverses  with  forti- 
tude, and  extricate  ourselves  from  their  consequences  with  all 
the  skill  we  possess,  and  all  the  efforts  in  our  power. 

In  giving  to  Congress  information  of  the  state  of  the  Union, 
and  recommending  to  their  consideration  such  measures  as 
appear  to  me  to  be  necessary  or  expedient,  according  to  my 
constitutional  duty,  the  causes  and  the  objects  of  the  present 
extraordinary  session  will  be  explained. 

After  the  President  of  the  United  States  received  information 
that  the  French  government  had  expressed  serious  discontents 
at  some  proceedings  of  the  government  of  these  States,  said  to 
affect  the  interests  of  France,  he  thought  it  expedient  to  send  to 
that  country  a  new  minister,  fully  instructed  to  enter  on  such 
amicable  discussions,  and  to  give  such  candid  explanations,  as 
might  happily  remove  the  discontents  and  suspicions  of  the 
French  government,  and  vindicate  the  conduct  of  the  United 
States.  For  this  purpose  he  selected  from  among  his  fellow- 
citizens  a  character,  whose  integrity,  talents,  experience,  and 
services,  had  placed  him  in  the  rank  of  the  most  esteemed  and 
respected  in  the  nation.  The  direct  object  of  his  mission  was 
expressed  in  his  letter  of  credence  to  the  French  republic  ;  being 
"  to  maintain  that  good  understanding,  which,  from  the  com- 
mencement of  the  alliance,  had  subsisted  between  the  two 
nations ;  and  to  efface  unfavorable  impressions,  banish  suspi- 
cions, and  restore  that  cordiality  which  was  at  once  the  evidence 
and  the  pledge  of  a  friendly  union;"  and  his  instructions  were 
to  the  same  effect,  "  faithfully  to  represent  the  disposition  of  the 
government  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  (their  disposi- 
tion being  one)  to  remove  jealousies,  and  obviate  complaints, 
by  showing  that  they  were  groundless ;  to  restore  that  mutual 
confidence  which  had  been  so  unfortunately  and  injuriously 
impaired ;  and  to  explain  the  relative  interests  of  both  countries, 
and  the  real  sentiments  of  his  own." 

A  minister  thus  specially  commissioned,  it  was  expected, 
would  have  proved  the  instrument  of  restoring  mutual  con- 
fidence between  the  two  republics.  The  first  step  of  the  French 
government  corresponded  with  that  expectation. 

A  few  days  before  his  arrival  at  Paris,  the  French  minister 
of  foreign  relations  informed  the  American  minister  then  resi- 


OFFICIAL.  113 

dent  at  Paris,  of  the  formalities  to  be  observed  by  himself  in 
taking  leave,  and  by  his  successor  preparatory  to  his  reception. 
These  formalities  they  observed,  and,  on  the  9th  o-f  December, 
presented  officially  to  the  minister  of  foreign  relations,  the  one, 
a  copy  of  his  letters  of  recall,  the  other,  a  copy  of  his  letters  of 
credence.  These  were  laid  before  the  executive  directory.  Two 
days  afterwards,  the  minister  of  foreign  relations  informed  the 
recalled  American  minister,  that  the  executive  directory  had 
determined  not  to  receive  another  minister  plenipotentiary  from 
the  United  States  until  after  the  redress  of  grievances  demanded 
of  the  American  government,  and  which  the  French  republic 
had  a  right  to  expect  from  it.  The  American  minister  imme- 
diately endeavored  to  ascertain  whether,  by  refusing  to  receive 
him,  it  was  intended  that  he  should  retire  from  the  territories 
of  the  French  republic ;  and  verbal  answers  were  given  that 
such  was  the  intention  of  the  directory.  For  his  own  justifica- 
tion he  desired  a  Avritten  answer,  but  obtained  none  until 
towards  the  last  of  January,  when,  receiving  notice,  in  writing, 
to  quit  the  territories  of  the  republic,  he  proceeded  to  Amster- 
dam, where  he  proposed  to  wait  for  instructions  from  his 
government.  During  his  residence  at  Paris,  cards  of  hospitality 
were  refused  him,  and  he  was  threatened  with  being  subjected 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  minister  of  police ;  but  with  becoming 
firmness  he  insisted  on  the  protection  of  the  law  of  nations,  due 
to  him  as  the  known  minister  of  a  foreign  power.  You  will 
derive  further  information  from  his  despatches,  which  will  be 
laid  before  you. 

As  it  is  often  necessary  that  nations  should  treat  for  the 
mutual  advantage  of  their  affairs,  and  especially  to  accom- 
modate and  terminate  differences,  and  as  they  can  treat  only 
by  ministers,  the  right  of  embassy  is  well  known  and  established 
by  the  law  and  usage  of  nations  The  refusal  on  the  part  of 
France  to  receive  our  minister,  is  then  the  denial  of  a  right; 
but  the  refusal  to  receive  him  until  we  have  acceded  to  their 
demands  without  discussion  and  without  investigation,  is  to 
treat  us  neither  as  allies,  nor  as  friends,  nor  as  a  sovereign 
State. 

With  this  conduct  of  the  French  government,  it  will  be  proper 
to  take  into  view  the  public  audience  given  to  the  late  minister 
of  the  United  States  on  his  taking  leave  of  the  executive  direct- 

10*  H 


114  OFFICIAL. 

ory.  The  speech  of  the  President  discloses  sentiments  more 
alarming  than  the  refusal  of  a  minister,  because  more  danger- 
ous to  our  independence  and  union,  and  at  the  same  time 
studiously  marked  with  indignities  towards  the  government  of 
the  United  States.  It  evinces  a  disposition  to  separate  the 
people  of  the  United  States  from  the  government ;  to  persuade 
them  that  they  have  different  affections,  principles,  and  interests, 
from  those  of  their  fellow-citizens,  whom  they  themselves  have 
chosen  to  manage  their  common  concerns;  and  thus  to  produce 
divisions  fatal  to  our  peace.  Such  attempts  ought  to  be  repelled 
with  a  decision  which  shall  convince  France  and  the  world  that 
we  are  not  a  degraded  people,  humiliated  under  a  colonial  spirit 
of  fear  and  sense  of  inferiority,  fitted  to  be  the  miserable  instru- 
ments of  foreign  influence,  and  regardless  of  national  honor, 
character,  and  interest. 

I  should  have  been  happy  to  have  thrown  a  veil  over  these 
transactions,  if  it  had  been  possible  to  conceal  them ;  but  they 
have  passed  on  the  great  theatre  of  the  world,  in  the  face  of 
all  Europe  and  America,  and  with  such  circumstances  of  publi- 
city and  solemnity  that  they  cannot  be  disguised,  and  will  not 
soon  be  forgotten.  They  have  inflicted  a  wound  in  the  American 
breast.  It  is  my  sincere  desire,  however,  that  it  may  be  healed. 
It  is  my  desire,  and  in  this  I  presume  I  concur  with  you  and 
with  our  constituents,  to  preserve  peace  and  friendship  with  all 
nations ;  and  believing  that  neither  the  honor  nor  the  interest 
of  the  United  States  absolutely  forbids  the  repetition  of  advances 
for  securing  these  desirable  objects  with  France,  I  shall  institute 
a  fresh  attempt  at  negotiation,  and  shall  not  fail  to  promote  and 
accelerate  an  accommodation  on  terms  compatible  with  the 
rights,  duties,  interests,  and  honor  of  the  nation.  If  we  have 
committed  errors,  and  these  can  be  demonstrated,  we  shall  be 
willing  to  correct  them.  If  we  have  done  injuries,  we  shall  be 
willing,  on  conviction,  to  redress  them ;  and  equal  measures  of 
justice  we  have  a  right  to  expect  from  France  and  every  other 
nation. 

The  diplomatic  intercourse  between  the  United  States  and 
France  being  at  present  suspended,  the  government  has  no 
means  of  obtaining  official  information  from  that  country; 
nevertheless  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  executive  direct- 
ory passed  a  decree,  on  the  2d  of  March  last,  contravening,  in 


OFFICIAL.  115 

part,  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  of  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  seventy-eight,  injurious  to  our  lawful  commerce, 
and  endangering  the  lives  of  our  citizens.  A  copy  of  this 
decree  will  be  laid  before  you. 

While  we  are  endeavoring  to  adjust  all  our  differences  with 
France  by  amicable  negotiation,  the  progress  of  the  war  in 
Europe,  the  depredations  on  our  commerce,  the  personal  injuries 
to  our  citizens,  and  the  general  complexion  of  affairs,  render  it 
my  indispensable  duty  to  recommend  to  your  consideration 
effectual  measures  of  defence. 

The  commerce  of  the  United  States  has  become  an  interest- 
ing object  of  attention,  whether  we  consider  it  in  relation  to  the 
wealth  and  finances,  or  the  strength  and  resources  of  the  nation. 
With  a  sea-coast  of  near  two  thousand  miles  in  extent,  opening 
a  wide  field  for  fisheries,  navigation,  and  commerce,  a  great 
portion  of  our  citizens  naturally  apply  theii-  industry  and  enter- 
prise to  these  objects.  Any  serious  and  permanent  injury  to 
commerce  would  not  fail  to  produce  the  most  embarrassing 
disorders.  To  prevent  it  from  being  undermined  and  destroyed, 
it  is  essential  that  it  receive  an  adequate  protection. 

The  naval  establishment  must  occur  to  every  man  who  con- 
siders the  injuries  committed  on  our  commerce,  the  insults 
offered  to  our  citizens,  and  the  description  of  the  vessels  by 
which  these  abuses  have  been  practised.  As  the  sufferings  of 
our  mercantile  and  seafaring  citizens  cannot  be  ascribed  to  the 
omission  of  duties  demandable,  considering  the  neutral  situation 
of  our  country,  they  are  to  be  attributed  to  the  hope  of  impunity, 
arising  from  a  supposed  inability  on  our  part  to  afford  protec- 
tion. To  resist  the  consequences  of  such  impressions  on  the 
minds  of  foreign  nations,  and  to  guard  against  the  degradation 
and  servility  which  they  must  finally  stamp  on  the  American 
character,  is  an  important  duty  of  government. 

A  naval  power,  next  to  the  militia,  is  the  natural  defence  of 
the  United  States.  The  experience  of  the  last  ^var  Avould  be 
sufficient  to  show,  that  a  moderate  naval  force,  such  as  would 
be  easily  within  the  present  abilities  of  the  Union,  would  have 
been  sufficient  to  have  bafffed  many  formidable  transportations 
of  troops  from  one  State  to  another,  which  were  then  practised. 
Our  sea-coasts,  from  their  great  extent,  are  more  easily  annoyed, 
and  more   easily  defended,  by   a   naval  force,  than   any  other. 


116  OFFICIAL. 

With  all  the  materials  our  country  abounds ;  in  skill  our  naval 
architects  and  navigators  are  equal  to  any  ;  and  commanders 
and  seamen  will  not  be  wanting. 

But  although  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  system  of 
naval  defence  appears  to  be  requisite,  I  am  sensible  it  cannot 
be  formed  so  speedily  and  extensively  as  the  present  crisis 
demands.  Hitherto  I  have  thought  proper  to  prevent  the  sail- 
ing of  armed  vessels,  except  on  voyages  to  the  East  Indies, 
where  general  usage  and  the  danger  from  pirates  appeared  to 
render  the  permission  proper ;  yet  the  restriction  has  originated 
solely  from  a  wish  to  prevent  collusions  with  the  powers  at 
war,  contravening  the  act  of  Congress,  of  June,  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  ninety-four ;  and  not  from  any  doubt  enter- 
tained by  me  of  the  policy  and  propriety  of  permitting  our 
vessels  to  employ  means  of  defence,  while  engaged  in  a  lawful 
foreign  commerce.  It  remains  for  Congress  to  prescribe  such 
regulations  as  will  enable  our  seafaring  citizens  to  defend  them- 
selves against  violations  of  the  law  of  nations  ;  and  at  the  same 
time  restrain  them  from  committing  acts  of  hostility  against  the 
powers  at  war.  In  addition  to  this  voluntary  provision  for 
defence,  by  individual  citizens,  it  appears  to  me  necessary  to 
equip  the  frigates,  and  provide  other  vessels  of  inferior  force 
to  take  under  convoy  such  merchant  vessels  as  shall  remain 
unarmed. 

The  greater  part  of  the  cruisers,  whose  depredations  have 
been  most  injurious,  have  been  built,  and  some  of  them  par- 
tially equipped,  in  the  United  States.  Although  an  effectual 
remedy  may  be  attended  with  difficulty,  yet  I  have  thought  it 
my  duty  to  present  the  subject  generally  to  your  consideration. 
If  a  mode  can  be  devised  by  the  wisdom  of  Congress  to  prevent 
the  resources  of  the  United  States  from  being  converted  into 
the  means  of  annoying  our  ti-ade,  a  great  evil  will  be  prevented. 
With  the  same  view  I  think  it  proper  to  mention  that  some  of 
our  citizens,  resident  abroad,  have  fitted  out  privateers,  and 
others  have  voluntarily  taken  the  command,  or  entered  on  board 
of  them,  and  committed  spoliations  on  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States.  Such  unnatural  and  iniquitous  practices  can 
be  restrained  only  by  severe  punishments. 

But  besides  a  protection  of  our  commerce  on  the  seas,  I  think 
it  highly  necessary  to  protect  it  at  home,  where  it  is  collected 


OFFICIAL.  117 

in  our  most  important  ports.  The  distance  of  the  United  States 
from  Europe,  and  the  well  known  promptitude,  ardor,  and 
courage  of  the  people  in  defence  of  their  country,  happily 
diminish  the  probability  of  invasion.  Nevertheless,  to  guard 
against  sudden  and  predatory  incursions,  the  situation  of  some 
of  our  principal  seaports  demands  your  consideration  ;  and  as 
our  country  is  vulnerable  in  other  interests  besides  those  of  its 
commerce,  you  will  seriously  deliberate  Avhether  the  means  of 
general  defence  ought  not  to  be  increased  by  an  addition  to  the 
regular  artillery  and  cavalry,  and  by  arrangements  for  forming 
a  provisional  army. 

With  the  same  view,  and  as  a  measure  which,  even  in  a  time 
of  universal  peace,  ought  not  to  be  neglected,  I  recommend  to 
your  consideration  a  revision  of  the  laws  for  organizing,  arming, 
and  disciplining  the  militia,  to  render  that  natural  and  safe 
defence  of  the  country  efficacious. 

Although  it  is  very  true  that  we  ought  not  to  involve  our- 
selves in  the  political  system  of  Europe,  but  to  keep  ourselves 
always  distinct  and  separate  from  it,  if  we  can,  yet,  to  effect 
this  separation,  early,  punctual,  and  continual  information  of 
the  current  chain  of  events,  and  of  the  political  projects  in 
contemplation,  is  no  less  necessary  than  if  we  were  directly 
concerned  in  them.  It  is  necessary,  in  order  to  the  discovery  of 
the  efforts  made  to  draw  us  into  the  vortex,  in  season  to  make 
preparations  against  them.  However  we  may  consider  our- 
selves, the  maritime  and  commercial  powers  of  the  world  will 
consider  the  United  States  of  America  as  forming  a  weight  in 
that  balance  of  power  in  Europe,  which  never  can  be  forgotten 
or  neglected.  It  would  not  only  be  against  our  interest,  but  it 
would  be  doing  wrong  to  one  half  of  Europe  at  least,  if  we 
should  voluntarily  throw  ourselves  into  either  scale.  It  is  a 
natural  policy  for  a  nation  that  studies  to  be  neutral,  to  consult 
with  other  nations  engaged  in  the  same  studies  and  pursuits ; 
at  the  same  time  that  measures  ought  to  be  pursued  with  this 
view,  our  treaties  with  Prussia  and  Sweden,  one  of  which  is 
expired,  and  the  other  near  expiring,  might  be  renewed. 

Gentlemen  op  the  House  of  Representatives, 
It  is  particularly  your  province  to  consider  the  state  of  the 
public  finances,  and  to  adopt  such   measures,  respecting  them, 


118  OFFICIAL. 

as  exigencies  shall  be  found  to  require.  The  preservation  of 
public  credit,  the  regular  extinguishment  of  the  public  debt,  and 
a  provision  of  funds  to  defray  any  extraordinary  expenses,  will 
of  course  call  for  your  serious  attention.  Although  the  im- 
position of  new  burdens  cannot  be  in  itself  agreeable,  yet  there 
is  no  ground  to  doubt  that  the  American  people  will  expect 
from  you  such  measures,  as  their  actual  engagements,  their 
present  security,  and  future  interests  demand. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  op  the  House  op  Representatives, 

The  present  situation,  of  our  country  imposes  an  obligation 
on  all  the  departments  of  government  to  adopt  an  explicit  and 
decided  conduct.  In  my  situation,  an  exposition  of  the  prin- 
ciples by  which  my  administration  will  be  governed,  ought  not 
to  be  omitted. 

It  is  impossible  to  conceal  from  ourselves  or  the  world,  what 
has  been  before  observed,  that  endeavors  have  been  employed 
to  foster  and  establish  a  division  between  the  government  and 
people  of  the  United  States.  To  investigate  the  causes  which 
have  encouraged  this  attempt,  is  not  necessary ;  but  to  repel, 
by  decided  and  united  counsels,  insinuations  so  derogatory  to 
the  honor,  and  aggressions  so  dangerous  to  the  constitution, 
union,  and  even  independence  of  the  nation,  is  an  indispensable 
duty. 

It  must  not  be  permitted  to  be  doubted,  whether  the  people 
of  the  United  States  will  support  the  government  established 
by  their  voluntary  consent,  and  appointed  by  their  free  choice  ; 
or  whether,  by  surrendering  themselves  to  the  direction  of 
foreign  and  domestic  factions,  in  opposition  to  their  own  go- 
vernment, they  will  forfeit  the  honorable  station  they  have 
hitherto  maintained. 

For  myself,  having  never  been  indifferent  to  what  concerned 
the  interests  of  my  country,  devoted  the  best  part  of  my  life  to 
obtain  and  support  its  independence,  and  constantly  witnessed 
the  patriotism,  fidelity,  and  perseverance  of  my  fellow-citizens, 
on  the  most  trying  occasions,  it  is  not  for  me  to  hesitate  or 
abandon  a  cause  in  which  my  heart  has  been  so  long  engaged. 

Convinced  that  the  conduct  of  the  government  has  been  just 
and  impartial  to  foreign  nations,  that  those  internal  regulations 


OFFICIAL.  119 

which  have  been  established  by  law  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  are  in  their  nature  proper,  and  that  they  have  been  fairly 
executed,  nothing  will  ever  be  done  by  me  to  impair  the  national 
engagements,  to  innovate  upon  principles  which  have  been  so 
deliberately  and  uprightly  established,  or  to  surrender  in  any 
manner  the  rights  of  the  government.  To  enable  me  to  main- 
tain this  declaration,  I  rely,  under  God,  with  entire  confidence, 
on  the  firm  and  enlightened  support  of  the  national  legislature, 
and  upon  the  virtue  and  patriotism  of  my  fellow-citizens.^ 

John  Adams. 


reply  to  the  answer  of  the  senate. 

Mr.  Vice-Presidext, 

AND  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

It  would  be  an  affectation  in  me  to  dissemble  the  pleasure  I 
feel  on  receiving  this  kind  address. 

My  long  experience  of  the  wisdom,  fortitude,  and  patriotism 
of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  enhances  in  my  estimation 
the  value  of  those  obliging  expressions  of  your  approbation  of 
my  conduct,  which  are  a  generous  reward  for  the  past,  and  an 
affecting  encouragement  to  constancy  and  perseverance  in  future. 

Our  sentiments  appear  to  be  so  entirely  in  unison,  that  I 
cannot  but  believe  them  to  be  the  rational  result  of  the  under- 
standings and  the  natural  feelings  of  the  hearts  of  Americans 
in  general,  on  contemplating  the  present  state  of  the  nation. 

While  such  principles  and  affections  prevail,  they  will  form  an 
indissoluble  bond  of  union,  and  a  sure  pledge  that  our  country 
has  no  essential  injury  to  apprehend  from  any  portentous  ap- 
pearances abroad.     In  a  humble  reliance  on  Divine  Providence, 

'  There  is  abundant  evidence  remaining  of  the  extreme  care  with  which  this 
speech  was  elaborated  by  the  President.  Not  content  with  his  own  draught, 
he  seems  to  have  freely  resorted  to  those  furnished  by  Mr.  Pickering  and  Mr. 
"Wolcott,  at  the  same  time  eliminating  words,  sentences,  and  paragraphs  at 
every  step.  To  Mr.  Pickering  he  is  unquestionably  much  indebted  for  portions 
of  tin's  dignified  paper ;  at  the  same  time,  it  should  be  noted  that  he  took  from 
it  almost  entire  the  only  passage  about  the  propriety  of  which  there  has  been 
any  question,  that  alluding  to  the  address  of  the  French  directory  to  Mr.  Mon- 
roe.    See  Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  i.  p.  257. 

In  a  paper  previously  submitted  by  Mr.  Pickering,  suggesting  topics  for  the 
message,  is  a  recommendation  of  an  alien  law.  No  notice  of  it  seems  to  have 
been  taken  in  formins;  the  messaae. 


120  OFFICIAL. 

we  may  rest  assured  that,  while  we  reiterate  with  sincerity  our 
endeavors  to  accommodate  all  our  differences  with  France,  the 
independence  of  our  country  cannot  be  diminished,  its  dignity 
degraded,  or  its  glory  tarnished,  by  any  nation  or  combination 
of  nations,  whether  friends  or  enemies. 

John   Adams. 


REPLY    TO    THE    ANSWER    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    REPRESENTATIVES. 

Mr.  Speaker, 

AND  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

I  receive  with  great  satisfaction  your  candid  approbation  of 
the  convention  of  Congress,  and  thank  you  for  your  assurances 
that  the  interesting  subjects  recommended  to  your  consideration 
shall  receive  the  attention,  which  their  importance  demands,  and 
your  cooperation  may  be  expected  in  those  measures  which 
may  appear  necessary  for  our  security  or  peace. 

The  declarations  of  the  representatives  of  this  nation,  of  their 
saiisfaction  at  my  promotion  to  the  first  office  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  of  their  confidence  in  my  sincere  endeavors  to  dis- 
charge the  various  duties  of  it  with  advantage  to  our  common 
country,  have  excited  my  most  grateful  sensibility. 

I  pray  you,  gentlemen,  to  believe,  and  to  communicate  such 
assurance  to  our  constituents,  that  no  event,  which  I  can  foresee 
to  be  attainable  by  any  exertions  in  the  discharge  of  my  duties, 
can  afford  me  so  nmch  cordial  satisfaction  as  to  conduct  a  nego- 
tiation with  the  French  republic,  to  a  removal  of  prejudices,  a 
correction  of  errors,  a  dissipation  of  umbrages,  an  accommoda- 
tion of  all  differences,  and  a  restoration  of  harmony  and  affec- 
tion, to  the  mutual  satisfaction  of  both  nations.  And  whenever 
the  leofitimate  ors^ans  of  intercourse  shall  be  restored,  and  the 


'& 


i-eal  sentiments  of  the  two  governments  can  be  candidly  com- 
municated to  each  other,  although  strongly  impressed  with  the 
necessity  of  collecting  ourselves  into  a  manly  posture  of  defence, 
I  nevertheless  entertain  an  encouraging  confidence,  that  a  mu- 
tual spirit  of  conciliation,  a  disposition  to  compensate  injuries, 
and  accommodate  each  other  in  all  our  relations  and  connec- 
tions, will  produce  an  agreement  to  a  treaty,  consistent  with 
the  engagements,  rights,  duties,  and  honor  of  both  nations. 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  121 

SPEECH  TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS, 
23  November,  1797. 

Gentlemex  of  the  Sexate, 

and  of  the  house  of  representatives, 

I  was  for  some  time  apprehensive  that  it  would  be  necessary, 
on  account  of  the  contagious  sickness  which  afflicted  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  to  convene  the  national  legislature  at  some 
other  place.  This  measure  it  was  desirable  to  avoid,  because  it 
would  occasion  much  public  inconvenience,  and  a  considerable 
public  expense,  and  add  to  the  calamities  of  the  inhabitants  of 
this  city,  whose  sufferings  must  have  excited  the  sympathy  of 
all  their  fellow-cifizens.  Therefore,  after  taking  measures  to 
ascertain  the  state  and  decline  of  the  sickness,  I  postponed  my 
determination,  having  hopes,  now  happily  realized,  that,  with- 
out hazard  to  the  lives  or  health  of  the  members,  Congress  might 
assemble  at  this  place,  where  it  was  next  by  law  to  meet.  I 
submit,  however,  to  your  consideration,  whether  a  power  to 
postpone  the  meeting  of  Congress,  without  passing  the  time 
fixed  by  the  Constitution  upon  such  occasions,  would  not  be  a 
useful  amendment  to  the  law  of  1794. 

Although  I  cannot  yet  congratulate  you  on  the  reestablish- 
ment  of  peace  in  Europe,  and  the  restoration  of  security  to  the 
persons  and  properties  of  our  citizens  from  injustice  and  vio- 
lence at  sea,  we  have  nevertheless  abundant  cause  of  gratitude 
to  the  source  of  benevolence  and  influence,  for  interior  tran- 
quillity and  personal  security,  for  propitious  seasons,  prosperous 
agriculture,  productive  fisheries,  and  general  improvements  ;  and, 
above  aU,  for  a  rational  spirit  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  a 
calm  but  steady  determination  to  support  our  sovereignty,  as 
well  as  out  moral  and  religious  principles,  against  all  open,  and 
secret  attacks. 

Our  envoys  extraordinary  to  the  French  republic  embarked, 
one  in  July,  the  other  early  in  August,  to  join  their  colleague 
in  Holland.  I  have  received  intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  both 
of  them  in  Holland,  from  whence  they  all  proceeded  on  their 
journey  to  Paris,  within  a  few  days  of  the  19th  of  September. 
Whatever  may  be  the  result  of  this  mission,  I  trust  that  nothing 
will  have  been  omitted  on  my  part  to  conduct  the  negotiation 

VOL.  IX.  11 


122  .  OFFICIAL. 

to  a  successful  conclusion,  on  such  equitable  terms  as  may  be 
compatible  with  the  safety,  honor,  and  interests  of  the  United 
States.  Nothing,  in  the  mean  time,  will  contribute  so  much  to 
the  preservation  of  peace,  and  the  attainment  of  justice,  as  a 
manifestation  of  that  energy  and  unanimity,  of  which,  on  many 
former  occasions,  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  given 
such  memorable  proofs,  and  the  exertion  of  those  resources  for 
national  defence,  which  a  beneficent  Providence  has  kindly 
placed  within  their  power. 

It  may  be  confidently  asserted,  that  nothing  has  occurred 
since  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  which  renders  inexpedient 
those  precautionary  measures  recommended  by  me  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  two  houses,  at  the  opening  of  your  late  extra- 
ordinary session.  If  that  system  was  then  prudent,  it  is  more 
so  now,  as  increasing  depredations  strengthen  the  reasons  for 
its  adoption. 

Indeed,  whatever  may  be  the  issue  of  the  negotiation  with 
France,  and  whether  the  war  in  Evirope  is  or  is  not  to  continue, 
I  hold  it  most  certain  that  perfect  tranquillity  and  order  will 
not  soon  be  obtained.  The  state  of  society  has  so  long  been 
disturbed,  the  sense  of  moral  and  religious  obligations  so  much 
weakened,  public  faith  and  national  honor  have  been  so  im- 
paired, respect  to  treaties  has  been  so  diminished,  and  the  law 
of  nations  has  lost  so  much  of  its  force,  while  pride,  ambition, 
avarice,  and  violence,  have  been  so  long  unrestrained,  there 
remains  no  reasonable  ground  on  which  to  raise  an  expectation, 
that  a  commerce,  without  protection  or  defence,  will  not  be 
plundered. 

The  commerce  of  the  United  States  is  essential,  if  not  to 
their  existence,  at  least  to  their  comfort,  their  growth,  prosperity, 
and  happiness.  The  genius,  character,  and  habits  of  the  people 
are  highly  commercial.  Their  cities  have  been  formed  and 
exist  upon  commerce.  Our  agriculture,  fisheries,  arts,  and 
manufactures  are  connected  with  and  depend  upon  it.  In 
short,  commerce  has  made  this  country  what  it  is;  and  it  can- 
not be  destroyed  or  neglected  without  involving  the  people  in 
poverty  and  distress.  Great  numbers  are  directly  and  solely 
supported  by  navigation.  The  faith  of  society  is  pledged  for 
the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  comxmercial  and  seafaring,  no 
less  than  of  the  other  citizens.     Under  this  view  of  our  affairs, 


OFFICIAL.  123 

I  should  hold  myself  guilty  of  a  neglect  of  duty,  if  I  forbore  to 
recommend  that  we  should  make  every  exertion  to  protect  our 
commerce,  and  to  place  our  country  in  a  suitable  posture  of 
defence,  as  the  only  sure  means  of  preserving  both. 

I  have  entertained  an  expectation  that  it  would  have  been  in 
my  power,  at  the  opening  of  this  session,  to  have  communicated 
to  you  the  agreeable  information  of  the  due  execution  of  our 
treaty  with  his  Catholic  Majesty,  respecting  the  withdrawing 
of  his  troops  from  our  territory,  and  the  demarkation  of  the  line 
of  limits  ;  but  by  the  latest  authentic  intelligence,  Spanish  gar- 
risons were  still  continued  within  our  country,  and  the  running 
of  the  boundary  line  had  not  been  commenced.  These  circum- 
stances are  the  more  to  be  regretted,  as  they  cannot  fail  to 
affect  the  Indians  in  a  manner  injurious  to  the  United  States. 
Still,  however,  indulging  the  hope  that  the  answers  which  have 
been  given  will  remove  the  objections  offered  by  the  Spanish 
officers  to  the  immediate  execution  of  the  treaty,  I  have  judged 
it  proper  that  we  should  continue  in  readiness  to  receive  the 
posts,  and  to  run  the  line  of  limits.  Farther  information  on 
this  subject  wiU  be  communicated  in  the  course  of  the  ses- 
sion. 

In  connection  with  this  unpleasant  state  of  things  on  our 
western  frontier,  it  is  proper  for  me  to  mention  the  attempts  of 
foreign  agents,  to  alienate  the  affections  of  the  Indian  nations, 
and  to  excite  them  to  actual  hostilities  against  the  United 
States.  Great  activity  has  been  exerted  by  these  persons,  who 
have  insinuated  themselves  among  the  Indian  tribes  residing 
within  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  to  influence  them  to 
transfer  their  affections  and  force  to  a  foreign  nation,  to  form 
them  into  a  confederacy,  and  prepare  them  for  w^ar  against  the 
United  States. 

Although  measures  have  been  taken  to  counteract  these  in- 
fractions of  our  rights,  to  prevent  Indian  hostilities,  and  to 
preserve  entire  their  attachment  to  the  United  States,  it  is  my 
duty  to  observe  that,  to  give  a  better  effect  to  these  measures, 
and  to  obviate  the  consequences  of  a  repetition  of  such  prac- 
tices, a  law  providing  adequate  punishment  for  such  offences 
may  be  necessary. 

The  commissioners  appointed  under  the  fifth  article  of  the 
treaty  of  amity,  commercej^and  navigation,  between  the  United 


124  OFFICIAL. 

States  and  Great  Britain,  to  ascertain  the  river  which  was 
truly  intended  under  the  name  of  the  river  St.  Croix  mentioned 
in  the  treaty  of  peace,  met  at  Passamaquoddy  Bay  in  October, 
one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-six,  and  viewed  the 
mouths  of  the  rivers  in  question,  and  the  adjacent  shores  and 
islands;  and  being  of  opinion  that  actual  surveys  of  both  rivers 
to  their  sources  were  necessary,  gave  to  the  agents  of  the  two 
nations  instructions  for  that  purpose,  and  adjourned  to  meet  at 
Boston  in  August.  They  met ;  but  the  surveys  requiring  more 
time  than  had  been  supposed,  and  not  being  then  completed, 
the  commissioners  again  adjourned  to  meet  at  Providence,  in 
the  State  of  Rhode  Island,  in  June  next,  when  we  may  expect 
a  final  examination  and  decision. 

The  commissioners  appointed  in  pursuance  of  the  sixth  article 
of  the  treaty,  met  at  Philadelphia  in  May  last  to  examine  the 
claims  of  British  subjects  for  debts  contracted  before  the  peace, 
and  still  remaining  due  to  them  from  citizens  or  inhabitants  of 
the  United  States.  Various  causes  have  hitherto  prevented  any 
determinations;  but  the  business  is  now  resumed,  and  doubtless 
will  be  prosecuted  without  interruption. 

Several  decisions  on  the  claims  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  for  losses  and  damages  sustained  by  reason  of  irregular 
and  illegal  captures  or  condemnations  of  their  vessels  or  other 
property,  have  been  made  by  the  commissioners  in  London, 
conformable  to  the  seventh  article  of  the  treaty.  The  sums 
awarded  by  the  commissioners  have  been  paid  by  the  British 
government.  A  considerable  number  of  other  claims,  where 
costs  and  damages,  and  not  captured  property,  were  the  only 
objects  in  question,  have  been  decided  by  arbitration,  and  the 
sums  awarded  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  also 
been  paid. 

The  commissioners  appointed  agreeably  to  the  twenty-first 
article  of  our  treaty  with  Spain,  met  at  Philadelphia  in  the 
summer  past,  to  examine  and  decide  on  the  claims  of  our  citi- 
zens for  losses  they  have  sustained  in  consequence  of  their 
vessels  and  cargoes  having  been  taken  by  the  subjects  of  his 
Catholic  Majesty,  during  the  late  war  between  Spain  and 
France.  Their  sittings  have  been  interrupted,  but  are  now 
resumed. 

The  United  States  being  obligated  to   make  compensation 


OFFICIAL.  125 

for  the  losses  and  damages  sustained  by  British  subjects,  upon 
the  award  of  the  commissioners  acting  under  the  sixth  article 
of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  and  for  the  losses  and  dama- 
ges sustained  by  British  subjects,  by  reason  of  the  capture 
of  their  vessels  and  merchandise,  taken  within  the  limits  and 
jm'isdiction  of  the  United  States,  and  brought  into  their  ports, 
or  taken  by  vessels  originally  armed  in  ports  of  the  United 
States,  upon  the  awards  of  the  commissioners  acting  under 
the  seventh  article  of  the  same  treaty,  it  is  necessary  that  provi- 
sion be  made  for  fulfiUina^  these  oblisrations. 

The  numerous  captures  of  American  vessels  by  the  cruisers 
of  the  French  republic,  and  of  some  by  those  of  Spain,  have 
occasioned  considerable  expenses  in  making  and  supporting  the 
claims  of  our  citizens  before  their  tribunals.  The  sums  required 
for  this  purpose  have,  in  divers  instances,  been  disbursed  by  the 
consuls  of  the  United  States.  By  means  of  the  same  captures, 
gi*eat  numbers  of  our  seamen  have  been  thrown  ashore  in 
foreign  countries,  destitute  of  all  means  of  subsistence  ;  and 
the  sick,  in  particular,  have  been  exposed  to  grievous  sufferings. 
The  consuls  have  in  these  cases  also  advanced  moneys  for  their 
relief.  For  these  advances  they  reasonably  expect  reimburse- 
ments from  the  United  States. 

The  consular  act,  relative  to  seamen,  requires  revision  and 
amendment.  The  provisions  for  their  support  in  foreign  coun- 
tries, and  for  their  return,  are  found  to  be  inadequate  and 
ineffectual.  Another  provision  seems  necessary  to  be  added  to 
the  consular  act.  Some  foreign  vessels  have  been  discovered 
sailing  under  the  flag  of  the  United  States,  and  with  forged 
papers.  It  seldom  happens  that  the  consuls  can  detect  this 
deception,  because  they  have  no  authority  to  demand  an  in- 
spection of  the  registers  and  sea  letters. 

Gentlemen  op  the  House  op  Representatives, 

It  is  my  duty  to  recommend  to  your  serious  consideration 
those  objects  which,  by  the  Constitution,  are  placed  particularly 
within  your  sphere,  —  the  national  debt  and  taxes. 

Since  the  decay  of  the  feudal  system,  by  which  the  public 
defence  was  provided  for  chiefly  at  the  expense  of  individuals, 
the  system  of  loans  has  been  introduced.  And  as  no  nation 
can  raise  within    the   year,  by  taxes,   sufficient   sums  for  its 

11* 


126  OFFICIAL. 

defence  and  military  operations  in  time  of  war,  the  sums  loaned, 
and  debts  contracted,  have  necessarily  become  the  subject  of 
what  have  been  called  funding  systems.  The  consequences 
arising  from  the  continual  accumulation  of  public  debts  in 
other  countries  ought  to  admonish  us  to  be  careful  to  prevent 
their  growth  in  our  own.  The  national  defence  must  be  pro- 
vided for,  as  well  as  the  support  of  government;  but  both 
should  be  accomplished  as  much  as  possible  by  immediate 
taxes,  and  as  little  as  possible  by  loans.  The  estimates  for  the 
service  of  the  ensuing  year  will,  by  my  direction,  be  laid  before 
you. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

AND  Gentlemen  of  the  House  op  Representatives, 

We  are  met  together  at  a  most  interesting  period.  The 
situations  of  the  principal  powers  of  Europe  are  singular  and 
portentous.  Connected  with  some  by  treaties,  and  with  all  by 
commerce,  no  important  event  there  can  be  indifl'erent  to  us. 
Such  circumstances  call  with  peculiar  importunity  not  less  for 
a  disposition  to  unite  in  all  those  measures  on  which  the  honor, 
safety,  and  prosperity  of  our  country  depend,  than  for  all  the 
exertions  of  wisdom  and  firmness. 

In  all  such  measures  you  may  rely  on  my  zealous  and  hearty 

concurrence.^ 

John   Adams. 


REPLY    to    the    ANSAVER    OF    THE    SENATE. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 
I  thank  you  for  this  address.  When,  after  the  most  laborious 
investigation  and  serious  reflection,  without  partial  considera- 
tions or  personal  motives,  measures  have  been  adopted  or 
recommended,  I  can  receive  no  higher  testimony  of  their  recti- 
tude than  the  approbation  of  an  assembly  so  independent, 
patriotic,  and  enlightened,  as  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

^  This  speech  seems  to  have  been  drawn  up  ahiiost  exclusively  from  Mr. 
Pickering's  draught.  Much,  however,  and  particularly  a  long  passage  touching 
the  right  of  expatriation  and  the  naturalization  of  foreigners,  was  expunged. 


OFFICIAL.  127 

Nothing  has  afforded  me  more  entire  satisfaction  than  the 
coincidence  of  your  judgment  with  mine,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
essential  importance  of  our  commerce,  and  the  absolute  neces- 
sity of  a  maritime  defence.  What  is  it  that  has  drawn  to 
Europe  the  superfluous  riches  of  the  three  other  quarters  of  the 
globe,  but  a  marine?  What  is  it  that  has  drained  the  wealth 
of  Europe  itself  into  the  coffers  of  two  or  three  of  its  principal 
commercial  powers,  but  a  marine  ? 

The  world  has  furnished  no  example  of  a  flourishing  com- 
merce, without  a  maritime  protection  ;  and  a  moderate  know- 
ledge of  man  and  his  history  will  convince  any  one  that  no 
such  prodigy  ever  can  arise.  A  mercantile  marine  and  a  mili- 
tary marine  must  grow  up  together;  one  cannot  long  exist 
without  the  other. 

John  Adams. 


reply  to  the  answer  of  the  house  of  representatives. 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

I  receive  this  address  from  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  with  peculiar  pleasure. 

Your  approbation  of  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  this  city, 
and  of  those  other  measures  of  the  executive  authority  of 
government  communicated  in  my  address  to  both  Houses  at 
the  opening  of  the  session,  afford  me  great  satisfaction,  as  the 
strongest  desire  of  my  heart  is  to  give  satisfacti-on  to  the  people 
and  their  representatives  by  a  faithful  discharge  of  my  duty. 

The  confidence  you  express  in  the  sincerity  of  my  endeavors, 
and  in  the  unanimity  of  the  people,  does  me  much  honor  and 
gives  me  great  joy. 

I  rejoice  in  that  harmony  which  appears  in  the  sentiments  of 
all  the  branches  of  the  government,  on  the  importance  of  our 
commerce,  and  our  obligations  to  defend  it,  as  well  as  on  all  the 
other  subjects  reconmiended  to  your  consideration ;  and  sin- 
cerely congratulate  you  and  our  fellow-citizens  at  large  on  this 
appearance,  so  auspicious  to  the  honor,  interest,  and  happiness 
of  the  nation. 

John  Adams. 


128  OFFICIAL. 

SPEECH    TO    BOTH   HOUSES    OF    CONGRESS,^ 
8  December,  1798. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

While,  with  reverence  and  resignation,  we  contemplate  the 
dispensations  of  Divine  Providence,  in  the  alarming  and  de- 
structive pestilence  with  which  several  of  our  cities  and  towns 
have  been  visited,  there  is  cause  for  gratitude  and  mutual  con- 
gratulations that  the  malady  has  disappeared,  and  that  we  are 
again  permitted  to  assemble  in  safety  at  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment, for  the  discharge  of  our  important  duties.  But  when  we 
reflect  that  this  fatal  disorder  has  within  a  few  years  made 
repeated  ravages  in  some  of  our  principal  seaports,  and  with 
increased  malignancy,  and  when  we  consider  the  magnitude  of 
the  evils  arising  from  the  interruption  of  public  and  private 
business,  whereby  the  national  interests  are  deeply  affected,  I 
think  it  my  duty  to  invite  the  legislature  of  the  Union  to  exa- 
mine the  expediency  of  establishing  suitable  regulations  in  aid 
of  the  health  laws  of  the  respective  States ;  for  these  being 
formed  on  the  idea  that  contagious  sickness  may  be  communi- 
cated through  the  channels  of  commerce,  there  seems  to  be  a 
necessity  that  Congress,  v^^ho  alone  can  regulate  trade,  should 
frame  a  system,  which,  while  it  may  tend  to  preserve  the  gene- 
ral health,  may  be  compatible  with  the  interests  of  commerce 
and  the  safety  of  the  revenue. 

While  we  think  on  this  calamity,  and  sympathize  with  the 
immediate  sufferers,  we  have  abundant  reason  to  present  to  the 
Supreme  Being  our  annual  oblations  of  gratitude  for  a  liberal 
participation  in  the  ordinary  blessings  of  his  providence.     To 

1  This  speech  was  oriijinally  published  with  the  followino;  preface ;  — 
"At  twelve  o'clock,  Lieutenant-General  Washington,  with  his  Secretary,  Colo- 
nel Lear,  Major-Generals  Pinckney  and  Hamilton,  entered  the  hall,  and  took 
their  places  on  the  right  of  the  Speaker's  chair.  Tlie  British  and  Portuguese 
ministers,  and  the  British  and  Danish  consuls,  with  their  secretaries,  had  their 
places  assigned  them  on  the  left  of  the  chair. 

"A  few  minutes  after  twelve,  the  President  of  the  United  States,  accompanied 
by  his  secretary,  and  the  heads  of  the  several  departments  of  the  government, 
appeared.  The  President  having  taken  his  seat,  and  the  officers  of  government 
theirs,  near  the  general  ofHcors.  he  rose,  and  addressed  the  two  Houses  as  fol- 
lows." 


OFFICIAL.  129 

the  usual  subjects  of  gratitude,  I  cannot  omit  to  add  one,  of  the 
first  importance  to  our  well-being  and  safety — I  mean  that 
spirit  which  has  arisen  in  our  country  against  the  menaces  and 
aggressions  of  a  foreign  nation.  A  manly  sense  of  national 
honor,  dignity,  and  independence,  has  appeared,  which,  if  en- 
couraged and  invigorated  by  every  branch  of  the  government, 
will  enable  us  to  view  undismayed  the  enterprises  of  any  foreign 
power,  and  become  tlie  sure  foundation  of  national  prosperity 
and  glory. 

The  course  of  the  transactions  in  relation  to  the  United 
States  and  France,  which  have  come  to  my  knowledge  during 
your  recess,  will  be  made  the  subject  of  a  future  communica- 
tion. That  communication  will  confirm  the  ultimate  failure  of 
the  measures  which  have  been  taken  by  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  towards  an  amicable  adjustment  of  differences 
with  that  power.  You  will  at  the  same  time  perceive  that  the 
French  govt^rnment  appears  solicitous  to  impress  the  opinion, 
that  it  is  averse  to  a  rupture  with  this  country,  and  that  it  has 
in  a  qualified  manner  declared  itself  willing  to  receive  a  minister 
from  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  a  good 
understanding.  It  is  unfortunate  for  professions  of  this  kind, 
that  they  should  be  expressed  in  terms  which  may  countenance 
the  inadmissible  pretension  of  a  right  to  prescribe  the  qualifica- 
tions which  a  minister  from  the  United  States  should  possess; 
and  that  while  France  is  asserting  the  existence  of  a  disposition 
on  her  part  to  conciliate  with  sincerity  the  differences  which 
have  arisen,  the  sincerity  of  a  like  disposition  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  of  which  so  many  demonstrative  proofs  have 
been  given,  should  even  be  indirectly  questioned.  It  is  also 
worthy  of  observation  that  the  decree  of  the  directory,  alleged 
to  be  intended  to  restrain  the  depredations  of  French  cruisers 
on  our  commerce,  has  not  given  and  cannot  give  any  relief;  it 
enjoins  them  to  conform  to  all  the  laws  of  France  relative  to 
cruising  and  prizes,  while  these  laws  are  themselves  the  sources 
of  the  depredations  of  which  we  have  so  long,  so  justly,  and  so 
fruitlessly  complained. 

The  law  of  France,  enacted  in  January  last,  which  subjects 
to  capture  and  condemnation  neutral  vessels  and  their  cargoes, 
if  any  portion  of  the  latter  are  of  British  fabric  or  produce, 
although  the  entire  property  belong  to  neutrals,  instead  of  being 

1 


130  OFFICIAL. 

rescinded,  has  lately  received  a  confirmation  by  the  failure  of  a 
proposition  for  its  repeal.  While  this  law,  which  is  an  unequi- 
vocal act  of  war  on  the  commerce  of  the  nations  it  attacks, 
continues  in  force,  those  nations  can  see  in  the  French  govern- 
ment only  a  power  regardless  of  their  essential  rights,  of  their 
independence,  and  sovereignty ;  and  if  they  possess  the  means, 
they  can  reconcile  nothing  with  their  interest  and  honor  but  a 
firm  resistance. 

Hitherto,  therefore,  nothing  is  discoverable  in  the  conduct  of 
France  which  ought  to  change  or  relax  our  measures  of  defence. 
On  the  contrary,  to  extend  and  invigorate  them  is  our  true  policy. 
We  have  no  reason  to  regret  that  these  measures  have  been 
thus  far  adopted  and  pursued;  and  in  proportion  as  we  enlarge 
our  view  of  the  portentous  and  incalculable  situation  of  Europe, 
we  shall  discover  new  and  cogent  motives  for  the  full  develop- 
ment of  our  energies  and  resources. 

But,  in  demonstrating  by  our  conduct  that  we  do  not  fear 
war  in  the  necessary  protection  of  our  rights  and  honor,  we 
shall  give  no  room  to  infer  that  we  abandon  the  desire  of  peace. 
An  efficient  preparation  for  war  can  alone  ensure  peace.  It  is 
peace  that  we  have  uniformly  and  perseveringly  cultivated;  and 
harmony  between  us  and  France  may  be  restored  at  her  option. 
But  to  send  another  minister  without  more  determinate  assur- 
ances that  he  would  be  received,  would  be  an  act  of  humiliation 
to  which  the  United  States  ought  not  to  submit.  It  must, 
therefore,  be  left  to  France,  if  she  is  indeed  desirous  of  accom- 
modation, to  take  the  requisite  steps. 

The  United  States  will  steadily  observe  the  maxims  by  which 
they  have  hitherto  been  governed.  They  will  respect  the  sacred 
rights  of  embassy.  And  with  a  sincere  disposition  on  the  part 
of  France  to  desist  from  hostility,  to  make  reparation  for  the 
injuries  heretofore  inflicted  on  our  commerce,  and  to  do  justice 
in  future,  there  will  be  no  obstacle  to  the  restoration  of  a 
friendly  intercourse.  In  making  to  you  this  declaration,  I  give 
a  pledge  to  France  and  to  the  world,  that  the  executive  author- 
ity of  this  country  still  adheres  to  the  humane  and  pacific 
policy,  which  has  invariably  governed  its  proceedings,  in  con- 
formity with  the  wishes  of  the  other  branches  of  the  government, 
and  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  But  considering  the 
late  manifestations  of  her  policy  towards  foreign  nations,  I  deem 


OFFICIAL.  131 

it  a  duty  deliberately  and  solemnly  to  declare  my  opinion,  that 
whether  we  negotiate  with  her  or  not,  vigorous  preparations 
for  war  will  be  alike'  indispensable.  These  alone  will  give  to  us 
an  equal  treaty,  and  insure  its  observance.^ 

Among  the  measures  of  preparation  which  appear  expedient, 
I  take  the  liberty  to  recall  your  attention  to  the  naval  establish- 
ment. The  beneficial  effects  of  the  small  naval  armament 
provided  under  the  acts  of  the  last  session,  are  known  and 
acknowledged.  Perhaps  no  country  ever  experienced  more 
sudden  and  remarkable  advantages  from  any  measure  of  policy 
than  we  have  derived  from  the  arming  for  our  maritime  protec- 
tion and  defence.  We  ought,  without  loss  of  time,  to  lay  the 
foundation  for  an  increase  of  our  navy,  to  a  size  sufficient  to 
guard  our  coast  and  protect  our  trade.  Such  a  naval  force  as 
it  is  doubtless  in  the  power  of  the  United  States  to  create  and 
maintain,  would  also  afford  to  them  the  best  means  of  general 
defence,  by  facilitating  the  safe  transportation  of  troops  and 
stores  to  every  part  of  our  extensive  coast.  To  accomplish  this 
important  object,  a  prudent  foresight  requires  that  systematical 
measures  be  adopted  for  procuring  at  all  times  the  requisite 

1  The  portion  of  this  speech,  which  relates  to  foreign  affairs,  was  adopted 
from  a  drauglit  presented  by  Mr.  Wolcott,  but  probably  drawn  up  in  consulta- 
tion with  Mr.  Hamilton  and  others  outside  of  the  cabinet.  It  was  so  distasteful 
to  Mr.  Adams  that  he  persisted  in  making  a  modification  of  the  last  two  para- 
graphs, so  as  not  to  cut  off  all  further  chance  of  initiating  a  negotiation.  The 
extent  of  the  modification  may  be  readily  ascertained  by  comparison  with  ]\Ir. 
Wolcott's  draught,  which  is  printed,  though  not  cpute  according  to  the  original, 
in  Mr.  GIbbs's  work,  vol.  ii.  pp.  168-171.  But  it  fell  far  short  of  Mr.  Adams's 
own  draught,  which  now  remains  to  show  his  wishes  at  this  period.  Neither 
can  it  be  said  that  the  Secretary  of  State,  at  least,  was  not  apprised  of  it,  for  the 
sheet  on  which  it  is  written,  has  the  following  indorsement  in  his  handwriting. 
"  b.  Negotiating  with  France."     The  bearing  of  this  fact  is  explained  elsewhere. 

"  In  a  message  to  both  houses  of  Congress,  on  the  twenty-first  day  of  June 
last,  I  expressed  my  opinion  of  the  impropriety  of  sending  another  minister 
to  France,  without  assurances  that  he  woukl  be  received,  protected,  and  privi- 
leged according  to  the  law  of  nations,  as  the  representative  of  a  sovereign  State. 
This  opinion  was  well  founded,  and  my  resolution  is  unchanged.  It  is  not  my 
intention,  however,  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  negotiation,  or  to  throw  any 
impediments  in  the  way  of  an  amicable  settlement  of  all  controversies  with 
France.  I  think  it  proper,  therefore,  to  declare  that  I  shall  be  at  all  times 
ready  to  nominate,  and,  if  I  should  be  so  happy  as  to  obtain  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Senate,  to  appoint  another  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister  pleni- 
potentiary, with  full  powers  and  instructions  to  confer,  treat,  and  conclude  with 
a  minister  of  ecpial  grade,  commissioned  by  the  executive  directory,  on  all  points 
in  dispute  between  the  two  powers.  And  I  judge  it  proper  further  to  declare, 
that  I  shall  be  at  all  times  ready  to  receive  a  suitable  character,  commissioned 
and  accredited  by  the  government  of  France." 


132  OFFICIAL. 

timber  and  other  supplies.  In  what  manner  this  shall  be  done 
I  leave  to  your  consideration. 

I  will  now  advert,  gentlemen,  to  some  matters  of  less  moment, 
but  proper  to  be  communicated  to  the  national  legislature. 

After  the  Spanish  garrison  had  evacuated  the  posts  they 
occupied  at  the  Natchez  and  Walnut  Hills,  the  commissioner 
of  the  United  States  commenced  his  observations  to  ascertain 
the  point  near  the  Mississippi,  which  terminated  the  northern- 
most part  of  the  thirty-first  degree  of  north  latitude.  From 
thence  he  proceeded  to  run  the  boundary  line  between  the 
United  States  and  Spain.  He  was  afterwards  joined  by  the 
Spanish  commissioner,  when  the  work  of  the  former  was  con- 
firmed, and  they  proceeded  together  to  the  demarkation  of  the 
line.  Recent  information  renders  it  probable  that  the  southern 
Indians,  either  instigated  to  oppose  the  demarkation,  or  jealous 
of  the  consequences  of  suffering  white  people  to  run  a  line  over 
lands  to  which  the  Indian  title  had  not  been  extinguished,  have 
ere  this  time  stopped  the  progress  of  the  commissioners.  And 
considering  the  mischiefs  which  may  result  from  continuing  the 
demarkation,  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  Indian  tribes,  the 
great  expense  attending  it,  and  that  the  boundaries,  which 
the  commissioners  have  actually  established,  probably  extend 
at  least  as  far  as  the  Indian  title  has  been  extinguished,  it  will 
perhaps  become  expedient  and  necessary  to  suspend  further 
proceedings  by  recalling  our  commissioner. 

The  commissioners  appointed  in  pursuance  of  the  fifth  article 
of  the  treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation,  between  the 
United  States  and  his  Britannic  Majesty,  to  determine  what  river 
was  truly  intended  under  the  name  of  the  river  St.  Croix  men- 
tioned in  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  forming  a  part  of  the  boundary 
therein  described,  have  finally  decided  that  question.  On  the  25th 
of  October  they  made  their  declaration  that  a  river  called  Schoo- 
diac,  which  falls  into  Passamaquoddy  Bay,  at  its  north-western 
quarter,  was  the  true  St.  Croix  intended  in  the  treaty  of  peace, 
as  far  as  its  great  fork,  where  one  of  its  streams  comes  from  the 
westward  and  the  other  from  the  northvv^ard,  and  that  the  latter 
stream  is  the  continuation  of  the  St.  Croix  to  its  source.  This 
decision,  it  is  understood,  will  preclude  all  contention  among 
individual  claimants,  as  it  seems  that  the  Schoodiao  and  its 
northern  branch,  bound  the  grants  of  lands  which  have  been 


OFFICIAL.  133 

made  by  the  respective  adjoining  governments.  A  subordinate 
question,  however,  it  has  been  suggested,  still  remains  to  be 
determined.  Between  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Croix,  as  now 
settled,  and  what  is  usually  called  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  lie  a 
number  of  valuable  islands.  The  commissioners  have  not  con- 
tinued the  boundary  line  through  any  channel  of  these  islands, 
and  unless  the  Bay  of  Passamaquoddy  be  a  part  of  the  Bay  of 
Fundy,  this  further  adjustment  of  boundary  will  be  necessary. 
But  it  is  apprehended  that  this  will  not  be  a  matter  of  any 
difficulty. 

Such  progress  has  been  made  in  the  examination  and  decision 
of  cases  of  captures  and  condemnations  of  American  vessels, 
which  were  the  subject  of  the  seventh  article  of  tiie  treaty  of 
amity,  commerce,  and  navigation,  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  that  it  is  supposed  the  commissioners  will 
be  able  to  bring  their  business  to  a  conclusion  in  August  of  the 
ensuing  year. 

The  commissioners,  acting  under  the  twenty-first  article  of 
the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Spain,  have  adjusted 
most  of  the  claims  of  our  citizens  for  losses  sustained  in  conse- 
sequence  of  their  vessels  and  cargoes  having  been  taken  by  the 
subjects  of  his  Catholic  Majesty,  during  the  late  war  between 
France  and  Spain. 

Various  circumstances  have  concurred  to  delay  the  execution 
of  the  law  for  augmenting  the  military  establishment.  Among 
these  the  desire  of  obtaining  the  fullest  information  to  direct  the 
best  selection  of  officers.  As  this  object  will  now  be  speedily 
accomplished,  it  is  expected  that  the  raising  and  organizing  of 
the  troops  will  proceed  without  obstacle  and  with  effect. 

Gentlemex  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

I  have  directed  an  estimate  of  the  appropriations  which  will 
be  necessary  for  the  service  of  the  ensuing  year  to  be  laid  before 
you,  accompanied  with  a  view  of  the  public  receipts  and  ex- 
penditures to  a  recent  period.  It  will  afford  you  satisfaction 
to  infer  the  great  extent  and  solidity  of  the  public  resources, 
from  the  prosperous  state  of  the  finances,  notwithstanding  the 
unexampled  embarrassments  which  have  attended  commerce. 
When  you  reflect  on  the  conspicuous  examples  of  patriotism 
and  liberality  which    have    been  exhibited    by  our  mercantile 

VOL.  IX.  12 


134  OFFICIAL. 

fellow-citizens,  and  how  great  a  proportion  of  the  public  re- 
sources depends  on  their  enterprise,  you  will  naturally  consider, 
whether  their  convenience  cannot  be  promoted  and  reconciled 
with  the  security  of  the  revenue  by  a  revision  of  the  system  by 
which  the  collection  is  at  present  regulated. 

During  your  recess,  measures  have  been  steadily  pursued  for 
ejffecting  the  valuations  and  retiuns  directed  by  the  act  of  the 
last  session,  preliminary  to  the  assessment  and  collection  of  a 
direct  tax.  No  other  delays  or  obstacles  have  been  experienced, 
except  such  as  were  expected  to  arise  from  the  great  extent  of 
our  country  and  the  magnitude  and  novelty  of  the  operation ; 
and  enough  has  been  accomplished  to  assure  a  fulfilment  of  the 
views  of  the  legislature. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives, 

I  cannot  close  this  address  without  once  more  adverting  to 
our  political  situation,  and  inculcating  the  essential  importance 
of  uniting  in  the  maintenance  of  our  dearest  interests.  And  I 
trust  that  by  the  temper  and  wisdom  of  your  proceedings,  and 
by  a  harmony  of  measures,  Ave  shall  secure  to  our  country  that 
weight  and  respect  to  which  it  is  so  justly  entitled.^ 

John  Adams. 


REPLY  TO  THE  ANSWER  OF  THE  SENATE. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 

I  thank  you  for  this  address,  so  conformable  to  the  spirit  of 
our  Constitution,  and  the  established  character  of  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  for  wisdom,  honor,  and  virtue. 

I  have  seen  no  real  evidence  of  any  change  of  system  or  dis- 
position in  the  French  republic  towards  the  United  States. 
Although  the  officious  interference  of  individuals,  without  pub- 
lic character  or  authority,  is  not  entitled  to  any  credit,  yet  it 
deserves  to  be  considered,  whether  that  temerity  and  imperti- 

*  A  large  part  of  this  speech  was  taken  from  the  draught  of  Mr.  Wolcott  and        _ 
Mr.  Pickering. 


OFFICIAL.  135 

nence  of  individuals  affecting  to  interfere  in  public  affairs 
between  France  and  the  United  States,  whether  by  their  secret 
correspondence  or  otherwise,  and  intended  to  impose  upon  the 
people  and  separate  them  from  their  government,  ought  not  to 
be  inquired  into  and  corrected. 

I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  your  assurances  that  you  will 
bestow  that  consideration  on  the  several  objects  pointed  out  in 
my  communication,  which  they  respectively  merit. 

If  I  have  participated  in  that  understanding,  sincerity,  and 
constancy,  which  have  been  displayed  by  my  fellow-citizens 
and  countrymen,  in  the  most  trying  times,  and  critical  situa- 
tions, and  fulfilled  my  duties  to  them,  I  am  happy.  The  testi- 
mony of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  in  my  favor,  is  an 
high  and  honorable  reward,  which  receives,  as  it  merits,  my 
grateful  acknowledgments.  My  zealous  cooperation  in  mea- 
sures necessary  to  secure  us  justice  and  consideration  may  be 
always  depended  on. 

John  Adams. 


REPLY    to    the    answer    OF    THE    HOUSE    OF    REPRESENTATIVES. 

Mr.  Speaker,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

My  sincere  acknowledgments  are  due  to  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  States  for  this  excellent  address,  so 
consonant  to  the  character  of  representatives  of  a  great  and 
free  people.  The  judgment  and  feelings  of  a  nation,  I  believe, 
were  never  more  truly  expressed  by  their  representatives,  than 
those  of  our  constituents  by  your  decided  declaration,  that, 
with  our  means  of  defence,  our  interest  and  honor  command  us 
to  repel  a  predatory  warfare  against  the  unquestionable  rights 
of  neutral  commerce ;  that  it  becomes  the  United  States  to  be 
as  determined  in  resistance  as  they  have  been  patient  in  suffer- 
ing and  condescending  in  negotiation  ;  that  while  those  who 
direct  the  affairs  of  France  persist  in  the  enforcement  of  decrees 
so  hostile  to  our  essential  rights,  their  conduct  forbids  us  to 
confide  in  any  of  their  professions  of  amity ;  that  an  adequate 
naval   force    must    be    considered    as    an   important  object  of 


136  OFFICIAL. 

national  policy;  and  that  whether  negotiations  with  France  are 
resumed  or  not,  vigorous  preparations  for  war  will  be  alike 
indispensable. 

The  generous  disdain  you  so  coolly  and  deliberately  express 
of  a  reliance  on  foreign  protection,  wanting  no  foreign  guaranty 
of  our  liberties,  resolving  to  maintain  our  national  independence 
against  every  attempt  to  despoil  us  of  this  inestimable  treasure, 
will  meet  the  full  approbation  of  every  sound  understanding, 
and  exulting  applauses  from  the  heart  of  every  faithful  Ame- 
rican. 

]  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  your  candid  approbation  of  my 
sentiments  on  the  subject  of  negotiation,  and  for  the  declara- 
tion of  your  opinion,  that  the  policy  of  extending  and  invigorat- 
ing our  measures  of  defence,  and  the  adoption,  with  prudent 
foresight,  of  such  systematical  measures  as  may  be  expedient  for 
calling  forth  the  energies  of  our  country  wherever  the  national 
exigencies  may  require,  whether  on  the  ocean,  or  on  our  own 
territory,  will  demand  your  sedulous  attention. 

At  the  same  time  I  take  the  liberty  to  assure  you,  it  shall  be 
my  vigilant  endeavor  that  no  illusory  professions  shall  seduce 
me  into  any  abandonment  of  the  rights  which  belong  to  the 
United  States  as  a  free  and  independent  nation. 

John  Adams. 


SPEECH    TO    BOTH    HOUSES    OF    CONGRESS, 
3  December,  1799. 

Gentlemen  op  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

It  is  with  peculiar  satisfaction  that  I  meet  the  sixth  Congress 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  Coming  from  all  parts  of  the 
Union,  at  this  critical  and  interesting  period,  the  members 
must  be  fully  possessed  of  the  sentiments  and  wishes  of  our 
constituents. 

The  flattering  prospects  of  abundance,  from  the  labors  of  the 
people  by  land  and  by  sea;    the  prosperity  of  our  extended 


OFFICIAL.  137 

commerce,  notwithstanding  interriaptions  occasioned  by  the 
belligerent  state  of  a  great  part  of  the  world;  the  return  of 
health,  industry,  and  trade,  to  those  cities  which  have  lately 
been  afflicted  with  disease;  and  the  various  and  inestimable 
advantages,  civil  and  religious,  which,  secured  under  our  happy 
frame  of  government,  are  continued  to  us  unimpaired,  demand 
of  the  whole  American  people  sincere  thanks  to  a  benevolent 
Deity  for  the  merciful  dispensations  of  his  providence. 

But,  while  these  numerous  blessings  are  recollected,  it  is  a 
painful  duty  to  advert  to  the  ungrateful  return  which  has  been 
made  for  them  by  some  of  the  people  in  certain  counties  of 
Pennsylvania,  ^vhere,  seduced  by  the  arts  and  misrepresentations 
of  designing  men,  they  have  openly  resisted  the  law  directing 
the  valuation  of  houses  and  lands.  Such  defiance  was  given  to 
the  civil  authority  as  rendered  hopeless  all  further  attempts  by- 
judicial  process  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the  law;  and  it 
became  necessary  to  direct  a  military  force  to  be  employed, 
consisting  of  some  companies  of  regular  troops,  volunteers,  and 
militia,  by  whose  zeal  and  activity,  in  cooperation  with  the 
judicial  power,  order  and  submission  were  restored,  and  many 
of  the  offenders  arrested.  Of  these,  some  have  been  convicted 
of  misdemeanors,  and  others,  charged  with  various  crimes, 
remain  to  be  tried. 

To  give  due  effect  to  the  civil  administration  of  government, 
and  to  insure  a  just  execution  of  the  laws,  a  revision  and 
amendment  of  the  judiciary  system  is  indispensably  necessary. 
In  this  extensive  country  it  cannot  but  happen  that  numerous 
questions  respecting  the  interpretation  of  the  laws,  and  the 
rights  and  duties  of  officers  and  citizens,  must  arise.  On  the 
one  hand,  the  laws  should  be  executed ;  on  the  other,  indivi- 
duals should  be  guarded  fronr  oppression.  Neither  of  these 
objects  is  sufficiently  assured  under  the  present  organization  of 
the  judicial  department.  I  therefore  earnestly  recommend  the 
subject  to  your  serious  consideration. 

Persevering  in  the  pacific  and  humane  policy,  which  had 
been  invariably  professed  and  sincei'ely  pursued  by  the  executive 
authority  of  the  United  States,  when  indications  were  made, 
on  the  part  of  the  French  republic,  of  a  disposition  to  accom- 
modate the  existing  differences  between  the  two  countries,  I 
felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to  prepare  for  meeting  their  advances  by 

12* 


138  OFFICIAL. 

a  nomination  of  ministers  upon  certain  conditions,  which  the 
honor  of  our  country  dictated,  and  which  its  moderation  had 
given  it  a  right  to  prescribe.  The  assurances  which  were 
required  of  the  French  government,  previous  to  the  departure  of 
our  envoys,  have  been  given  through  their  minister  of  foreign 
relations ;  and  I  have  directed  them  to  proceed  on  their  mission 
to  Paris.  They  have  full  power  to  conclude  a  treaty,  subject 
to  the  constitutional  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate.  The 
characters  of  these  gentlemen  are  sure  pledges  to  their  country 
that  nothing  incompatible  with  its  honor  or  interest,  nothing 
inconsistent  with  our  obligations  of  good  faith  or  friendship  to 
any  other  nation,  will  be  stipulated. 

It  appearing  probable,  from  the  information  I  received,  that 
our  commercial  intercourse  with  some  ports  in  the  island  of 
St.  Domingo  might  safely  be  renewed,  I  took  such  steps  as 
seemed  to  me  expedient  to  ascertain  that  point.  The  result 
being  satisfactory,  I  then,  in  conformity  with  the  act  of  Con- 
gress on  the  subject,  directed  the  restraints  and  prohibitions  of 
that  intercourse  to  be  discontinued,  on  terms  which  were  made 
known  by  proclamation.  Since  the  renewal  of  this  intercourse, 
our  citizens  trading  to  those  ports,  with  their  property,  have 
been  duly  respected,  and  privateering  from  those  ports  has 
ceased. 

In  examining  the  claims  of  British  subjects  by  the  commis- 
sioners at  Philadelphia,  acting  under  the  sixth  article  of  the 
treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation  Avith  Great  Britain, 
a  difference  of  opinion,  on  points  deemed  essential  in  the  inter- 
pretation of  that  article,  has  arisen  between  the  commissioners 
appointed  by  the  United  States,  and  the  other  members  of  that 
board;  from  which  the  former  have  thought  it  their  duty  to 
withdraw.  It  is  sincerely  to  be  regretted,  that  the  execution  of 
an  article  produced  by  a  mutual  spirit  of  amity  and  justice,  should 
have  been  thus  unavoidably  interrupted.  It  is,  however,  con- 
fidently expected  that  the  same  spirit  of  amity  and  the  same 
sense  of  justice,  in  which  it  originated,  will  lead  to  satisfactory 
explanations.  In  consequence  of  the  obstacles  to  the  progi-ess 
of  the  commission  in  Philadelphia,  his  Britannic  Majesty  has 
directed  the  commissioners  appointed  by  him  under  the  seventh 
article  of  the  treaty,  relating  to  British  captures  of  American 
vessels,  to  withdraw  from  the  board  sitting  in  London;   but 


OFFICIAL.  139 

with  the  express  declaration  of  his  determination  to  fulfil  with 
punctuality  and  good  faith  the  engagements  which  his  majesty 
has  contracted  by  his  treaty  with  the  United  States ;  and  that 
they  will  be  instructed  to  resume  their  functions,  whenever  the 
obstacles,  which  impede  the  progress  of  the  commission  at  Phi- 
ladelphia, shall  be  removed.  It  being  in  like  manner  my  sincere 
determination,  so  far  as  the  same  depends  on  me,  that,  with  equal 
punctuality  and  good  faith,  the  engagements  contracted  by  the 
United  States,  in  their  treaties  with  his  Britannic  majesty,  shall 
be  fulfilled,  I  shall  immediately  instruct  our  minister  at  Lon- 
don to  endeavor  to  obtain  the  explanations  necessary  to  a  just 
performance  of  those  engagements  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States.  With  such  dispositions  on  both  sides,  I  cannot  enter- 
tain a  doubt  that  all  difficulties  will  soon  be  removed,  and  that 
the  two  boards  will  then  proceed,  and  bring  the  business  com- 
mitted to  them,  respectively,  to  a  satisfactory  conclusion. 

The  act  of  Congress,  relative  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States,  requiring  that  on  the  first  Monday  of  Decem- 
ber next,  it  should  be  transferred  from  Philadelphia  to  the  district 
chosen  for  its  permanent  seat,  it  is  proper  for  me  to  inform  you, 
that  the  commissioners  appointed  to  provide  suitable  buildings 
for  the  accommodation  of  Congress,  and  of  the  President,  and 
of  the  public  offices  of  the  government,  have  made  a  report  of 
the  state  of  the  buildings  designed  for  those  purposes  in  the 
city  of  Washington  ;  from  which  they  conclude  that  the  removal 
of  the  seat  of  government  to  that  place,  at  the  time  required, 
will  be  practicable,  and  the  accommodation  satisfactory.  Their 
report  will  be  laid  before  you. 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

I  shall  direct  the  estimates  of  the  appropriations  necessary 
for  the  service  of  the  ensuing  year,  together  with  an  account  of 
the  revenue  and  expenditure,  to  be  laid  before  you.  During  a 
period,  in  which  a  great  portion  of  the  civilized  world  has  been 
involved  in  a  war  unusually  calamitous  and  destructive,  it  was 
not  to  be  expected  that  the  United  States  could  be  exempted 
from  extraordinary  burdens.  Although  the  period  is  not  arrived 
when  the  measures  adopted  to  secure  our  country  against 
foreign  attacks  can  be  renounced,  yet  it  is  alike  necessary  for 
the  honor  of  the  government  and  the  satisfaction  of  the  com- 


140  OFFICIAL. 

munity,  that  an  exact  economy  should  be  maintained.  I  invite 
you,  gentlemen,  to  investigate  the  different  branches  of  the 
public  expenditure.  The  examination  will  lead  to  beneficial 
retrenchments,  or  produce  a  conviction  of  the  wisdom  of  the 
measures  to  which  the  expenditure  relates. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  op^  the  House  of  Representatives, 

At  a  period  like  the  present,  when  momentous  changes  are 
occurring,  and  every  hour  is  preparing  new  and  great  events  in 
the  political  world,  when  a  spirit  of  war  is  prevalent  in  almost 
every  nation,  with  whose  affairs  the  interests  of  the  United  States 
have  any  connection,  unsafe  and  precarious  would  be  our  situa- 
tion, were  we  to  neglect  the  means  of  maintaining  our  just 
rights.  The  result  of  the  mission  to  France  is  uncertain;  but 
however  it  may  terminate,  a  steady  perseverance  in  a  system 
of  national  defence,  commensurate  with  our  resources  and  the 
situation  of  our  country,  is  an  obvious  dictate  of  wisdom.  For, 
remotely  as  we  are  placed  from  the  belligerent  nations,  and 
desirous  as  we  are,  by  doing  justice  to  all,  to  avoid  offence  to 
any,  nothing  short  of  the  power  of  repelling  aggressions  will 
secure  to  our  country  a  rational  prospect  of  escaping  the  cala- 
mities of  war  or  national  degradation.  As  to  myself,  it  is  my 
anxious  desire  so  to  execute  the  trust  reposed  in  me,  as  to  ren- 
der the  people  of  the  United  States  prosperous  and  happy.  I 
rely,  with  entire  confidence,  on  your  cooperation  in  objects 
equally  your  care ;  and  that  our  mutual  labors  will  serve  to 
increase  and  confirm  union  among  our  fellow-citizens,  and  an 
unshaken  attachment  to  our  government. 

John   Adams. 


reply  to  the  answer  of  the  senate. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

I  thank  you  for  this  address.     I  wish  you  all  possible  success 

and  satisfaction  in  your  deliberations  on  the  means  which  have 

a  tendency  to  promote  and  extend  our  national  interests  and 

happiness;  and  I  assure  you  that  in  all  your  measures  directed 


OFFICIAL.  141 

to  those  great  objects,  you  may  at  all  times  rely  with  the  highest 
confidence  on  my  cordial  cooperation. 

The  praise  of  the  Senate,  so  judiciously  conferred  on  the 
promptitude  and  zeal  of  the  troops  called  to  suppress  the  insur- 
rection, as  it  falls  from  so  high  authority,  must  make  a  deep 
impression,  both  as  a  terror  to  the  disobedient,  and  an  encourage- 
ment of  such  as  do  well. 

John  Adams. 


reply  to  the  answer  of  the  house  of  representatives. 

Gentlemex  of  the  House  of  Repkesentatives, 

This  very  respectful  address  from  the  representatives  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  at  their  first  assembly  after  a  fresh 
election,  under  the  strong  impression  of  the  public  opinion  and 
national  sense  at  this  interestinar  and  sinsjular  crisis  of  our 
public  affairs,  has  excited  my  sensibility,  and  receives  my  sin- 
cere and  grateful  acknowledgments.^ 

As  long  as  we  can  maintain  with  harmony  and  affection  the 
honor  of  our  country,  consistently  with  its  peace,  externally  and 
internally,  while  that  is  attainable,  or  in  war,  when  that  becomes 
necessary,  assert  its  real  independence  and  sovereignty,  and 
support  the  constitutional  energies  and  dignity  of  its  govern- 
ment, we  may  be  perfectly  sure,  under  the  smiles  of  Divine 
Providence,  that  we  shall  effectually  promote  and  extend  our 
national  interest  and  happiness. 

The  applause  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
so  justly  bestowed  upon  the  volunteers  and  militia  for  their 
zealous  and  active  cooperation  with  the  judicial  power,  which 
has  restored  order  and  submission  to  the  laws,  as  it  comes  with 
peculiar  weight  and  propriety  from  the  legislature,  cannot  fail 
to  have  an  extensive  and  permanent  effect  for  the  support  of 

1  This  address  was  drawn  by  John  Marshall,  and  undoubtedly  expressed  his 
own  sentiments,  and  those  of  tlie  majority,  including  nearly  all  the  southern 
members,  of  the  federal  party.  The  vexation  which  it  caused  to  those  who 
were  dissatisfied  with  the  policy,  but  who  could  not  venture  to  declare  them- 
selves against  it,  is  curiously  displayed  in  Mr.  Wolcott's  letter  to  Fisher  Ames, 
Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  314.  The  answer  of  the  Senate 
shows  the  prevalence  of  a  different  influence. 


142  OFFICIAL. 

government  upon  all  those  ingenuous  minds  who  receive  delight 
from  the  approving  and  animating  voice  of  their  country. 

John  Adams. 


REPLY   TO   THE   ADDRESS   OF   THE    SENATE, 
on  the  peath  of  george  washington. 

23  December,  1799. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

I  receive,  with  the  most  respectful  and  affectionate  senti- 
ments, in  this  impressive  address,  the  obliging  expressions  of 
your  regard  for  the  loss  our  country  has  sustained  in  the  death 
of  her  most  esteemed,  beloved,  and  admired  citizen. 

In  the  multitude  of  my  thoughts  and  recollections  on  this 
melancholy  event,  you  will  permit  me  only  to  say,  that  I  have 
seen  him  in  the  days  of  adversity,  in  some  of  the  scenes  of  his 
deepest  distress  and  most  trying  perplexities;  I  have  also 
attended  him  in  his  highest  elevation,  and  most  prosperous 
felicity,  with  uniform  admiration  of  his  wisdom,  moderation, 
and  constancy. 

Amonof  all  our  orisfinal  associates  in  that  memorable  league 
of  the  continent  in  1774,  which  first  expressed  the  sovereign 
will  of  a  free  nation  in  America,  he  was  the  only  one  remaining 
in  the  general  government. 

Although,  with  a  constitution  more  enfeebled  than  his  at  an 
age  when  he  thought  it  necessary  to  prepare  for  retirement,  I 
feel  myself  alone,  bereaved  of  my  last  brother,  yet  I  derive  a 
strong  consolation  from  the  unanimous  disposition  which  ap- 
pears, in  all  ages  and  classes,  to  mingle  their  sorrows  with  mine 
on  this  common  calamity  to  the  world. 

The  life  of  our  Washington  cannot  suffer  by  a  comparison 
with  those  of  other  countries  who  have  been  most  celebrated 
and  exalted  by  fame.  The  attributes  and  decorations  of  royalty 
could  have  only  served  to  eclipse  the  majesty  of  those  virtues 
which  made  him.  from  being  a  modest  citizen,  a  more  resplend- 
ent luminary.  Misfortune,  had  he  lived,  could  hereafter  have 
sullied  his  glory  only  with  those  superficial  minds,  who,  believ- 
ing that  characters  and  actions  are  marked  by  success  alone, 


OFFICIAL.  143 

rarely  deserve  to  enjoy  it.  Malice  could  never  blast  his  honor, 
and  envy  made  him  a  singular  exception  to  her  universal  rule. 
For  himself,  he  had  lived  enough  to  life  and  to  glory.  For  his 
fellow-citizens,  if  their  prayers  could  have  been  answered,  he 
would  have  been  immortal.  For  me,  his  departure  is  at  a 
most  unfortunate  moment.  Trusting,  however,  in  the  wise  and 
righteous  dominion  of  Providence  over  the  passions  of  men, 
and  the  results  of  their  counsels  and  actions,  as  well  as  over 
their  lives,  nothing  remains  for  me  but  humble  resignation. 

His  example  is  now  complete,  and  it  will  teach  wisdom  and 
virtue  to  magistrates,  citizens,  and  men,  not  only  in  the  present 
age,  but  in  future  generations,  as  long  as  our  history  shall  be 
read.  If  a  Trajan  found  a  Pliny,  a  Marcus  Aurelius  can  never 
want  biographers,  eulogists,  or  historians. 

John  Adams. 


SPEECH  TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS, 
22  November,  1800. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress  at  their  last 
session  in  Philadelphia,  I  gave  directions,  in  compliance  with 
the  laws,  for  the  removal  of  the  public  offices,  records,  and 
property.  These  directions  have  been  executed,  and  the  public 
officers  have  since  resided,  and  conducted  the  ordinary  business 
of  the  government,  in  this  place. 

I  congratulate  the  people  of  the  United  States  on  the  assem- 
bling of  Congress  at  the  permanent  seat  of  their  government; 
and  I  congratulate  you,  gentlemen,  on  the  prospect  of  a  resi- 
dence not  to  be  changed.  Although  there  is  cause  to  apprehend 
that  accommodations  are  not  now  so  complete  as  might  be 
wished,  yet  there  is  gi-eat  reason  to  believe  that  this  inconve- 
nience will  cease  with  the  present  session. 

It  would  be  unbecoming  the  representatives  of  this  nation 
to  assemble,  for  the  first  time,  in  this  solemn  temple,  without 
looking  up  to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe,  and  imploring 
his  blessing. 


144  OFFICIAL. 

May  this  territory  be  the  residence  of  virtue  and  happiness! 
In  this  city  may  that  piety  and  virtue,  that  wisdom  and  magna- 
nimity, that  constancy  and  self-government, which  adorned  the 
great  character  whose  name  it  bears,  be  forever  held  in  venera- 
tion !  Here,  and  throughout  om-  country,  may  simple  manners, 
pure  morals,  and  true  religion,  flourish  forever  I 

It  is  with  you,  gentlemen,  to  consider  whether  the  local 
powers  over  the  district  of  Columbia,  vested  by  the  Constitution 
in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  immediately 
exercised.  If,  in  your  opinion,  this  important  trust  ought  now 
to  be  executed,  you  cannot  fail,  while  performing  it,  to  take 
into  view  the  future  probable  situation  of  the  territory  for  the 
happiness  of  which  you  are  about  to  provide.  You  will  con- 
sider it  as  the  capital  of  a  great  nation,  advancing,  with 
unexampled  rapidity,  in  arts,  in  commerce,  in  wealth,  and  in 
population ;  and  possessing  within  itself  those  energies  and 
resources,  which,  if  not  thrown  away  or  lameaitably  misdirected, 
secure  to  it  a  long  course  of  prosperity  and  self-government. 

In  compliance  with  a  law  of  the  last  session  of  Congress,  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  the  temporary  army  have  been  discharged. 
It  affords  real  pleasure  to  recollect  the  honorable  testimony  they 
gave  of  the  patriotic  motives  which  brought  them  into  the  ser- 
vice of  their  country  by  the  readiness  and  regularity  with  which 
they  returned  to  the  station  of  private  citizens. 

It  is  in  every  point  of  view  of  such  primary  importance  to 
carry  the  laws  into  prompt  and  faithful  execution,  and  to  render 
that  part  of  the  administration  of  justice  which  the  Constitution 
and  laws  devolve  on  the  federal  courts,  as  convenient  to  the 
people  as  may  consist  with  their  present  circumstances,  that  I 
cannot  omit  once  more  to  recommend  to  your  serious  consider- 
ation the  judiciary  system  of  the  United  States.  No  subject  is 
more  interesting  than  this  to  the  public  happiness,  and  to  none 
can  those  improvements  which  may  have  been  suggested  by 
experience,  be  more  beneficially  applied. 

A  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  the  King  of  Prussia 
has  been  concluded  and  ratified.  The  ratifications  have  been 
exchanged,  and  I  have  directed  the  treaty  to  be  promulgated  by 
proclamation. 

The  difficulties,  which  suspended  the  execution  of  the  sixth 
article  of  our  treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and   navigation  with 


OFFICIAL.  145 

Great  Britain,  have  not  yet  been  removed.  The  negotiation  on 
this  subject  is  still  depending.  As  it  must  be  for  the  interest 
and  honor  of  both  nations  to  adjust  this  difference  with  good 
faith,  I  indulge  confidently  the  expectation  that  the  sincere 
endeavors  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  bring  it  to 
an  amicable  termination,  will  not  be  disappointed. 

The  envoys  extraordinary  and  ministers  plenipotentiary  from 
the  United  States  to  France,  were  received  bj  the  first  Consul 
with  the  respect  due  to  their  character ;  and  three  persons,  with 
equal  powers,  were  appointed  to  treat  with  them.  Although  at 
the  date  of  the  last  official  intelligence  the  negotiation  had  not 
terminated,  yet  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  our  efforts  to  effect  an 
accommodation  will  at  length  meet  with  a  success  proportioned 
to  the  sincerity  with  which  they  have  been  so  often  repeated. 

While  our  best  endeavors  for  the  preservation  of  harmony 
with  all  nations  will  continue  to  be  used,  the  experience  of  the 
world  and  our  own  experience  admonish  us  of  the  insecurity  of 
trusting  too  confidently  to  their  success.  We  cannot,  without 
committing  a  dangerous  imprudence,  abandon  those  measures 
of  self-protection,  which  are  adapted  to  our  situation,  and  to 
which,  notwithstanding  our  pacific  policy,  the  violence  and 
injustice  of  others  may  again  compel  us  to  resort.  While  our 
vast  extent  of  sea-coast,  the  commercial  and  agricultural  habits 
of  our  people,  the  great  capital  they  will  continue  to  trust  on 
the  ocean,  suggest  the  system  of  defence  which  will  be  most 
beneficial  to  ourselves,  our  distance  from  Europe,  and  our 
resources  for  maritime  strength,  will  enable  us  to  employ  it 
with  eflect.  Seasonable  and  systematic  arrangements,  so  far 
as  our  resources  will  justify,  for  a  navy  adapted  to  defensive 
war,  and  which  may  in  case  of  necessity  be  quickly  brought  into 
use,  seem  to  be  as  much  recommended  by  a  wise  and  true 
economy  as  by  a  just  regard  for  our  future  tranquillity,  for  the 
safety  of  our  shores,  and  for  the  protection  of  our  property 
committed  to  the  ocean. 

The  present  navy  of  the  United  States,  called  suddenly  into 
existence  by  a  great  national  exigency,  has  raised  us  in  our 
own  esteem ;  and  by  the  protection  afforded  to  our  commerce, 
has  effected  to  the  extent  of  our  expectations  the  objects  for 
which  it  was  created. 

In  connection  with  a  navy  ought  to  be   contemplated  the 

VOL.  IX.  13  J 


146  OFFICIAL. 

fortification  of  some  of  our  principal  seaports  and  harbors.  A 
variety  of  considerations,  which  will  readily  suggest  themselves, 
urge  an  attention  to  this  measure  of  precaution.  To  give 
security  to  our  principal  ports,  considerable  sums  have  already 
been  expended,  but  the  works  remain  incomplete.  It  is  for 
Congress  to  determine  whether  additional  appropriations  shall 
be  made,  in  order  to  render  competent  to  the  intended  purposes 
the  fortifications  which  have  been  commenced. 

The  manufacture  of  arms  within  the  United  States  still  invites 
the  attention  of  the  national  legislature.  At  a  considerable 
expense  to  the  public  this  manufactory  has  been  brought  to 
such  a  state  of  maturity  as,  with  continued  encouragement,  will 
supersede  the  necessity  of  future  importations  from  foreign 
countries. 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives, 

I  shall  direct  the  estimates  of  the  appropriations  necessary 
for  the  ensuing  year,  together  with  an  account  of  the  public 
revenue  and  expenditure  to  a  late  period,  to  be  laid  before  you. 

I  observe  with  much  satisfaction  that  the  product  of  the 
revenue  during  the  present  year  has  been  more  considerable 
than  during  any  former  equal  period.  This  result  affords  con- 
clusive evidence  of  the  great  resources  of  this  country,  and  of 
the  wisdom  and  efficiency  of  the  measures  which  have  been 
adopted  by  Congress  for  the  protection  of  commerce  and  pre- 
servation of  public  credit. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

AND  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

As  one  of  the  grand  community  of  nations,  our  attention  is 
irresistibly  drawn  to  the  important  scenes  which  surround  us. 
If  they  have  exhibited  an  uncommon  portion  of  calamity,  it 
is  the  province  of  humanity  to  deplore,  and  of  wisdom  to 
avoid,  the  causes  which  may  have  produced  it.  If,  turning 
our  eyes  homeward,  we  find  reason  to  rejoice  at  the  prospect 
which  presents  itself;  if  we  perceive  the  interior  of  our  country 
prosperous,  free,  and  happy;  if  all  enjoy  in  safety,  under  the 
protection  of  laws  emanating  only  from  the  general  will,  the 
fruits  of  their  own  labor,  we  ought  to  fortify  and  cling  to  those 
institutions  which  have  been  the  source  of  much  real  felicity, 


OFFICIAL.  147 

and  resist  with  unabating  perseverance  the  progress  of  those 
dangerous  innovations  which  may  diminish  their  influence. 

To  your  patriotism,  gentlemen,  has  been  confided  the  honor- 
able duty  of  guarding  the  public  interests  ;  and  while  the  past 
is  to  your  country  a  sure  pledge  that  it  will  be  faithfully  dis- 
charged, permit  me  to  assm'e  you  that  your  labors  to  promote 
the  general  happiness  will  receive  from  me  the  most  zealous 
cooperation. 

John  Adams. 


reply  to  the  answer  of  the  senate. 

Mr.  President,  axd 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

For  this  excellent  address,  so  respectful  to  the  memory  of  my 
illustrious  predecessor,  which  I  receive  from  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  at  this  time  and  in  this  place,  with  peculiar 
satisfaction,  I  pray  you  to  accept  of  my  unfeigned  acknowledg- 
ments. With  you  I  ardently  hope  that  permanence  and  sta- 
bility will  be  communicated  as  well  to  the  government  itself, 
as  to  its  beautiful  and  commodious  seat.  With  you  I  deplore 
the  death  of  that  hero  and  sage  who  bore  so  honorable  and 
efficient  a  part  in  the  establishment  of  both.  Great,  indeed, 
would  have  been  my  gratification,  if  his  sum  of  earthly  happi- 
ness had  been  completed  by  seeing  the  government  thus  peace- 
ably convened  at  this  place,  hiniself  at  its  head.  But  while 
we  submit  to  the  decisions  of  heaven,  whose  counsels  are  in- 
scrutable to  us,  we  cannot  but  hope  that  the  members  of  Con- 
gress, the  officers  of  government,  and  all  who  inhabit  the  city 
or  the  country,  will  retain  his  virtues  in  lively  recollection,  and 
make  his  patriotism,  morals,  and  piety,  models  for  imitation. 

I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  your  assurance  that  the  several 
subjects  for  legislative  consideration,  recommended  in  my  com- 
munication to  both  houses,  shall  receive  from  the  Senate  a 
deliberate  and  candid  attention. 

With  you,  gentlemen,  I  sincerely  deprecate  all  spirit  of  inno- 
vation, which  may  weaken  the  sacred  bond  that  connects  the 
different  parts  of  this  nation  and  government ;  and  with  you  I 
trust,  that,  under  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  the  wis- 
dom and  virtue  of  our  citizens  will  deliver  our  national  compact 


148  OFFICIAL. 

unimpaired  to  a  free,  prosperous,  liappy,  and  grateful  posterity. 
To  this  end  it  is  my  fervent  prayer,  that,  in  this  city,  the  foun- 
tains of  wisdom  may  be  always  open,  and  the  streams  of 
eloquence  forever  flow.  Here  may  the  youth  of  this  extensive 
country  forever  look  up  without  disappointment,  not  only  to 
the  monuments  and  memorials  of  the  dead,  but  to  the  examples 
of  the  living,  in  the  members  of  Congress  and  officers  of  govern- 
ment, for  finished  models  of  all  those  virtues,  graces,  talents, 
and  accomplishments,  which  constitute  the  dignity  of  human 
nature,  and  lay  the  only  foundation  for  the  prosperity  or  dura- 
tion of  empires. 

John  Adams. 


REPLY  TO  THE  ANSWER  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 

Mr.  Speaker,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

Compelled  by  the  habits  of  a  long  life  as  well  as  by  all  the 
principles  of  society  and  government  which  I  could  ever  under- 
stand and  believe,  to  consider  the  great  body  of  the  people  as 
the  source  of  all  legitimate  authority,  no  less  than  of  all  efficient 
power,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  receive  this  address  from  the 
immediate  representatives  of  the  American  people,  at  this  time 
and  in  this  place,  without  emotions  which  it  would  be  improper 
to  express,  if  any  language  could  convey  them. 

May  the  spirit  which  animated  the  great  founder  of  this  city, 
descend  to  future  generations;  and  may  the  wisdom,  magnani- 
mity, and  steadiness,  which  marked  the  events  of  his  public 
life,  be  imitated  in  all  succeeding  ages! 

I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  your  assurance  that  the  judiciary 
system  shall  receive  your  deliberate  attention. 

With  you,  gentlemen,  I  sincerely  hope,  that  the  final  result 
of  the  negotiations  now  pending  with  France,  may  prove  as 
fortunate  to  our  country  as  they  have  been  commenced  with 
sincerity,  and  prosecuted  with  deliberation  and  caution.  With 
you  I  cordially  agree,  that  so  long  as  predatory  war  is  carried 
on  against  our  commerce,  we  should  sacrifice  the  interests  and 
disappoint  the  expectations  of  our  constituents,  should  we  for  a 
moment  relax  that   system   of   maritime   defence,  which    has 


OFFICIAL.  149 

resulted  in  such  beneficial  effects.  With  you  I  confidently 
believe,  that  few  persons  can  be  found  within  the  United  States, 
who  do  not  admit  that  a  navy,  well  organized,  must  constitute 
the  natural  and  efficient  defence  of  this  country  against  all 
foreign  hostility. 

Those  who  recollect  the  distress  and  danger  to  this  country 
in  former  periods  from  the  want  of  arms,  must  exult  in  the 
assurance  from  their  representatives,  that  we  shall  soon  rival 
foreign  countries,  not  only  in  the  number,  but  in  the  quality  of 
arms,  completed  from  our  own  manufactories. 

With  you,  gentlemen,  I  fully  agree  that  the  great  increase  of 
revenue  is  a  proof  that  the  measures  of  maritime  defence  were 
founded  in  wisdom.  This  policy  has  raised  us  in  the  esteem 
of  foreign  nations.  That  national  spirit  and  those  latent  ener- 
gies which  had  not  been  and  are  not  yet  fully  known  to  any, 
were  not  entirely  forgotten  by  those  who  have  lived  long  enough 
to  see  in  former  times  their  operation  and  some  of  their  effects. 
Our  fellow-citizens  were  undoubtedly  prepared  to  meet  every 
event  which  national  honor  or  national  security  could  render 
necessary.  These  it  is  to  be  hoped  are  secured  at  the  cheapest 
and  easiest  rate.     If  not,  they  will  be  secured  at  more  expense. 

I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  your  assurance  that  the  various 
subjects  recommended  to  your  consideration  shall  receive  your 
deliberate  attention.  No  further  evidence  is  wanting  to  con- 
vince me  of  the  zeal  and  sincerity  with  which  the  House  of 
Representatives  regard  the  public  good. 

I  pray  you,  gentlemen,  to  accept  of  my  best  wishes  for  your 
health  and  happiness. 

John  Adams. 

13* 


MESSAGES   TO   CONGEESS. 


MESSAGE   TO    THE    SENATE; 
nominating    envoys    to    france. 

31  May,  1797. 

.  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

I  nominate  General  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  of  South 
Carolina,  Francis  Dana,  Chief  Justice  of  the  State  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  General  John  Marshall,  of  Virginia,  to  be  jointly 
and  severally  envoys  extraordinary  and  ministers  plenipotentiary 
to  the  French  republic. 

After  mature  deliberation  on  the  critical  situation  of  our 
relations  with  France,  which  have  long  engaged  my  serious 
attention,  I  have  determined  on  these  nominations  of  persons 
to  negotiate  with  the  French  republic,  to  dissipate  umbrages, 
to  remove  prejudices,  to  rectify  errors,  and  adjust  all  differences 
by  a  treaty  between  the  two  powers. 

It  is,  in  the  present  critical  and  singujai  circumstances,  of 
great  importance  to  engage  the  confidence  of  the  great  portions 
of  the  Union,  in  the  characters  employed,  and  the  measures 
which  may  be  adopted.  I  have  therefore  thought  it  expedient 
to  nominate  persons  of  talents  and  integrity,  long  known  and 
intrusted  in  the  three  great  divisions  of  the  Union ;  and,  at  the 
same  time,  to  provide  against  the  cases  of  death,  absence,  indis- 
position, or  other  impediment,  to  invest  any  one  or  more  of 
them  with  full  powers. 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  151 

MESSAGE  TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS; 
respecting    the    territory    of    the    natchez. 

12  June,  1797. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  op  the  House  of  Eepresentatives, 

I  have  received  information  from  the  commissioner  appointed 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  pursuant  to  the  third  article 
of  our  treaty  with  Spain,  that  the  running  and  marking  of  the 
boundary  line  between  the  colonies  of  East  and  West  Florida 
and  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  have  been  delayed  by 
the  officers  of  his  Catholic  Majesty ;  and  that  they  have  declared 
their  intention  to  maintain  his  jurisdiction,  and  to  suspend  the 
withdrawing  of  his  troops  from  the  military  posts  they  occupy 
within  the  tenitory  of  the  United  States,  until  the  two  govern- 
ments shall,  by  negotiation,  have  settled  the  meaning  of  the 
second  article  respecting  the  withdrawing  of  the  troops,  garri- 
sons, or  settlements  of  either  party  in  the  territory  of  the  other ; 
that  is,  whether,  when  the  Spanish  garrisons  withdraw,  they 
are  to  leave  the  works  standing,  or  to  demolish  them  ;  and  until, 
by  an  additional  article  to  the  treaty,  the  real  property  of  the 
inhabitants  shall  be  secured ;  and  likewise,  until  the  Spanish 
officers  are  sure  the  Indians  will  be  pacific.  The  two  fo'st 
questions,  if  to  be  determined  by  negotiation,  might  be  made 
subjects  of  discussion  for  years;  and  as  no  limitation  of  time 
can  be  prescribed  to  the  other,  or  certainty  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Spanish  officers  that  the  Indians  will  be  pacific,  it  will  be  im- 
possible to  suffer  it  to  remain  an  obstacle  to  the  fulfilment  of 
the  treaty  on  the  part  of  Spain. 

To  remove  the  first  difficulty,  I  have  determined  to  leave  it 
to  the  discretion  of  the  officers  of  his  Catholic  Majesty,  when 
they  withdraw  his  troops  from  the  forts  within  the  territory  of 
the  United  States,  either  to  leave  the  works  standing,  or  to 
demolish  them ;  and,  to  remove  the  second,  I  shall  cause  an 
assurance  to  be  published,  and  to  be  particularly  communicated 
to  the  minister  of  his  Catholic  Majesty,  and  to  the  Governor  of 
Louisiana,  that  the  settlers  or  occupants  of  the  lands  in  question 
shall  not  be  disturbed  in  their  possessions  by  the  troops  of  the 


152  OFFICIAL. 

United  States ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  they  shall  be  protected 
in  all  their  lawful  claims ;  and,  to  prevent  or  remove  every 
doubt  on  this  point,  it  merits  the  consideration  of  Congress, 
whether  it  will  not  be  expedient  immediately  to  pass  a  law, 
giving  positive  assurances  to  those  inhabitants,  who,  by  fair 
and  regular  grants,  or  by  occupancy,  have  obtained  legal  titles 
or  equitable  claims  to  lands  in  that  country,  prior  to  the  final 
ratification  of  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Spain, 
on  the  twenty-fifth  of  April,  1796. 

This  country  is  rendered  peculiarly  valuable  by  its  inhabitants, 
who  are  represented  to  amount  to  nearly  four  thousand,  gene- 
rally well  affected,  and  much  attached  to  the  United  States,  and 
zealous  for  the  establishment  of  a  government  under  their 
authority. 

I  therefore  recommend  to  your  consideration  the  expediency 
of  erecting  a  government  in  the  district  of  the  Natchez,  similar 
to  that  established  for  the  territory  north-west  of  the  river  Ohio, 
but  w^ith  certain  modifications  relative  to  titles  or  claims  of 
land,  whether  of  individuals  or  companies,  or  to  claims  of  juris- 
diction of  any  individual  State. 

John  Adams. 


MESSAGE   TO   BOTH   HOUSES    OF    CONGRESS; 

ON     AFFAIRS     WITH     ALGIERS. 
23   JUXE,    1797. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

The  Dey  of  Algiers  has  manifested  a  predilection  for  Ameri- 
can built  vessels,  and,  in  consequence,  has  desired  that  two 
vessels  might  be  constructed  and  equipped,  as  cruisers,  accord- 
ing to  the  choice  and  taste  of  Captain  O'Brien.  The  cost  of 
two  such  vessels,  built  with  live  oak  and  cedar,  and  coppered, 
with  guns  and  all  other  equipments  complete,  is  estimated  at 
forty-five  thousand  dollars.  The  expense  of  navigating  them 
to  Algiers  may,  perhaps,  be  compensated  by  the  freight  of  the 
stores  with  which  they  may  be  loaded  on  account  of  our  stipu- 
lations by  treaty  with  the  Dey. 


OFFICIAL.  153 

A  compliance  with  the  Dcy's  request  appears  to  rac  to  be 
of  serious  importance.  He  will  repay  the  whole  expense  of 
building  and  equipping  the  two  vessels ;  and  as  he  has  advanced 
the  price  of  our  peace  with  Tripoli,  and  become  pledged  for 
that  of  Tunis,  the  United  States  seem  to  be  under  peculiar 
obligations  to  provide  this  accommodation ;  and  I  trust  that 
Congress  will  authorize  the  advance  of  money  necessary  for 
that  purpose. 

It  also  appears  to  be  of  importance  to  place  at  Algiers  a  per- 
son as  consul,  in  whose  integrity  and  ability  much  confidence 
may  be  placed,  to  whom  a  considerable  latitude  of  discretion 
should  be  allowed  for  the  interest  of  the  United  States  in  rela- 
tion to  their  commerce.  That  country  is  so  remote  as  to  render 
it  impracticable  for  the  consul  to  ask  and  receive  instructions  in 
sudden  emergencies.  He  may  sometimes  find  it  necessary  to 
make  instant  engagements  for  money,  or  its  equivalent,  to  pre- 
vent greater  expenses  or  more  serious  evils.  We  can  hardly  hope 
to  escape  occasions  of  discontent  proceeding  from  the  regency, 
or  arising  from  the  misconduct  or  even  the  misfortunes  of  our 
commercial  vessels  navigating  in  the  Mediterranean  sea ;  and 
unless  the  causes  of  discontent  are  speedily  removed,  the  resent- 
ment of  the  regency  may  be  exerted  with  precipitation  on  our 
defenceless  citizens  and  their  property,  and  thus  occasion  a 
tenfold  expense  to  the  United  States.  For  these  reasons  it 
appears  to  me  to  be  expedient  to  vest  the  consul  at  Algiers 
with  a  degree  of  discretionary  power,  which  can  be  requisite  in 
no  other  situation.  And  to  encourage  a  person  deserving  the 
public  confidence  to  accept  so  expensive  and  responsible  a 
situation,  it  appears  indispensable  to  allow  him  a  handsome 
salary.  I  should  confer  on  such  a  consul  a  superintending 
power  over  the  consulates  for  the  States  of  Tunis  and  Tripoli, 
especially  in  respect  to  pecuniary  engagements,  which  should 
not  be  made  without  his  approbation. 

While  the  present  salary  of  two  thousand  dollars  a  year  ap- 
pears adequate  to  the  consulates  of  Tunis  and  Tripoli,  twice 
that  sum  probably  will  be  requisite  for  Algiers. 

.ToniN   Adams. 


154  OFFICIAL. 

MESSAGE  TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS; 
communicating   information    respecting   spain. 

3  July,  1797. 

Gentlkmen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

The  whole  of  the  intelligence  which  has  for  some  time  past 
been  received  from  abroad,  the  correspondences  between  this 
government  and  the  ministers  of  the  belligerent  powers  residing 
here,  and  the  advices  from  the  officers  of  the  United  States, 
civil  and  military,  upon  the  frontiers,  all  conspire  to  show  in  a 
very  strong  light  the  critical  situation  of  our  country.  That 
Congress  might  be  enabled  to  form  a  more  perfect  judgment  of 
it,  and  of  the  measures  necessary  to  be  taken,  I  have  directed 
the  proper  officers  to  prepare  such  collections  of  extracts  from 
the  public  correspondences  as  might  affi^rd  the  clearest  informa- 
tion. The  reports  made  to  me  from  the  Secretary  of  State  and 
the  Secretary  at  War,  with  the  collection  of  documents  from 
each  of  them,  are  now  communicated  to  both  houses  of  Con- 
gress. I  have  desired  that  the  message,  reports,  and  documents, 
may  be  considered  as  confidential,  merely  that  the  members  of 
both  houses  of  Congress  may  be  apprised  of  their  contents 
before  they  should  be  made  public.  As  soon  as  the  houses 
shall  have  heard  them,  I  shall  submit  to  their  discretion  the 
publication  of  the  whole  or  any  such  parts  of  them  as  they  shall 
judge  necessary  or  expedient  for  the  public  good. 

John  Adams. 


MESSAGE  TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS; 
announcing    the    ratification    of    an    amendment 

OF    THE    constitution. 

8  January,  1798. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  op  Representatives, 

I  have  now  an  opportunity  to  transmit  to  Congress  a  report 
of  the  Secretary  of  State,  with  a  copy  of  an  act  of  the  legis- 


OFFICIAL.  155 

lature  of  the  State  of  Kentucky,  consenting  to  the  ratification 
of  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
proposed  by  Congress  in  their  resolution  of  the  second  day  of 
December,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-three,  rela- 
tive to  the  suability  of  States.  This  amendment  having  been 
adopted  by  three  fourths  of  the  several  States,  may  now  be 
declared  to  be  a  part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

John  Adams. 


MESSAGE   TO   BOTH    HOUSES    OF    CONGRESS; 
rei,  ative  to  a  french  privateer. 

5  February,  1798. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

I  have  received  a  letter  from  his  Excellency  Charles  Pinckney, 
Esquire,  Governor  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  dated  on 
the  twenty-second  of  October,  1797,  inclosing  a  number  of 
depositions  of  witnesses  to  several  captures  and  outrages  com- 
mitted within  and  near  the  limits  of  the  United  States  by  a 
French  privateer  belonging  to  Cape  Francois  or  Monte  Christo, 
called  the  Vertitude  or  Fortitude,  and  commanded  by  a  person 
of  the  name  of  Jordon  or  Jourdain,  and  particularly  upon  an 
English  merchant  ship,  named  the  Oracabissa,  which  he  first 
plundered,  and  then  burned  with  the  rest  of  her  cargo  of  great 
value,  within  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  in  the  harbor 
of  Charleston,  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  October  last,  copies  of 
which  letter  and  depositions,  and  also  of  several  other  deposi- 
tions relative  to  the  same  subject,  received  from  the  collector 
of  Charleston,  are  herewith  communicated. 

Whenever  the  channels  of  diplomatical  communication  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  France  shall  be  opened,  I  shall 
demand  satisfaction  for  the  insult  and  reparation  for  the  injury. 

I  have  transmitted  these  papers  to  Congress,  not  so  much  for 
the  purpose  of  communicating  an  account  of  so  daring  a  viola- 
tion of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  as  to  show  the  pro- 
priety and  necessity  of  enabling  the  executive  authority  of 
government  to  take  measures  for  protecting  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  such  foreigners  as  have  a  right  to  enjoy  their 


156  OFFICIAL. 

peace  and  the  protection  of  their  laws  within  their  limits,  in 
that  as  well  as  some  other  harbors,  which  are  equally  exposed. 

John  Adams. 


MESSAGE  TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS; 
transmitting    despatches    from    france. 

5  March,  1798. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

The  first  despatches  from  our  envoys  extraordinary,  since 
their  arrival  at  Paris,  were  received  at  the  Secretary  of  State's 
office,  at  a  late  hour  the  last  evening.  They  are  all  in  a  cha- 
racter, which  will  require  some  days  to  be  deciphered,  except 
the  last,  which  is  dated  the  eighth  of  January,  1798.  The 
contents  of  this  letter  are  of  so  much  importance  to  be  imme- 
diately made  known  to  Congress  and  to  the  public,  especially 
to  the  mercantile  part  of  our  fellow-citizens,  that  I  have  thought 
it  my  duty  to  communicate  them  to  both  Houses,  without  loss 
of  time. 

John  Adams. 

MESSAGE  TO  BOTH  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS; 

transmitting      despatches      from      FRANCE. 

19  March,  1798. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  op  the  House  of  Representatives, 

Tlie  despatches  from  the  envoys  extraordinary  of  the  United 
States  to  the  French  republic,  which  were  mentioned  in  my 
message  to  both  houses  of  Congress  of  the  fifth  instant,  have 
been  examined  and  maturely  considered. 

"While  I  feel  a  satisfaction  in  informing  you  that  their  exer- 
tions for  the  adjustment  of  the  differences  between  the  two 
nations  have  been  sincere  and  unremitted,  it  is  incumbent  on 
me  to  declare,  that  I  perceive  no  ground  of  expectation  that  the 
objects  of  their  mission  can  be  accomplished  on  terms  compatible 
with  the  safety,  honor,  or  the  essential  interests  of  the  nation. 


OFFICIAL.  .  157 

This  result  cannot  with  justice  be  attributed  to  any  want  of 
moderation  on  the  part  of  this  government,  or  to  any  indisposi- 
tion to  forego  secondary  interests  for  the  preservation  of  peace. 
Knowing  it  to  be  my  duty  and  believing  it  to  be  your  wish,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  great  body  of  the  people,  to  avoid,  by  all 
reasonable  concessions,  any  participation  in  the  contentions  of 
Europe,  the  powers  vested  in  our  envoys  were  commensurate 
with  a  liberal  and  pacific  policy,  and  that  high  confidence  which 
might  justly  be  reposed  in  the  abilities,  patriotism,  and  integrity 
of  the  characters  to  whom  the  negotiation  was  committed. 
After  a  careful  review  of  the  whole  subject,  with  the  aid  of  all 
the  information  I  have  received,  I  can  discern  nothing,  which 
could  have  insured  or  contributed  to  success,  that  has  been 
omitted  on  my  part,  and  nothing  further  which  can  be  attempted, 
consistently  with  maxims  for  which  our  country  has  contended 
at  every  hazard,  and  which  constitute  the  basis  of  our  national 
sovereignty. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  cannot  forbear  to  reiterate  the 
recommendations  which  have  been  formerly  made,  and  to  ex- 
hort you  to  adopt,  wuth  promptitude,  decision,  and  unanimity, 
such  measures  as  the  ample  resources  of  the  country  aftbrd,  for 
the  protection  of  our  seafaring  and  commercial  citizens,  for  the 
defence  of  any  exposed  portions  of  our  territory,  for  replenish- 
ing our  arsenals,  establishing  founderies  and  military  manufac- 
tories, and  to  provide  such  efficient  revenue  as  will  be  neces- 
sary to  defray  exti*aordinary  expenses,  and  supply  the  deficiencies 
which  may  be  occasioned  by  depredations  on  our  commerce. 

The  present  state  of  things  is  so  essentially  diflfercnt  from 
that  in  which  insti'uctions  were  given  to  collectors  to  restrain 
vessels  of  the  United  States  from  sailing  in  an  armed  condition, 
that  the  principle  on  which  those  orders  were  issued,  has  ceased 
to  exist.  I  therefore  deem  it  proper  to  inform  Congress,  that  I 
no  longer  conceive  myself  justifiable  in  continuing  them,  unless 
in  particular  cases,  where  there  may  be  reasonable  ground  of 
suspicion  that  such  vessels  are  intended  to  be  employed  con- 
trary to  law. 

In  all  your  proceedings,  it  will  be  important  to  manifest  a 
zeal,  vigor,  and  concert,  in  defence  of  the  national  rights,  pro- 
portioned to  the  danger  with  which  they  are  threatened. 

John  Adams. 

VOL.  IX.  14 


158  OFFICIAL. 

MESSAGE   TO   BOTH    HOUSES   OF   CONGRESS; 

TRANSMITTING     DESPATCHES      FROM     FRANCE. 

3   Apkil,   1798. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

In  compliance  with  the  request  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, expressed  in  their  resolution  of  the  second  of  this  month, 
I  transmit  to  both  houses  those  instructions  to  and  despatches 
from  the  envoys  extraordinary  to  the  French  republic,  which 
were  mentioned  in  my  message  of  the  nineteenth  of  March 
last,  omitting  only  some  names  and  a  few  expressions  descrip- 
tive of  the  persons. 

I  request  that  they  may  be  considered  in  confidence,  until 
the  members  of  Congress  are  fully  possessed  of  their  contents, 
and  shall  have  had  opportunity  to  deliberate  on  the  conse- 
quences of  their  publication ;  after  which  time,  I  submit  them 
to  your  wisdom. 

John  Adams. 


MESSAGE    TO   BOTH    HOUSES    OF    CONGRESS; 

ON      THE      STATE      OF      AFFAIRS      AVITH      FRANCE. 

21  June,  1798. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

While  I  congratulate  you  on  the  arrival  of  General  Marshall, 
one  of  our  late  envoys  extraordinary  to  the  French  republic,  at 
a  place  of  safety,  where  he  is  justly  held  in  honor,  I  think  it 
my  duty  to  communicate  to  you  a  letter  received  by  him  from 
Mr.  Gerry,  the  only  one  of  the  three  who  has  not  received  his 
cong-e.  This  letter,  together  with  another  from  the  minister  of 
foreign  relations  to  him,  of  the  third  of  April,  and  his  answer 
of  the  fourth,  will  show  the  situation  in  which  he  remains,  his 
intentions,  and  prospects. 

I  presume  that  before  this  time  he  has  received  fresh  instruc- 


OFFICIAL.  159 

tions  (a  copy  of  which  accompanies  this  message)  to  consent 
to  no  loans ;  and  therefore  the  negotiation  may  be  considered 
at  an  end. 

I  will  never  send  another  minister  to  France,  without  assur- 
ances that  he  will  be  received,  respected,  and  honored  as  the 
representative  of  a  great,  free,  powerful,  and  independent  nation. 

John  Adams. 


aiESSAGE    TO    THE    SENATE; 
transmitting   a  letter   from   george   washington. 

17  July,  1798. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

Believing  that  the  letter  received  this  morning  from  Genera 
Washington  will  give  high  satisfaction  to  the  Senate,  I  trans- 
mit them  a  copy  of  it,  and  congratulate  them  and  the  public 
on  this  great  event,  the  General's  acceptance  of  his  appoint- 
ment as  Lieutenant-General  and  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
army. 

John  Adams. 


MESSAGE   TO   THE   HOUSE    OF   REPRESENTATIVES; 
respecting    certain   acts  of    british   naval    officers. 

8  January,  1799. 

In  compliance  with  your  desire,  expressed  in  your  resolution 
of  the  2d  of  this  month,  I  lay  before  you  an  extract  of  a  letter 
from  George  C.  Morton,  acting  consul  of  the  United  States  at 
the  Havana,  dated  the  18th  of  November,  1798,  to  the  Secretary 
of  State,  with  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  him  to  L.  Trezevant  and 
William  Timmons,  Esquires,  with  their  answer.  Although 
your  request  extends  no  further  than  such  information  as  has 
been  received,  yet  it  may  be  a  satisfaction  to  you  to  know,  that 
as  soon  as  this  intelligence  was  communicated  to  me,  circular 
orders  were  given  by  my  direction  to  all  the  commanders  of  our 
vessels  of  war,  a  copy  of  which  is  also  herewith  transmitted.     I 


160  OFFICIAL. 

also  directed  this  intelligence  and  these  orders  to  be  communi- 
cated to  his  Britannic  Majesty's  envoy  extraordinary  and  minis- 
ter plenipotentiary  to  the  United  States,  and  to  om-  minister 
plenipotentiary  to  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  with  instructions 
to  him  to  make  the  proper  representation  to  that  government 
upon  this  subject. 

It  is  but  justice  to  say,  that  this  is  the  first  instance  of  mis- 
behavior of  any  of  the  British  officers  towards  our  vessels  of 
war,  that  has  come  to  my  knowledge.  According  to  all  the 
representations  that  I  have  seen,  the  flag  of  the  United  States, 
and  their  officers  and  men,  have  been  treated  by  the  civil  and 
military  authority  of  the  British  nation,  in  Nova  Scotia,  the 
"West  India  islands,  and  on  the  ocean,  with  uniform  civility., 
politeness,  and  friendship.  I  have  no  doubt  that  this  first  in 
stance  of  misconduct  will  be  readily  corrected. 

John  Adams. 

circular, 

To  the  Com7nanders  of  Armed  Vessels  in  the  Service  of  the 
United  States,  g-iven  at  the  Navy  Department,  December  29th. 
1798. 

Sir,  —  It  is  the  positive  command  of  the  President  that  on 
no  pretence  whatever  you  permit  the  public  vessel  of  war  under 
your  command  to  be  detained  or  searched,  nor  any  of  the  officers 
or  men  belonging  to  her  to  be  taken  from  her,  by  the  ships  or 
vessels  of  any  foreign  nation,  so  long  as  you  are  in  a  capacity 
to  repel  such  outrage  on  the  honor  of  the  American  flag.  If 
force  should  be  exerted  to  compel  your  submission,  you  are  to 
resist  that  force  to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  and  when  over- 
powered by  superior  force,  you  are  to  strike  your  flag,  and  thus 
yield  your  vessel  as  well  as  your  men ;  but  never  your  men 
without  your  vessel. 

You  will  remember,  however,  that  your  demeanor  be  respect- 
ful and  friendly  to  the  vessels  and  people  of  all  nations  in  amity 
with  the  United  States ;  and  that  you  avoid  as  carefully  the 
commission  of,  as  the  submission  to,  insult  or  injury. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

Ben.  Stoddert. 


OFFICIAL.  161 


LIESSAGE   TO   BOTH   HOUSES    OF   CONGRESS; 

teans  hitting   a  french   decree   respecting- 
neutral   sailors. 

28  January,  1799. 

An  edict  of  the  executive  directory  of  the  French  republic  of 
the  29th  of  October,  1798,  inclosed  in  a  letter  from  our  minister 
plenipotentiary  in  London,  of  the  16th  of  November,  is  of  so 
much  importance,  that  it  cannot  be  too  soon  communicated  to 
you  and  the  public. 

John  Adams. 


MESSAGE  TO  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES; 

RESPECTING  THE   SUSPENSION  OF  A  FRENCH  DECREE 

15  February,  1799. 

In  pursuance  of  the  request  in  your  resolve  of  yesterday,  I 
lay  before  you  such  information  as  I  have  received,  touching  a 
suspension  of  the  arret  of  the  French  republic  communicated 
to  your  house  by  my  message  of  the  28th  of  January  last.  But 
if  the  execution  of  that  arret  be  suspended,  or  even  if  it  were 
repealed,  it  should  be  remembered  that  the  arret  of  the  executive 
directory  of  the  2d  of  March,  1797,  remains  in  force,  the  third 
article  of  which  subjects,  explicitly  and  exclusively,  American 
seamen  to  be  treated  as  pirates,  if  found  on  board  ships  of  the 
enemies  of  France. 

John  Adams. 

MESSAGE   TO   THE    SENATE; 

nominating    an    envoy    to    france. 

18  February,  1799. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

I  transmit  to  you  a  document,  which  seems  to  be  intended 
to  be  a  compliance  with  a  condition  mentioned  at  the  conclu- 
sion of  my  message  to  Congress  of  the  twenty-first  of  June  last. 

14*  K 


162  OFFICIAL. 

Always  disposed  and  ready  to  embrace  every  plausible  ap- 
pearance of  probability  of  preserving  or  restoring  tranquillity,  I 
nominate  William  Vans  Murray,  our  minister  resident  at  the 
Hague,  to  be  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to 
the  French  republic. 

If  the  Senate  shall  advise  and  consent  to  his  appointment, 
effectual  care  shall  be  taken  in  his  instructions  that  he  shall 
not  go  to  France  without  direct  and  unequivocal  assurances 
from  the  French  government,  signified  by  their  minister  of 
foreign  relations,  that  he  shall  be  received  in  character,  shall 
enjoy  the  privileges  attached  to  his  character  by  the  law  of 
nations,  and  that  a  minister  of  equal  rank,  title,  and  powers, 
shall  be  appointed  to  treat  with  him,  to  discuss  and  conclude 
all  controversies  between  the  two  republics  by  a  new  treaty. 

John  Adams. 


MESSAGE    TO   THE    SENATE; 

NOMINATING      THRKE      ENVOYS      TO      FRANCE. 

25  February,  1799. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

The  proposition  of  a  fresh  negotiation  with  France,  in  con- 
sequence of  advances  made  by  the  French  government,  has 
excited  so  general  an  attention  and  so  much  conversation,  as  to 
have  given  occasion  to  many  manifestations  of  the  public 
opinion ;  from  which  it  appears  to  me  that  a  new  modification 
of  the  embassy  will  give  more  general  satisfaction  to  the  legis- 
lature and  to  the  nation,  and  perhaps  better  answer  the  purposes 
we  have  in  view. 

It  is  upon  this  supposition  and  with  this  expectation  that  I 
now  nominate 

Oliver  Ellsworth,  Esquire,  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States; 

Patrick  Henry,  Esquire,  late  Governor  of  Virginia ;  and 

William  Vans  Murray,  Esquire,  our  minister  resident  at  the 
Hague ;  to  be  envoys  extraordinary  and  ministers  plenipotentiary 
to  the  French  republic,  with  full  powers  to  discuss  and  settle, 
by  a  treaty,  all  controversies  between  the  United  States  and 
France. 


OFFICIAL.  163 

It  is  not  intended  that  the  two  former  of  these  gentlemen 
shall  embark  for  Europe,  until  they  shall  have  received,  from  the 
Executive  Directory,  assurances,  signified  by  their  secretary  of 
foreign  relations,  that  they  shall  be  received  in  character,  that 
they  shall  enjoy  all  the  prerogatives  attached  to  that  character 
by  the  law  of  nations,  and  that  a  minister  or  ministers,  of  equal 
powers,  shall  be  appointed  and  commissioned  to  treat  with  them. 

John  Adams. 


MESSAGE   TO    BOTH   HOUSES    OF    CONGRESS; 
announcing  the  decease    of    george  washington. 

19  December,  1799. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

The  letter  herewith  transmitted  will  inform  you  that  it  has 
pleased  Divine  Providence  to  remove  from  this  life  our  excellent 
fellow-citizen,  George  Washington,  by  the  purity  of  his  charac- 
ter and  a  long  series  of  services  to  his  country,  rendered  illus- 
trious through  the  world.  It  remains  for  an  affectionate  and 
grateful  people,  in  whose  hearts  he  can  never  die,  to  pay  suit- 
able honors  to  his  memory. 

John  Adams. 

Mount  Vernon,  15  December,  1799. 

Sir,  —  It  is  with  inexpressible  grief  that  I  have  to  announce 
to  you  the  death  of  the  great  and  good  General  Washington. 
He  died  last  evening,  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock,  after  a 
short  illness  of  about  twenty  hours.  His  disorder  was  an  in- 
flammatory sore  throat,  which  proceeded  from  a  cold,  of  which 
he  made  but  little  complaint  on  Friday.  On  Saturday  morn- 
ing, about  three  o'clock,  he  became  ill.  Doctor  Craik  attended 
him  in  the  morning,  and  Doctor  Dick,  of  Alexandria,  and  Doctor 
Brown,  of  Port  Tobacco,  were  soon  after  called  in.  Every 
medical  assistance  was  offered,  but  without  the  desired  effect. 
His  last  scene  corresponded  with  the  whole  tenor  of  his  life ; 
not  a  groan,  nor  a  complaint  escaped  him  in  extreme  distress. 


164  OFFICIAL. 


With  perfect  resignation,  and  in  full  possession  of  his  reason, 
he  closed  his  well-spent  life. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  highest  respect.  Sir,  your 
most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant. 

Tobias  Lear. 


MESSAGE   TO    BOTH   HOUSES    OF    CONGRESS; 
transmitting   a   i,  etter   of    martha   washington. 

6  January,  1800. 

Gentlemen  op  the  Senate,  and 

Gentlemen  op  the  House  op  Eepresentatives, 

In  compliance  with  the  request  in  one  of  the  resolutions  of 
Congress,  of  the  21st  of  December  last,  I  transmitted  a  copy  of 
those  resolutions  by  my  Secretary,  Mr.  Shaw,  to  Mrs.  Washing- 
ton, asisuring  her  of  the  profound  respect  Congress  will  ever 
bear  to  her  person  and  character,  of  their  condolence  in  the 
late  afflicting  dispensation  of  Providence,  and  entreating  her 
assent  to  the  interment  of  the  remains  of  General  George 
Washington,  in  the  manner  expressed  in  the  first  resolution. 
As  the  sentiments  of  that  virtuous  lady,  not  less  beloved  by  this 
nation  than  she  is  at  present  greatly  afflicted,  can  never  be  so 
well  expressed  as  in  her  own  words,  I  transmit  to  Congress  her 
original  letter. 

It  would  be  an  attempt  of  too  much  delicacy  to  make  any 
comments  upon  it;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  nation 
at  large,  as  well  as  all  the  branches  of  the  government,  will  be 
highly  gratified  by  any  arrangement  which  may  diminish  the 
sacrifice  she  makes  of  her  individual  feelings. 

John  Adams. 

Mount  Vernon,  31  December,  1799. 

Sir,  —  While  I  feel  with  keenest  anguish  the  late  dispensa- 
tion of  Divine  Providence,  I  cannot  be  insensible  to  the  mourn- 
ful tributes  of  respect  and  veneration,  which  are  paid  to  the 
memory  of  my  dear  deceased  husband  ;  and  as  his  best  services 
and  most  anxious  wishes  were  always  devoted  to  the  welfare 


OFFICIAL.  165 

and  happiness  of  his  country,  to  know  that  they  were  truly 
appreciated  and  gratefully  remembered,  affords  no  inconsider- 
able consolation. 

Taught  by  that  great  example  which  I  have  so  long  had 
before  me,  never  to  oppose  my  private  wishes  to  the  public 
will,  I  must  consent  to  the  request  made  by  Congress,  which 
you  have  had  the  goodness  to  transmit  to  me ;  and  in  doing 
this  I  need  not,  I  cannot  say  what  a  sacrifice  of  individual 
feeling  I  make  to  a  sense  of  public  duty. 

With  grateful  acknowledgments  and  unfeigned  thanks  for 
the  personal  respect  and  evidences  of  condolence  expressed  by 
Congress  and  yourself,  I  remain  very  respectfully.  Sir,  your 
most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

Martha  "Washington. 


MESSAGE   TO    THE   HOUSE    OF   REPRESENTATIVES; 

TRANSMITTING  A  LETTER  OF  JOHN  RANDOLPH,  JR. 

14  January,  1800. 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

As  the  inclosed  letter  from  a  member  of  your  House,  re- 
ceived by  me  in  the  night  of  Saturday,  the  11th  instant,  relates 
to  the  privileges  of  the  House,  which,  in  my  opinion,  ought  to 
be  inquired  into  in  the  House  itself,  if  any  where,  I  have  thought 
proper  to  submit  the  whole  letter  and  its  tendencies  to  your 
consideration,  without  any  other  comments  on  its  matter  or 
style.  But  as  no  gross  impropriety  of  conduct,  on  the  part  of 
persons  holding  commissions  in  the  army  or  navy  of  the  United 
States,  ought  to  pass  without  due  animadversion,  I  have  directed 
the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  inves- 
tigate the  conduct  complained  of,  and  to  report  to  me,  without 
delay,  such  a  statement  of  facts  as  will  enable  me  to  decide  on 
the  course  which  duty  and  justice  shall  appear  to  prescribe. 

John  Adams. 


166  OFFICIAL. 

MESSAGE   TO    THE    SENATE; 
transmitting   a   report    of    the    secretary   of   state. 

21  January,  1801. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate, 

In  compliance  with  your  request,  signified  in  your  resolution 
of  the  twentieth  day  of  this  month,  I  transmit  you  a  report,  made 
to  me  by  the  Secretary  of  State  on  the  same  day,  a  letter  of  our 
late  envoys  to  him  of  the  4th  of  October  last,  an  extract  of  a 
letter  from  our  minister  plenipotentiary  in  London  to  him,  of 
the  22d  of  November  last,  and  an  extract  of  another  letter  from 
the  minister  to  the  secretary  of  the  31st  of  October  last. 

The  reasoning  in  the  letter  of  our  late  envoys  to  France  is  so 
fully  supported  by  the  writers  on  the  law  of  nations,  particu- 
larly by  Vattel,  as  well  as  by  his  great  masters,  Grotius  and 
Pufendorf,  that  nothing  is  left  to  be  desired  to  settle  the  point, 
that  if  there  be  a  collision  between  two  treaties,  made  with 
two  different  powers,  the  more  ancient  has  the  advantage ;  for 
no  engagement  contrary  to  it  can  be  entered  into  in  the  treaty 
afterwards  made;  and  if  this  last  be  found,  in  any  case,  incom- 
patible wath  the  more  ancient  one,  its  execution  is  considered 
as  impossible,  because  the  person  promising  had  not  the  power 
of  acting  contrary  to  his  antecedent  engagement.  Although 
our  right  is  very  clear  to  negotiate  treaties  according  to  our 
own  ideas  of  right  and  justice,  honor  and  good  faith,  yet  it 
must  always  be  a  satisfaction  to  know  that  the  judgment  of 
other  nations,  with  whom  we  have  connection,  coincides  with 
ours,  and  that  we  have  no  reason  to  apprehend  that  any  dis- 
agreeable questions  and  discussions  are  likely  to  arise.  The 
letters  from  Mr.  King  will,  therefore,  be  read  by  the  Senate 
with  particular  satisfaction. 

The  inconveniences  to  public  officers,  and  the  mischiefs  to 
the  public,  arising  from  the  publication  of  the  despatches  of 
ministers  abroad,  are  so  numerous  and  so  obvious,  that  I  request 
of  the  Senate  that  these  papers,  especially  the  letters  from  Mr. 
King,  be  considered  in  close  confidence. 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  167 

MESSAGE    TO    THE    SENATE; 

ON  THE   CONVENTION  WITH  FRANCE. 

2  March,  1801. 

Gentlemen  op  the  Senate, 

I  have  considered  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  to 
the  ratification  of  the  convention  with  France,  under  certain 
conditions.  Although  it  would  have  been  more  conformable  to 
my  own  judgment  and  inclination  to  have  agreed  to  that  instru- 
ment unconditionally,  yet,  as  in  this  point  I  found  I  had  the 
misfortune  to  differ  in  opinion  from  so  high  a  constitutional 
authority  as  the  Senate,  I  judged  it  more  consistent  with  the 
honor  and  interest  of  the  United  States  to  ratify  it  under  the 
conditions  prescribed,  than  not  at  all.  I  accordingly  nominated 
Mr.  Bayard,  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  French  republic, 
that  he  might  proceed  without  delay  to  Paris  to  negotiate  the 
exchange  of  ratifications ;  but  as  that  gentleman  has  declined 
his  appointment  for  reasons  equally  applicable  to  every  other 
person  suitable  for  the  service,  I  shall  take  no  further  measures 
relative  to  this  business,  and  leave  the  convention  with  all  the 
documents  in  the  office  of  State,  that  my  successor  may  pro- 
ceed with  them  according  to  his  wisdom. 

John  Adams. 


PROCLAMATIONS. 


PROCLAMATION! 
for  an  extraordinary  session  of  congress. 

25  March,  1797. 

Whereas  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America 
provides  that  the  President  may,  on  extraordinary  occasions, 
convene  both  houses  of  Congress ;  and  whereas  an  extraordi- 
nary occasion  exists  for  convening  Congress,  and  divers  great 
and  weighty  matters  claim  their  consideration,  I  have  therefore 
thought  it  necessary  to  convene,  and  I  do  by  these  presents 
convene  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America,  at  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  on 
Monday,  the  fifteenth  day  of  May  next,  hereby  requiring  the 
senators  and  representatives  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  every  of  them,  that,  laying  aside  all 
other  matters  and  cares,  they  then  and  there  meet  and  assemble 
in  Congress,  in  order  to  consult  and  determine  on  such  mea- 
sures as  in  their  wisdom  shall  be  deemed  meet  for  the  safety  and 
welfare  of  the  said  United  States. 

In  testimony  whereof,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


^  Such  of  tlie  proclamations  have  been  selected  as  are  connected  with  the 
extraordinary  measures  of  tliis  administration.  With  regard  to  the  mode  of 
arranging  this  portion  of  the  work,  nothing  can  be  added  to  the  rules  laid  down 
in  Sparks's  Washington ;  Introduction  to  the  fifth  part.     vol.  xii.  p.  vii. 


OFFICIAL.  169 

PR0CLA3IATI0N 
for    a    national    fast. 

23  March,  1798. 

As  the  safety  and  prosperity  of  nations  ultimately  and  essen- 
tially depend  on  the  protection  and  blessing  of  Almighty  God ; 
and  the  national  acknowledgment  of  this  truth  is  not  only  an 
indispensable  duty,  which  the  people  owe  to  him,  but  a  duty 
whose  natural  influence  is  favorable  to  the  promotion  of  that 
morality  and  piety,  without  which  social  happiness  cannot 
exist,  nor  the  blessings  of  a  free  government  be  enjoyed ;  and  as 
this  duty,  at  all  times  incumbent,  is  so  especially  in  seasons  of 
difficulty  and  of  danger,  when  existing  or  threatening  calamities, 
the  just  judgments  of  God  against  prevalent  iniquity,  are  a  loud 
call  to  repentance  and  reformation;  and  as  the  United  States 
of  America  are  at  present  placed  in  a  hazardous  and  afflictive 
situation,  by  the  unfriendly  disposition,  condn-ct,  and  demands 
of  a  foreign  power,  evinced  by  repeated  refusals  to  receive  our 
messengers  of  reconciliation  and  peace,  by  depredations  on  our 
commerce,  and  the  infliction  of  injuries  on  very  many  of  our 
fellow-citizens,  while  engaged  in  their  lawful  business  on  the 
seas ;  —  under  these  considerations,  it  has  appeared  to  me  that 
the  duty  of  imploring  the  mercy  and  benediction  of  Heaven  on 
our  country,  demands  at  this  time  a  special  attention  from  its 
inhabitants. 

I  have  therefore  thought  fit  to  recommend,  and  I  do  hereby 
recommend,  that  Wednesday,  the  9th  day  of  May  next,  be 
observed  throughout  the  United  States,  as  a  day  of  solemn 
humiliation,  fasting  and  prayer;  that  the  citizens  of  these 
States,  abstaining  on  that  day  from  their  customary  worldly 
occupations,  offer  their  devout  addresses  to  the  Father  of  mercies, 
agreeably  to  those  forms  or  methods  which  they  have  severally 
adopted  as  the  most  suitable  and  becoming;  that  all  religious 
congregations  do,  with  the  deepest  humility,  acknowledge  before 
God  the  manifold  sins  and  transgressipns  with  which  we  are 
justly  chargeable  as  individuals  and  as  a  nation  ;  beseeching 
him  at  the  same  time,  of  his  infinite  grace,  through  the  Redeemer 
of  the  world,  freely  to  remit  all  our  offences,  and  to  incline  us, 

VOL.  IX.  15 


170  OFFICIAL. 

by  his  Holy  Spirit,  to  that  sincere  repentance  and  reformation 
which  may  afford  us  reason  to  hope  for  his  inestimable  favor 
and  heavenly  benediction ;  that  it  be  made  the  subject  of  parti- 
cular and  earnest  supplication,  that  our  country  may  be  protected 
from  all  the  dangers  which  threaten  it,  that  our  civil  and  reli- 
gious privileges  may  be  preserved  inviolate,  and  perpetuated  to 
the  latest  generations,  that  our  public  councils  and  magistrates 
may  be  especially  enlightened  and  directed  at  this  critical  period, 
that  the  American  people  may  be  united  in  those  bonds  of  amity 
and  mutual  confidence,  and  inspired  with  that  vigor  and  forti- 
tude by  which  they  have  in  times  past  been  so  highly  distin- 
guished, and  by  which  they  have  obtained  such  invaluable 
advantages,  that  the  health  of  the  inhabitants  of  our  land  may 
be  preserved,  and  their  agriculture,  commerce,  fisheries,  arts,  and 
manufactures,  be  blessed  and  prospered,  that  the  principles  of 
genuine  piety  and  sound  morality  may  influence  the  minds  and 
govern  the  lives  of  every  description  of  our  citizens,  and  that 
the  blessings  of  peace,  freedom,  and  pure  religion,  may  be 
speedily  extended  to  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

And  finally  I  recommend,  that  on  the  said  day,  the  duties  of 
humiliation  and  prayer  be  accompanied  by  fervent  thanksgiving 
to  the  bestower  of  every  good  gift,  not  only  for  having  hitherto 
protected  and  preserved  the  people  of  these  United  States  in 
the  independent  enjoyment  of  their  religious  and  civil  freedom, 
but  also  for  having  prospered  them  in  a  wonderful  progress  of 
population,  and  for  conferring  on  them  many  and  great  favors 
conducive  to  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  a  nation. 

Given,  &c. 

John   Adams. 


PROCLAMATION 
revoking   the  exequaturs   op   the   french   consuls. 

13  July,  1798. 

The  citizen  Joseph  Philippe  Letombe  having  heretofore  pro- 
duced to  the  President  of  the  United  States  his  commission 
as  consul-general  of  the  French  republic,  within  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  another  commission  as  consul  of  the 


OFFICIAL.  171 

French  republic  at  Philadelphia ;  and,  in  like  manner,  the  citizen 
Rosier  having  produced  his  commission  as  vice-consul  of  the 
French  republic  at  New  York ;  and  the  citizen  Arcambal  hav- 
ing produced  his  commission  as  vice-consul  of  the  French 
republic  at  Newport;  and  citizen  Theodore  Charles  Mozard 
having  produced  his  commission  as  consul  of  the  French  re- 
public within  the  States  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  and 
Rhode  Island  ;  and  the  President  of  the  United  States  having 
thereupon  granted  an  exequatur  to  each  of  the  French  citizens 
above  named,  recognizing  them  in  their  respective  consular 
offices  above  mentioned,  and  declaring  them  respectively  free  to 
exercise  and  enjoy  such  functions,  powers,  and  privileges  as  are 
allowed  to  a  consul-general,  consuls,  and  vice-consuls  of  the 
French  republic,  by  their  treaties,  conventions,  and  laws  in  that 
case  made  and  provided;  —  and  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  by  their  act,  passed  the  seventh  day  of  July,  1798,  hav- 
ing declared,  "  That  the  United  States  are  of  right  freed  and 
exonerated  from  the  stipulations  of  the  treaties,  and  of  the 
consular  convention  heretofore  concluded  between  the  United 
States  and  France ;  and  that  the  same  shall  not  henceforth  be 
regarded  as  legally  obligatory  on  the  government  or  citizens  of 
the  United  States,"  and  by  a  former  act,  passed  the  13th  day 
of  May,  1798,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  having  "  sus- 
pended the  commercial  intercourse  between  the  United  States 
and  France,  and  the  dependencies  thereof,"  which  commercial 
intercourse  was  the  direct  and  chief  object  of  the  consular 
establishment; 

And  whereas  actual  hostilities  have  long  been  practised  on 
the  commerce  of  the  United  States  by  the  cruisers  of  the  French 
republic  under  the  orders  of  its  government,  which  orders  that 
government  refuses  to  revoke  or  relax ;  and  hence  it  has  become 
improper  any  longer  to  allow  the  consul-general,  consuls,  and 
vice-consuls  of  the  French  republic,  above  named,  or  any  of  its 
consular  persons  or  agents  heretofore  admitted  in  these  United 
States,  any  longer  to  exercise  their  consular  functions;  —  these 
are  therefore  to  declare,  that  I  do  no  longer  recognize  the  said 
citizen  Letombe  as  consul-general,  or  consul,  nor  the  said 
citizens  Rosier  and  Arcambal  as  vice-consuls,  nor  the  said 
citizen  Mozard  as  consul  of  the  French  republic,  in  any  part  of 
these  United   States,   nor  permit  them   or  any  other  consular 


172  OFFICIAL. 

persons  or  agents  of  the  French  republic,  heretofore  admitted  in 
the  United  States,  to  exercise  their  functions  as  such ;  and  1  do 
hereby  wholly  revoke  the  exequaturs  heretofore  given  to  them 
respectively,  and  do  declare  them  absolutely  null  and  void,  from 
this  day  forward. 

In  testimony  whereof,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


PROCLAMATION 
for    a    national    fast. 

6  March,  1799. 

As  no  truth  is  more  clearly  taught  in  the  volume  of  inspiration, 
nor  any  more  fully  demonstrated  by  the  experience  of  all  ages, 
than  that  a  deep  sense  and  a  due  acknowledgment  of  the 
governing  providence  of  a  Supreme  Being,  and  of  the  account- 
ableness  of  men  to  Him  as  the  searcher  of  hearts  and  righteous 
distributor  of  rewards  and  punishments,  are  conducive  equally 
to  the  happiness  and  rectitude  of  individuals,  and  to  the  well- 
being  of  communities ;  as  it  is,  also,  most  reasonable  in  itself, 
that  men  who  are  made  capable  of  social  acts  and  relations, 
who  owe  their  improvements  to  the  social  state,  and  who  derive 
their  enjoyments  from  it,  should,  as  a  society,  make  their 
acknowledgments  of  dependence  and  obligation  to  Him,  who 
hath  endowed  them  with  these  capacities,  and  elevated  them 
in  the  scale  of  existence  by  these  distinctions  ;  as  it  is,  likewise, 
a  plain  dictate  of  duty,  and  a  strong  sentiment  of  nature,  that 
in  circumstances  of  great  urgency  and  seasons  of  imminent 
danger,  earnest  and  particular  supplications  should  be  made  to 
Him  who  is  able  to  defend  or  to  destroy;  as,  moreover,  the 
most  precious  interests  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  are 
still  held  in  jeopardy  by  the  hostile  designs  and  insidious  acts 
of  a  foreign  nation,  as  well  as  by  the  dissemination  among  them 
of  those  principles,  subversive  of  the  foundations  of  all  religious, 
moral,  and  social  obligations,  that  have  produced  incalculable 
mischief  and  misery  in  other  countries ;  and  as,  in  fine,  the 
observance  of  special  seasons  for  public  religious  solemnities. 


OFFICIAL.  173 

is  happily  calculated  to  avert  the  evils  which  wc  ought  to  de- 
precate, and  to  excite  to  the  performance  of  the  duties  which 
we  ought  to  discharge,  by  calling  and  fixing  the  attention  of 
the  people  at  large  to  the  momentous  truths  already  recited,  by 
affording  opportunity  to  teach  and  inculcate  them,  by  animating 
devotion,  and  giving  to  it  the  character  of  a  national  act : 

For  these  reasons  I  have  thought  proper  to  recommend,  and 
I  do  hereby  recommend  accordingly,  that  Thursday,  the  twenty- 
fifth  day  of  April  next,  be  observed,  throughout  the  United 
States  of  America,  as  a  day  of  solemn  humiliation,  fasting,  and 
prayer ;  that  the  citizens,  on  that  day,  abstain  as  far  as  may  be 
from  their  secular  occupations,  devote  the  time  to  the  sacred 
duties  of  religion,  in  public  and  in  private ;  that  they  call  to 
mind  our  numerous  oiTences  against  the  most  high  God,  confess 
them  before  him  with  the  sincerest  penitence,  implore  his  par- 
doning mercy,  through  the  Great  Mediator  and  Redeemer,  for 
our  past  transgressions,  and  that,  through  the  grace  of  his  Holy 
Spirit,  we  may  be  disposed  and  enabled  to  yield  a  more  suitable 
obedience  to  his  righteous  requisitions  in  time  to  come  ;  that  he 
would  interpose  to  arrest  the  progress  of  that  impiety  and  licen- 
tiousness in  principle  and  practice,  so  offensive  to  himself  and 
so  ruinous  to  mankind ;  that  he  would  make  us  deeply  sen- 
sible, that  "  righteousness  exalteth  a  nation,  but  that  sin  is  the 
reproach  of  any  people  " ;  that  he  would  turn  us  from  our  trans- 
gressions, and  turn  his  displeasure  from  us ;  that  he  would 
withhold  us  from  unreasonable  discontent,  from  disunion,  fac- 
tion, sedition,  and  insurrection ;  that  he  would  preserve  our 
country  from  the  desolating  sword ;  that  he  would  save  our 
cities  and  towns  from  a  repetition  of  those  awful  pestilential 
visitations  under  which  they  have  lately  suftered  so  severely, 
and  that  the  health  of  our  inhabitants,  generally,  may  be  pre- 
cious in  his  sight;  that  he  would  favor  us  with  fruitful  seasons, 
and  so  bless  the  labors  of  the  husbandman  as  that  there  may 
be  food  in  abundance  for  man  and  beast;  that  he  would  prosper 
our  commerce,  manufactures,  and  fisheries,  and  give  success  to 
the  people  in  all  their  lawful  industry  and  enterprise ;  that  ho 
would  smile  on  our  colleges,  academies,  schools,  and  seminaries 
of  learning,  and  make  them  nurseries  of  sound  science,  morals, 
and  religion ;  that  he  would  bless  all  magistrates  from  the 
highest  to  the  lowest,  give  them  the  true  spirit  of  their  station, 


174  OFFICIAL. 

make  them  a  terror  to  evil-doers,  and  a  praise  to  them  that  do 
well ;  that  he  would  preside  over  the  councils  of  the  nation  at 
this  critical  period,  enlighten  them  to  a  just  discernment  of 
the  public  interest,  and  save  them  from  mistake,  division,  and 
discord ;  that  he  would  make  succeed  our  preparations  for 
defence,  and  bless  our  armaments  by  land  and  by  sea ;  that  he 
would  put  an  end  to  the  effusion  of  human  blood  and  the 
accumulation  of  human  misery  among  the  contending  nations 
of  the  earth,  by  disposing  them  to  justice,  to  equity,  to  bene- 
volence, and  to  peace  ;  and  that  he  would  extend  the  blessings 
of  knowledge,  of  true  liberty,  and  of  pure  and  undefiled  religion, 
throughout  the  world. 

And  I  do,  also,  recommend  that,  with  these  acts  of  humilia- 
tion, penitence,  and  prayer,  fervent  thanksgiving  to  the  author 
of  all  good  be  united,  for  the  countless  favors  which  he  is  still 
continuing  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  which  render 
their  condition  as  a  nation  eminently  happy,  when  compared 
with  the  lot  of  others. 

Given,  &c. 

John   Adams. 


PROCLAMATION 
concerning    the    insurrection    in    pennsylvania. 

12  March,  1799. 

Whereas,  combinations  to  defeat  the  execution  of  the  law 
for  the  valuation  of  lands  and  dwelling-houses  within  the  United 
States,  have  existed  in  the  counties  of  Northampton,  Mont- 
gomery, and  Bucks,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  have 
proceeded  in  a  manner  subversive  of  the  just  authority  of  the 
government,  by  misrepresentations  to  render  the  laws  odious, 
by  deterring  the  officers  of  the  United  States  to  forbear  the 
execution  of  their  functions,  and  by  openly  threatening  their 
lives  :  And  whereas,  the  endeavors  of  the  well-affected  citizens, 
as  well  as  of  the  executive  officers,  to  conciliate  a  compliance 
with  those  laws,  have  failed  of  success,  and  certain  persons  in 
the  county  of  Northampton,  aforesaid,  have  been  hardy  enough 
to  perpetrate  certain  acts,  which,  I  am    advised,  amount  to 


OFFICIAL.  175 

treason,  being  overt  acts  of  levying  war  against  the  United 
States,  the  said  persons,  exceeding  one  hundred  in  number,  and, 
armed  and  arrayed  in  a  warlike  manner,  having,  on  the  seventh 
day  of  the  present  month  of  March,  proceeded  to  the  house  of 
Abraham  Lovering,  in  the  town  of  Bethlehem,  and  there  com- 
pelled William  Nicholas,  Marshal  of  the  United  States,  and 
for  the  district  of  Pennsylvania,  to  desist  from  the  execution  of 
certain  legal  processes  in  his  hands  to  be  executed,  and  having 
compelled  him  to  discharge  and  set  at  liberty  certain  persons 
whom  he  had  arrested  by  virtue  of  a  criminal  process,  duly  issued 
for  offences  against  the  United  States,  and  having  impeded  and 
prevented  the  commissioners  and  assessors,  in  conformity  with 
the  laws  aforesaid,  in  the  county  of  Northampton  aforesaid,  by 
threats  of  personal  injury,  from  executing  the  said  laws,  avow- 
ing as  the  motive  of  these  illegal  and  treasonable  proceedings 
an  intention  to  prevent,  by  force  of  arms,  the  execution  of  the 
said  laws,  and  to  withstand  by  open  violence  the  lawful  author- 
ity of  the  government  of  the  United  States.  And  whereas,  by 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  I  am  author- 
ized, whenever  the  laws  of  the  United  States  shall  be  opposed, 
or  the  execution  thereof  obstructed,  in  any  State,  by  combina- 
tions too  powerful  to  be  suppressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of 
judicial  proceedings  or  by  powers  vested  in  the  marshal,  to  call 
forth  military  force  to  suppress  such  combinations,  and  to  cause 
the  laws  to  be  duly  executed ;  and  I  have  accordingly  deter- 
mined so  to  do,  under  the  solemn  conviction  that  the  essential 
interests  of  the  United  States  demand  it.  Wherefore  I,  John 
Adams,  President  of  the  United  States,  do  hereby  command  all 
persons  being  insurgents  as  aforesaid,  and  all  others  whom  it 
may  concern,  on  or  before  Monday  next,  being  the  eighteenth 
day  of  this  present  month,  to  disperse  and  retire  peaceably  to 
their  respective  abodes.  And  I  do,  moreover,  warn  all  persons 
whomsoever,  against  aiding,  abetting,  or  comforting  the  perpe- 
trators of  the  aforesaid  treasonable  acts,  and  I  do  require  all 
officers  and  others,  good  and  faithful  citizens,  according  to  their 
respective  duties  and  the  laws  of  the  land,  to  exert  their  utmost 
endeavors  to  prevent  and  suppress  such  dangerous  and  unlaw- 
ful proceedings. 

In  testimony  whereof,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


176  OFFICIAL. 

PROCLAIVIATION, 
opening  the  trade  with   certain  ports  of   st.   domingo. 

26  June,  1799. 

Whereas,  by  an  act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
passed  the  9th  day  of  February  last,  entitled  "An  act  further  to 
suspend  the  commercial  intercourse  between  the  United  States 
and  France,  and  the  dependencies  thereof,"  it  is  provided,  that 
at  any  time  after  the  passing  of  this  act,  it  shall  be  lawful  for 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  if  he  shall  deem  it  expedient 
and  consistent  with  the  interest  of  the  United  States,  by  his 
order,  to  remit  and  discontinue  for  the  time  being  the  restraints 
and  prohibitions  by  the  said  act  imposed,  either  with  respect  to 
the  French  republic,  or  to  any  island,  port,  or  place,  belonging 
to  the  said  republic,  with  which  a  commercial  intercour.-<e  may 
safely  be  renewed ;  and  also  to  revoke  such  order,  whenever  in 
his  opinion  the  interest  of  the  United  States  shall  require ;  and 
he  is  authorized  to  make  proclamation  thereof  accordingly ; 

And  whereas  the  arrangements  which  have  been  made  at 
St.  Dom.ingo  for  the  safety  of  the  commerce  of  the  United  States, 
and  for  the  admission  of  American  vessels  into  certain  ports  of 
that  island,  do,  in  my  opinion  render  it  expedient  and  for  the 
interest  of  the  United  States  to  renew  a  commercial  intercourse 
with  such  ports ; 

Therefore  I,  John  Adams,  President  of  the  United  States,  by 
virtue  of  the  powers  vested  in  me  by  the  above  recited  act,  do 
hereby  remit  and  discontinue  the  restraints  and  prohibitions 
therein  contained,  within  the  limits  and  under  the  regulations 
here  following,  to  wit : 

1.  It  shall  be  lawful  for  vessels  which  have  departed  or  may 
depart  from  the  United  States,  to  enter  the  ports  of  Cape  Fran- 
cois and  Port  Republicain,  formerly  called  Port-au-Prince,  in 
the  said  island  of  St.  Domingo,  on  and  after  the  first  day  of 
August  next.i 

2.  No  vessel  shall  be  cleared  for  any  other  port  in  St.  Do- 
mingo than  Cape  Francois  and  Port  Republicain. 

1  A  mistake  was  made  here  by  the  Secretary  of  State.  The  first  of  August 
was  the  date  of  departure  from  the  United  States.     See  vol.  viii.  p.  661,  note. 


OFFICIAL.  177 

3.  It  shall  be  lawful  for  vessels  which  shall  enter  the  said 
ports  of  Cape  Francois  and  Port  Republicain,  after  the  thirty- 
first  day  of  July  next,  to  depart  from  thence  to  any  port  in  said 
island  between  Monte  Christi  on  the  north  and  Petit  Goave  on 
the  west ;  provided  it  be  done  with  the  consent  of  the  govern- 
ment of  St.  Domingo,  and  pursuant  to  certificates  or  passports 
expressing  such  consent,  signed  by  the  consul-general  of  the 
United  States,  or  consul  residing  at  the  port  of  departure. 

4.  All  vessels  sailing  in  contravention  of  these  regulations 
will  be  out  of  the  protection  of  the  United  States,  and  be  more- 
over liable  to  capture,  seizure,  and  confiscation. 

Given  under,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


PROCLA^IATION, 
opening  the  trade  with  other  ports  of  st.  domingo. 

9  May,  1800. 

Whereas,  by  an  act  of  Congress  of  the  United  States,  passed 
the  27th  day  of  February  last,  entitled  "An  act  further  to  sus- 
pend the  commercial  intercourse  between  the  United  States 
and  France  and  the  dependencies  thereof,"  it  is  enacted.  That, 
any  time  after  the  passing  of  the  said  act,  it  shall  be  lawful  for 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  by  his  order,  to  remit  and 
discontinue  for  the  time  being,  whenever  he  shall  deem  it  ex- 
pedient and  for  the  interest  of  the  United  States,  all  or  any  of 
the  restraints  and  prohibitions  imposed  by  the  said  act,  in  respect 
to  the  territories  of  the  French  republic,  or  to  any  island,  port,  or 
place,  belonging  to  the  said  republic,  with  w^hich,  in  his  opinion, 
a  commercial  intercourse  may  be  safely  renewed ;  and  to  make 
proclamation  thereof  accordingly ;  and  it  is  also  thereby  further 
enacted.  That  the  whole  of  (lie  island  of  Hispaniola  shall,  for_ 
the  purposes  of  the  said  act,  be  considered  as  a  dependence  of 
the  French  republic.  And  whereas  the  circumstances  of  certain 
ports  and  places  of  the  said  island  not  comprised  in  the  procla- 
mation of  the  26th  day  of  June,  1799,  are  such  that  I  deem  it 
expedient,  and  for  the  interest  of  the  United  States,  to  remit 
and  discontinue  the  restraints  and  prohibitions  imposed  by  the 


178  OFFICIAL. 

said  act,  in  respect  to  those  ports  and  places,  in  order  that  a 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  same  may  be  renewed;  — 

Therefore  I,  John  Adams,  President  of  the  United  States,  by 
virtue  of  the  powers  vested  in  me  as  aforesaid,  do  hereby  remit 
and  discontinue  the  restraints  and  prohibitions  imposed  by  the 
act  aforesaid,  in  respect  to  all  the  ports  and  places  in  the  said 
island  of  Hispaniola,  from  Monte  Christi  on  the  north,  round 
by  the  eastern  end  thereof,  as  far  as  the  port  of  Jacmel,  on  the 
south,  inclusively.  And  it  shall  henceforth  be  lawful  for  vessels^ 
_of  the  United  States  to  enter  and  trade  at  any  of  the  said  ports 
and  places,  provided  it  be  done  with  the  consent  of  the  govern- 
ment of  St.  Domingo,  And  for  this  purpose  it  is  hereby  required 
that  such  vessels  first  enter  the  port  of  Cape  Francois  or  Port 
Republicain,  in  the  said  island,  and  there  obtain  the  passports  of 
the  said  government,  which  shall  also  be  signed  by  the  consul- 
general  or  consul  of  the  United  States  residing  at  Cape  Fran- 
cois or  Port  Republicain,  permitting  such  vessel  to  go  thence 
to  the  other  ports  and  places  of  the  said  island  herein  before 
mentioned  and  described.  Of  all  which  the  collectors  of  the 
customs  and  all  other  officers  and  citizens  of  the  United  States 
are  to  take  due  notice,  and  govern  themselves. 

In  testimony,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


PROCLAMATION, 
granting  pardon  to  the  pennsylvania  insurgents. 

21  May,  1800. 

Whereas,  the  late  wicked  and  treasonable  insurrection  against 
the  just  authority  of  the  United  States,  of  sundry  persons  in  the 
counties  of  Northampton,  Montgomery,  and  Bucks,  in  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  year  1799,  having  been  speedily  sup- 
pressed, without  any  of  the  calamities  usually  attending  rebel- 
lion; whereupon  peace,  order,  and  submission  to  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  were  restored  in  the  aforesaid  counties,  and 
the  ignorant,  misguided,  and  misinformed  in  the  counties,  have 
returned  to  a  proper  sense  of  their  duty ;  whereby  it  is  become 
unnecessary  for  the  public  good  that  any  future  prosecutions 


OFFICIAL.  179 

should  be  commenced  or  carried  on  against  any  person  or  per- 
sons, by  reason  of  their  being  concerned  in  the  said  insurrec- 
tion :  —  wherefore  be  it  known,  that  I,  John  Adams,  President 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  have  granted,  and  by  these 
presents  do  grant,  a  full,  free,  and  absolute  pardon,  to  all  and 
every  person  or  persons  concerned  in  the  said  insurrection,  ex- 
cepting as  hereinafter  excepted,  of  all  treasons,  misprisions  of 
treason,  felonies,  misdemeanors,  and  other  crimes  by  them 
respectively  done  or  committed  against  the  United  States,  in 
either  of  the  said  counties,  before  the  twelfth  day  of  March  in 
the  year  1799 ;  excepting  and  excluding  therefrom  every  person 
who  now  standeth  indicted  or  convicted  of  any  treason,  mis- 
prision of  treason,  or  other  offence  against  the  United  States; 
whereby  remedying  and  releasing  unto  all  persons,  except  as 
before  excepted,  all  pains  and  penalties  incurred  or  supposed  to 
be  incurred  for  or  on  account  of  the  premises. 

Given,  &c. 

John  Adams. 


ADDRESSES. 


The  number  of  addresses  made  to  the  President  during  the  excitement 
occasioned  by  the  apprehension  of  a  war  with  France,  was  very  great.  They 
now  fill  a  large  box,  many  of  them  having  long  rolls  of  signatures  attached.  A 
portion  of  them,  with  the  answei's,  were  collected  and  published  at  Boston  in  a 
volume  dedicated  to  the  French  Directory,  In  1798.  Of  course,  it  is  not  pos- 
sible to  embrace  in  this  work  more  than  those  answers  which,  for  some  particular 
reason,  appear  deserving  to  be  included.  In  some  of  these  cases  it  has  not  been 
possible  to  find  the  exact  date  of  their  composition. 


to    the    american    academy    of    arts    and    sciences. 

23  August,  1797. 

Gentlemen, 

Meeting  with  you  at  a  regular  period  established  by  law,  I 
expected  nothing  more  than  those  habitual  expressions  of  your 
friendship,  which  I  have  constantly  received  as  one  of  your 
associates,  upon  all  such  occasions.^  This  elegant  address, 
therefore,  as  it  was  not  foreseen,  is  the  more  acceptable.  Com- 
ing from  gentlemen  whose  fame  for  science  and  literature,  as 
well  as  for  every  civil  and  political  virtue,  is  not  confined  to  a 
single  State,  nor  to  one  quarter  of  the  world,  it  does  me  great 
honor.  Your  congratulations  on  my  election  to  the  office  of 
first  magistrate,  in  a  nation  where  the  rights  of  men  are  respected 
and  truly  supported,  deserve  my  best  thanks. 

The  commands  of  the  public  have  obliged  me  to  reside  in 
foreign  countries  and  distant  States  for  almost  the  whole  period 
of  the  existence  of  our  academy ;  but  no  part  of  my  time  has 
ever  been  spent  with  more  real  satisfaction  to  myself  than  the 

1  Mr.  Adams  was  the  President  of  the  Academy. 


OFFICIAL.  181 

few  hours,  which  the  course  of  events  has  permitted  me  to  pass 
in  your  society. 

Your  exertions  at  home  and  extensive  correspondences  abroad 
are  every  day  adding  to  the  Ivnowledge  of  our  country,  and  its 
improvement  in  useful  arts;  and  I  have  only  to  regret  that 
indispensable  avocations  have  prevented  me  from  assisting  in 
your  labors  and  endeavoring  to  share  in  the  glory  of  your  suc- 
cess. 

The  unanimity  with  which  the  members  of  this  academy,  as 
well  as  of  the  university  at  Cambridge,  and  the  whole  body  of 
the  clergy  of  this  commonwealth,  (all  so  happily  connected 
together,)  are  attached  to  the  union  of  our  American  States, 
their  constitutions  of  government,  and  the  federal  administra- 
tion, is  the  happiest  omen  of  the  future  peace,  liberty,  safety, 
and  prosperity  of  our  country.  The  rising  generation  of  Ame- 
ricans, the  most  promising  and  perhaps  the  most  important 
youth  which  the  human  species  can  boast,  educated  in  such 
principles  and  under  such  examples,  cannot  fail  to  answer  the 
high  expectations  which  the  world  has  formed  of  their  future 
wisdom,  virtues,  and  energies. 

To  succeed  in  the  administration  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  after  a  citizen,  whose  great  talents,  indefatigable 
exertions,  and  disinterested  patriotism  had  carried  the  gratitude 
of  his  country  and  the  applause  of  the  world  to  the  highest 
pitch,  was  indeed  an  arduous  enterprise.  It  was  not  without 
much  diffidence,  and  many  anxious  apprehensions  that  I  engaged 
in  the  service.  But  it  has  been  with  inexpressible  gratitude  and 
pleasure  that  I  have  everywhere  found,  in  my  fellow-citizens,  an 
almost  universal  disposition  to  alleviate  the  burden  as  much 
as  possible,  by  the  cheerful  and  generous  support  of  their  affec- 
tionate countenance  and  cordial  approbation.  Nothing  of  the 
kind  has  more  tenderly  touched  me,  than  the  explicit  sanction 
you  have  been  pleased  to  express  of  the  measures  I  have  hitherto 
adopted. 

Permit  me,  gentlemen,  to  join  in  your  fervent  prayers,  that 
the  incomprehensible  Source  of  light  and  of  power  may  direct 
us  all,  and  crown  with  success  all  our  efforts  to  promote  the 
welfare  of  our  country  and  the  happiness  of  mankind. 

John  Adams. 

VOL.  IX.  1^ 


182  OFFICIAL. 

TO    THE     MAYOR,     ALDERMEN,     AND     CITIZENS     OF     THE     CITY     OF 

PHILADELPHIA. 

April,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

Never,  as  I  can  recollect,  were  any  class  of  my  fellow-citizens 
more  welcome  to  me,  on  any  occasion,  than  the  mayor,  alder- 
men, and  citizens  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  upon  this. 

At  a  time,  when  all  the  old  republics  of  Europe  are  crumbling 
into  dust,  and  others  forming,  whose  destinies  are  dubious ; 
when  the  monarchies  of  the  old  world  are  some  of  them  fallen, 
and  others  trembling  to  their  foundations ;  when  our  own  infant 
republic  has  scarcely  had  time  to  cement  its  strength  or  decide 
its  own  practicable  form ;  when  these  agitations  of  the  human 
species  have  affected  our  people  and  produced  a  spirit  of  party, 
which  scruples  not  to  go  all  lengths  of  profligacy,  falsehood,  and 
malignity,  in  defaming  our  government;  your  approbation  and 
confidence  are  to  me  a  great  consolation.  Under  your  imme- 
diate observation  and  inspection,  the  principal  operations  of  the 
government  are  directed,  and  to  you,  both  characters  and  con- 
duct must  be  intimately  known. 

I  am  but  one  of  the  American  people,  and  my  fate  and  for- 
tune must  be  decided  with  theirs.  As  far  as  the  forces  of 
nature  may  remain  to  me,  I  will  not  be  wanting  in  my  duties 
to  them,  nor  will  I  harbor  a  suspicion  that  they  will  faU  to 
afford  me  all  necessary  aid  and  support. 

While,  with  the  greatest  pleasure,  I  reciprocate  your  congi'a- 
tulations  on  the  prospect  of  unanimity  that  now  presents  itself 
to  the  hopes  of  every  American,  and  on  that  spirit  of  patriotism 
and  independence  that  is  rising  into  active  exertion,  in  opposition 
to  seduction,  domination,  and  rapine,  I  offer  a  sincere  prayer  that 
the  citizens  of  Philadelphia  may  persevere  in  the  virtuous  course 
and  maintain  the  honorable  character  of  their  ancestors,  and  be 
protected  from  every  calamity,  physical,  moral,  and  political. 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  183 


TO     THE     CITIZENS     OF     PHILADELPHIA,    THE    DISTRICT    OF    SOUTH- 
WARK,    AND    THE    NORTHERN    LIBERTIES. 

26  April,  1798. 


Gentlemen, 

Many  of  the  nations  of  the  earth,  disgusted  with  their  present 
governments,  seem  determined  to  dissolve  them,  without  know- 
ing what  other  forms  to  substitute  in  their  places.  And  ignorance, 
with  all  the  cruel  intolerance  of  the  most  bloody  superstitions 
that  ever  have  existed,  is  imposing  its  absurd  dogmas  by  the 
sword,  without  the  smallest  attention  to  that  emulation  universal 
in  the  human  heart,  which  is  a  great  spring  of  generous  action, 
when  wisely  regulated,  but  the  never-failing  source  of  anarchy 
and  tyranny,  when  uncontrolled  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
State.  As  the  United  States  are  a  part  of  the  society  of 
mankind,  and  are  closely  connected  with  several  nations  now 
struggling  in  arms,  the  present  period  is  indeed  pregnant  with 
events  of  the  highest  importance  to  their  happiness  and  safety. 

In  such  a  state  of  things  your  implicit  approbation  of  the 
general  system,  and  the  particular  measures  of  the  government, 
your  generous  feelings  of  resentment  at  the  wrongs  and  offences 
committed  against  it,  and  at  the  menaces  of  others  still  more 
intolerable,  your  candid  acknowledgment  of  the  blessings  you 
enjoy  under  its  free  and  equal  Constitution,  your  determination 
at  every  hazard  to  maintain  your  freedom  and  independence, 
and  to  support  the  measures  which  may  be  thought  necessary 
to  support  the  Constitution,  freedom,  and  independence  of  the 
United  States,  do  you  great  honor  as  patriots  and  citizens ;  and 
your  communication  of  these  spirited  sentiments  to  me  deserves 
my  best  thanks. 

John  Adams 


184  OFFICIAL. 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    PROVIDENCE,    R.    I. 
30  April,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

The  respectfal  address  from  the  inhabitants  of  Providence, 
who  have  been  my  friends  and  neighbors  from  my  youth,  was  by 
no  means  necessary  to  convince  me  of  their  affectionate  attach- 
ment. 

Imagination  can  scarcely  conceive  a  stronger  contrast  than 
has  lately  been  disclosed  between  the  views  of  France  and  those 
of  the  United  States.  I  will  not  distinguish  between  the  views 
of  the  government  and  those  of  the  nations ;  if  in  France  they 
are  different,  the  nation,  whose  right  it  is,  will  soon  show  they 
are  so ;  if  in  America  they  are  the  same,  this  fact  also  will  be 
shown  by  the  nation  in  a  short  time  in  a  strong  light.  I  can- 
not, however,  see  in  this  contrast  a  sufficient  cause  of  disquiet- 
ing apprehensions  of  hostilities  from  that  republic.  Hostilities 
have  already  come  thick  upon  us  by  surprise  from  that  quarter. 
If  others  are  coming,  "we  shall  be  better  prepared  to  meet  and 
repel  them. 

When  we  were  the  first  to  acknowledge  the  legitimate  origin 
of  the  French  republic,  we  discovered  at  least  as  much  zeal, 
sincerity,  and  honesty  of  heart,  as  we  did  of  knowledge  of  the 
subject,  or  foresight  of  its  consequences.  The  ill  success  of 
those  proofs  which  the  United  States  have  given  of  their  sincere 
desire  to  preserve  an  impartial  neutrality,  and  of  their  repeated 
negotiations  for  redress  of  wrongs,  have  demonstrated  that  other 
means  must  be  resorted  to  in  order  to  obtain  it. 

I  agree  entirely  with  you  in  acquitting  in  general  those  of  our 
citizens  who  have  too  much  attached  themselves  to  European 
politics,  of  any  treacherous  defection  from  the  cause  of  their 
country.  The  French  revolution  was  a  spectacle  so  novel,  and 
the  cause  was  so  cora.plicated,  that  I  have  ever  acknowledged 
myself  incompetent  to  judge  of  it,  as  it  concerned  the  happiness 
of  France,  or  operated  on  that  of  mankind.  My  countrymen 
in  general  were,  I  believe,  as  ill  qualified  as  myself  to  decide ; 
the  French  nation  alone  had  the  right  and  the  capacity,  and  to 
them  it  should  have  been  resigned.     We  should  have  suspended 


OFFICIAL.  185 

our  judgments,  and  been  as  neutral  and  impartial  between  the 
parties  in  France  as  between  the  nations  of  Europe. 

The  honor  of  our  nation  is  now  universally  seen  to  be  at 
stake,  and  its  independence  in  question,  and  all  America  ap- 
pears to  declare,  with  one  heart  and  one  voice,  a  manly  deter- 
mination to  vindicate  both. 

The  legislature,  by  the  late  publication  of  instructions  and 
despatches,  have  appealed  to  the  world ;  and  if  the  iron  hand  of 
power  has  not  locked  up  the  presses  of  Europe  in  such  a  man- 
ner that  the  facts  cannot  be  communicated  to  mankind,  the 
impartial  sense  and  the  voice  of  human  nature  must  be  in  our 
favor.  If  perseverance  in  injustice  should  necessitate  the  last 
appeal,  whatever  causes  we  may  have  to  humble  ourselves 
before  the  supreme  tribunal,  we  have  none  for  any  other  senti- 
ment than  the  pride  of  virtue  and  honest  indignation  against 
the  late  conduct  of  France  towards  us. 

I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  your  personal  civilities  to  me, 
and  return  your  kind  wishes  for  my  happiness. 

Your  noble  declaration  of  your  readiness,  with  your  lives  and 
fortunes,  to  support  the  dignity  and  independence  of  the  United 
States,  will  receive  the  applause  of  your  country,  and  of  all  who 
have  the  sentiments  and  feelings  of  men. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  inhabitants  op  bridgeton,  in  the  county   of    cum- 
berland, in  the  state  of  new  jersey. 

1  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

To  you,  who  disapprove  of  addresses  of  compliment  in  gene- 
ral, and  of  the  interposition  of  constituents  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  national  affairs,  my  thanks  are  more  particularly  due 
for  the  part  you  have  taken  at  this  extraordinary  crisis. 

In  preparing  the  project  of  a  treaty  to  be  proposed  by  Con- 
gress to  France,  in  the  year  1776,  fully  apprised  of  the  import- 
ance of  neutrality,  I  prescribed  to  myself  as  a  rule  to  admit 
nothing  which   could   compromise  the    United   States  in   any 

ifi* 


186  OFFICIAL. 

future  wars  of  Europe.     In  the  negotiations  of  peace  in  1782,  I 
saw  stronger  reasons  than  ever  before  in  favor  of  that  maxim. 

The  wise  and  prudent  measures  adopted  by  my  predecessor, 
to  preserve  and  support  a  fair  and  impartial  neutrality  with  the 
belligerent  powers  of  Europe,  coinciding  with  my  own  opinions 
and  principles,  more  ancient  than  the  birth  of  the  United  States, 
could  not  but  be  heartily  approved  and  supported  by  me  during 
his  whole  administration,  and  steadily  pursued  untU  this  time. 
It  was,  however,  no  part  of  the  system  of  my  predecessor,  nor 
is  it  any  article  of  my  creed,  that  neutrality  should  be  purchased 
with  bribes,  by  the  sacrifice  of  our  sovereignty  and  the  aban- 
donment of  our  independence,  by  the  surrender  of  our  moral 
character,  by  tarnishing  our  honor,  by  violations  of  public  faith, 
or  by  any  means  humiliating  to  our  own  national  pride,  or  dis- 
graceful in  the  eyes  of  the  world  ;  nor  will  I  be  the  instrument 
of  procuring  it  on  such  terms. 

I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  your  candid  approbation  and 
your  noble  assurances  of  support. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    CITIZENS    OF    BALTIMORE     AND     BALTIMORE     COUNTY, 

MARYLAND. 

2  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  communicating  to  me  this  respectful  addi'css. 

The  sense  you  entertain  of  the  conduct  of  a  foreign  nation, 
in  threatening  with  destruction  the  freedom  and  independence 
of  the  United  States,  and  representing  the  citizens  of  America 
as  a  divided  people,  is  such  as  patriotism  naturally  and  neces- 
sarily inspires.  The  fate  of  every  republic  in  Europe,  however, 
from  Poland  to  Geneva,  has  given  too  much  cause  for  such 
thoughts  and  projects  in  our  enemies,  and  such  apprehensions 
in  our  friends  and  ourselves. 

Republics  are  always  divided  in  opinion,  concerning  forms 
of  governments,  and  plans  and  details  of  administration.  These 
divisions  are  generally  harmless,  often  salutary,  and  seldom 
very  hurtful,  except  when  foreign  nations  interfere,  and  by  their 


OFFICIAL.  187 

arts  and  agents  excite  and  ferment  them  into  parties  and  fac- 
tions. Such  interference  and  influence  must  be  resisted  and 
exterminated,  or  it  will  end  in  America,  as  it  did  anciently  in 
Greece,  and  in  our  own  time  in  Europe,  in  our  total  destruction 
as  a  republican  government  and  independent  power. 

The  liberal  applause  you  bestow  on  the  measures  pursued 
by  the  government  for  the  adjustment  of  differences  and  restora- 
tion of  harmony,  your  resolutions  of  resistance  in  preference  to 
submission  to  any  foreign  power,  your  confidence  in  the  govern- 
ment, your  recommendation  of  measures  of  defence  of  the 
country  and  protection  of  its  commerce,  and  your  generous 
resolution  to  submit  to  the  expenses  and  temporary  inconve- 
niences which  may  be  necessary  to  preserve  the  sovereignty 
and  freedom  of  the  United  States,  are  received  with  much 
respect. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  young  men  of  the   city  of   philadelphia,  the   dis- 
trict of  southwark,  and  the  northern  liberties, 

pennsylvania. 

7  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

Nothing  of  the  kind  could  be  more  welcome  to  me  than  this 
address  from  the  ingenuous  youth  of  Philadelphia,  in  their  vir- 
tuous anxiety  to  preserve  the  honor  and  independence  of  their 
country. 

For  a  long  course  of  years,  my  amiable  young  friends,  before 
the  birth  of  the  oldest  of  you,  I  was  called  to  act  with  your 
fathers  in  concerting  measures  the  most  disagreeable  and  dan- 
gerous, not  from  a  desire  of  innovation,  not  from  discontent 
with  the  government  under  which  we  were  born  and  bred,  but 
to  preserve  the  honor  of  our  country,  and  vindicate  the  immemo- 
rial liberties  of  our  ancestors.  In  pursuit  of  these  measures,  it 
became,  not  an  object  of  predilection  and  choice,  but  of  indis- 
pensable necessity  to  assert  our  independence,  which,  with  many 
difficulties  and  much  suffering,  was  at  length  secured.  I  have 
long  flattered  myself  that  I  might  be  gathered  to  the  ashes  of 


188  OFFICIAL. 

my  fathers,  leaving  unimpaired  and  unassailed  the  liberties  so 
dearly  pvirchased;  and  that  I  should  never  be  summoned  a 
second  time  to  act  in  such  scenes  of  anxiety,  perplexity,  and 
danger,  as  war  of  any  kind  always  exhibits.  If  my  good  for- 
tune should  not  correspond  with  my  earnest  wishes,  and  I  should 
be  obliged  to  act  with  you,  as  with  your  ancestors,  in  defence 
of  the  honor  and  independence  of  our  country,  I  sincerely  wish 
that  none  of  you  may  ever  have  your  constancy  of  mind  and 
strength  of  body  put  to  so  severe  a  trial,  as  to  be  compelled 
again  in  yovir  advanced  age  to  the  contemplation  and  near 
prospect  of  any  war  of  offence  or  defence. 

It  would  neither  be  consistent  with  my  character,  nor  yours, 
on  this  occasion,  to  read  lessons  to  gentlemen  of  your  education, 
co;iduct,  and  character;  if,  however,  I  might  be  indulged  the 
privilege  of  a  father,  I  should  with  the  tenderest  affection 
recommend  to  your  serious  and  constant  consideration,  that 
/  science  and  morals  are  the  great  pillars  on  which  this  country 
has  been  raised  to  its  present  population,  opulence,  and  prospe- 
rity, and  that  these  alone  can  advance,  support,  and  preserve  it. 

Without  wishing  to  damp  the  ardor  of  curiosity,  or  influence 
the  freedom  of  inquiry,  I  will  hazard  a  prediction,  that,  after  the 
most  industrious  and  impartial  researches,  the  longest  liver  of 
you  all  will  find  no  principles,  institutions,  or  systems  of  educa- 
tion more  fit,  in  general,  to  be  transmitted  to  your  posterity,  than 
those  you  have  received  from  your  ancestors. 

No  prospect  or  spectacle  could  excite  a  stronger  sensibility  in 
my  bosom  than  this,  which  now  presents  itself  before  me.  I 
wish  you  all  the  pure  joys,  the  sanguine  hopes,  and  bright  pro- 
spects, which  are  decent  at  your  age,  and  that  your  lives  may 
be  long,  honorable,  and  prosperous,  in  the  constant  practice  of 
benevolence  to  men  and  reverence  to  the  Divinity,  in  a  country 
persevering  in  liberty,  and  increasing  in  virtue,  power,  and  glory. 

The  sentiments  of  this  address,  everywhere  expressed  in  lan- 
guage as  chaste  and  modest  as  it  is  elegant  and  masterly,  which 
would  do  honor  to  the  youth  of  any  country,  have  raised  a 
monument  to  your  fame  more  durable  than  brass  and  marble. 
The  youth  of  all  America  must  exult  in  this  early  sample,  at 
the  seat  of  government,  of  their  talents,  genius,  and  virtues. 

America  and  the  world  will  look  to  our  youth  as  one  of  our 
firmest  bulwarks.     The  generous  claim  which  you  now  present, 


OFFICIAL.  189 

of  sharing  in  the  difficulty,  danger,  and  glory  of  our  defence,  is 
to  me  and  to  your  country  a  sure  and  pleasing  pledge,  that  your 
birth -rights  will  never  be  ignobly  bartered  or  surrendered;  but 
that  you  will  in  your  turn  transmit  to  future  generations  the 
fair  inheritance  obtained  by  the  unconquerable  spirit  of  your 
fathers. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS    AND    CITIZENS    OF    BOSTON, 
MASSACHUSETTS. 

7  ]May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  the  declaration  of  your  approbation  of  the 
measures  adopted  by  me,  relative  to  our  foreign  relations,  to 
conciliate  the  French  republic  and  to  accommodate  all  existing 
difference  upon  terms  compatible  with  the  safety,  the  interest, 
and  the  dignity  of  the  United  States. 

Your  high  and  elevated  opinion  of,  and  confidence  in,  the 
virtue,  wisdom,  and  patriotism  of  the  national  government,  and 
fixed  resolution  to  support,  at  the  risk  of  your  lives  and  fortunes, 
such  measures  as  may  be  determined  to  be  necessary  to  pro- 
mote and  secure  the  honor  and  happiness  of  the  United  States, 
do  you  honor,  and  are  perfectly  in  character. 

It  must,  however,  be  a  very  unnatural  and  peculiar  state  of 
things  to  make  it  necessary  or  proper  in  you,  or  any  other 
American  in  your  behalf,  to  declare  to  the  world,  what  the  world 
ought  to  have  known  and  acknowledged  without  hesitation,  that 
you  are  not  humiliated  under  a  colonial  sense  of  fear,  that  you 
are  not  a  divided  people  in  any  point  which  involves  the  honor, 
safety,  and  essential  rights  of  your  country,  that  you  know  your 
rights,  and  are  determined  to  support  them. 

John  Adams. 


190  OFFICIAL. 


to  the  inhabitants  of  the  county  of  lancaster, 

pennsylvania. 

8  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

This  respectful  and  affectionate  address  from  the  wealthy, 
industrious,  and  independent  proprietors  of  the  county  of  Lan- 
caster, is  as  honorable  as  it  is  agreeable  to  me,  and  is  returned 
with  my  hearty  thanks. 

The  attention  you  have  given  to  a  demand  of  a  preliminary 
submission,  acknowledging  the  commission  of  offence,  requires 
an  observation  on  my  part.  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  makes  it  my  duty  to  communicate  to  Congress  from 
time  to  time  information  of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  to 
recommend  to  their  consideration  measures  which  appear  to 
me  necessary  or  expedient.  While  in  discharge  of  this  duty,  I 
submit,  with  entire  resignation,  to  the  responsibility  established 
in  the  Constitution,  I  hold  myself  accountable  to  no  crowned 
head  or  Executive  Directory,  or  other  foreign  power  on  earth, 
for  the  communications  which  my  duty  obliges  me  to  make ; 
yet  to  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  I  will  freely  say,  that  in  the  case 
alluded  to,  the  honor  done,  the  publicity  and  solemnity  given  to 
the  audience  of  leave  to  a  disgraced  minister,  recalled  in  dis- 
pleasure for  misconduct,  was  a  studied  insult  to  the  government 
of  my  country. 

The  observations  made  by  me  were  mild  and  moderate  in  a 
degree  far  beyond  what  the  provocation  would  have  justified ; 
and  if  the  American  people  or  their  government  could  have 
borne  it  without  resentment,  offered  as  it  was  in  the  face  of  all 
all  the  world,  they  must  have  been  fit  to  be  the  tributary  dupes 
they  have  since  been  so  coolly  invited  to  become. 

As  I  know  not  where  a  better  choice  of  envoys  could  have 
been  made,  I  thank  you  for  your  approbation  of  their  appoint- 
ment and  applause  of  their  conduct. 

In  return  for  your  prayers  for  my  health  and  fortitude,  I  offer 
mine  for  the  citizens  of  Lancaster  in  particular  and  the  United 
States  in  general. 

John   Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  191 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    BURLINGTON, 

NEW   JERSEY. 

8  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

There  is  nothing  in  the  conduct  of  our  enemies  more  remark- 
able than  their  total  contempt  of  the  people,  while  they  pretend 
to  do  all  for  the  people;  and  of  all  real  republican  governments, 
while  they  screen  themselves  under  some  of  their  names  and 
forms.  While  they  are  erecting  military  despotisms,  under  the 
delusive  names  of  representative  democracies,  they  are  demo- 
lishing the  Pope  by  the  most  machiavelian  maxim  of  one  of  his 
predecessors,  "  If  the  good  people  will  be  deceived,  let  him  be 
deceived." 

The  American  people  are  unquestionably  the  best  qualified 
of  any  great  nation  in  the  world,  by  their  character,  habits,  and 
all  other  circumstances,  for  a  real  republican  government ;  yet 
the  American  people  are  represented  as  in  opposition,  in  enmity, 
and  on  the  point  of  hostility  against  the  government  of  their 
own  institution  and  the  administration  of  their  own  choice.  If 
this  were  true,  what  would  be  the  consequence?  Nothing 
more  nor  less  than  that  they  are  ripe  for  a  military  despotism, 
under  the  domination  of  a  foreign  power.  It  is  to  me  no  won- 
der that  American  blood  boils  at  these  ideas. 

Your  ardent  attachment  to  the  Constitution  and  government 
of  the  United  States,  and  complete  confidence  in  all  its  depart- 
ments; your  frm  resolution,  at  every  hazard,  to  maintain,  sup- 
port, and  defend  with  your  lives  and  fortunes  every  measure, 
which  by  your  lawful  representatives  may  be  deemed  necessary 
to  protect  the  rights,  liberty,  and  independence  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  wUl  do  you  honor  with  all  the  world  and 
with  all  posterity. 

John  Adams. 


192  OFFICIAL. 


to  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  hartford, 

connecticut. 

10  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

Although  the  sentiments  and  conduct  of  the  people  of  Con- 
necticut, as  expressed  upon  all  occasions  by  themselves  at 
home,  and  their  representatives  in  both  houses  of  Congress,  have' 
been  so  unanimous  and  uniform  in  support  of  the  government 
as  to  render  their  interposition  at  this  crisis  unnecessary,  yet 
this  address  from  the  citizens  of  Hartford  is  not  the  less  agree- 
able to  me,  or  deserving  my  gratitude, 

I  have  never  considered  the  issue  of  our  late  endeavors  to 
negotiate  with  the  French  republic  as  a  subject  either  of  con- 
gratulation or  despondency ;  as,  on  the  one  hand,  I  should  be 
happy  in  the  friendship  of  France  upon  honorable  conditions, 
under  any  government  she  may  choose  to  assume ;  so,  on  the 
other,  I  see  no  cause  of  despondency  under  a  continuance  of 
her  enmity,  if  such  is  her  determined  disposition.  Providence 
may  indeed  intend  us  a  favor  above  our  wishes  and  a  blessing 
beyond  our  foresight  in  the  extinction  of  an  influence  which 
might  soon  have  become  more  fatal  than  war. 

If  the  designs  of  foreign  hostility  and  the  views  of  domestic 
treachery  are  now  fully  disclosed ;  if  the  moderation,  dignity, 
and  wisdom  of  government  have  awed  into  silence  the  clamors 
of  faction,  and  palsied  the  thousand  tongues  of  calumny ;  if  the 
spirit  of  independent  freemen  is  again  awakened,  and  its  force 
is  combined,  I  agree  with  you  that  it  will  be  irresistible. 

I  hesitate  not  to  express  a  confidence  equal  to  yours  in  the 
collected  firmness  and  wisdom  which  the  Southern  States  have 
ever  displayed  on  the  approach  of  danger;  nor  can  I  doubt 
that  they  will  join  with  all  their  fellow-citizens,  with  equal 
spirit,  to  crush  every  attempt  at  disorganization,  disunion,  and 
anarchy.  The  vast  extent  of  their  settlements,  and  greater  dis- 
tance from  the  centre  of  intelligence,  may  require  more  time  to 
mature  their  judgment,  and  expose  them  to  more  deceptions  by 
misrepresentation ;  but  in  the  end,  their  sensations,  reflections, 
and  decisions,  are  purely  American. 


OFFICIAL.  193 

Your  confidence  in  the  legislature  and  administration  has 
been  perfectly  well  known  from  the  commencement  of  the  go- 
vernment, and  has  ever  done  it  honor. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    THE    BOROUGH    OF    HARRISBURGH, 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

12  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

Your  address  has  been  presented  to  me  by  Mr.  Hartley,  Mr. 
Sitgreaves,  and  Mr.  Hanna,  three  of  your  representatives  in 
Congress. 

T  know  not  which  to  admire  most,  the  conciseness,  the  energy, 
the  elegance,  or  profound  wisdom  of  this  excellent  address. 

Ideas  of  reformation  and  schemes  for  meliorating  the  condi- 
tion of  humanity  should  not  be  discouraged,  when  proposed 
with  reason  and  pursued  with  moderation ;  but  the  rage  for 
innovation,  which  destroys  every  thing  because  it  is  established, 
and  introduces  absurdities  the  most  monstrous,  merely  because 
they  are  new,  was  never  carried  to  such  a  pitch  of  madness 
in  any  age  of  the  world  as  in  this  latter  end  of  the  boasted 
eighteenth  century,  and  never  produced  effects  so  horrible  upon 
sufiering  humanity- 

Among  all  the  appearances  portentous  of  evil,  there  is  none 
more  incomprehensible  than  the  professions  of  republicanism 
among  those  who  place  not  a  sense  of  justice,  morality,  or  piety, 
among  the  ornaments  of  their  nature  and  the  blessings  of  society. 
As  nothing  is  more  certain  and  demonstrable  than  that  free 
republicanism  cannot  exist  without  these  ornaments  and  bless- 
ings, the  tendency  of  the  times  is  rapid  towards  a  restoration 
of  the  petty  military  despotisms  of  the  feudal  anarchy,  and  by 
their  means  a  return  to  the  savage  state  of  barbarous  life. 

Hov^  can  the  press  prevent  this,  when  all  the  presses  of  a 
nation,  and  indeed  of  many  nations  at  once,  are  subject  to  an 
imprimatur,  by  a  veto  upon  pain  of  conflagration,  banishment, 
or  confiscation  ? 

That  America  may  have  the  glory  of  arresting  this  torrent  of 

vol,.  IX.  1"  M 


194  OFFICIAL. 

error,  vice,  and  imposture,  is  my  fervent  wish ;  and  if  senti- 
ments as  great  as  those  from  Harrisburgh,  should  be  found 
universally  to  prevail,  as  I  doubt  not  they  will,  my  hopes  will 
be  as  sanguine  as  my  wishes. 

John   Adams. 


TO  THE  young  MEN  OF  BOSTON,  MASSACHUSETTS. 

22  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

It  is  impossible  for  you  to  enter  your  own  Faneuil  Hall,  or 
to  throw  your  eyes  on  the  variegated  mountains  and  elegant 
islands  around  you,  without  recollecting  the  principles  and 
actions  of  your  fathers,  and  feeling  what  is  due  to  their  example. 
One  of  their  first  principles  was  to  unite  in  themselves  the  cha- 
racter of  citizens  and  soldiers,  and  especially  to  preserve  the 
latter  always  subordinate  to  the  former. 

With  much  solicitude  for  your  w^elfare  and  that  of  your 
posterity,  I  take  the  freedom  to  say  that  this  country  never 
appeared  to  me  to  be  in  greater  danger  than  at  this  moment, 
from  within  or  without,  never  more  urgently  excited  to  assume 
the  functions  of  soldiers. 

The  state  of  the  world  is  such,  the  situation  of  all  the  nations 
of  Europe  with  which  we  have  relation  is  so  critical,  that  vicis- 
situdes must  be  expected,  from  whose  deleterious  influences 
nothing  but  arms  and  energy  can  protect  us.  To  arms,  then, 
my  young  friends,  —  to  arms,  especially  by  sea,  to  be  used  as 
the  laws  shall  direct,  let  us  resort.  For  safety  against  dangers, 
which  we  now  see  and  feel,  cannot  be  averted  by  truth,  reason, 
or  justice. 

Nothing  in  the  earlier  part  of  my  public  life  animated  me 
more  than  the  countenances  of  the  children  and  youth  of  the 
town  of  Boston ;  and  nothing  at  this  hour  gives  me  so  much 
pleasure  as  the  masculine  temper  and  talents  displayed  by  the 
youth  of  America  in  every  part  of  it. 

I  ought  not  to  forget  the  worst  enemy  we  have,  that  obloquy, 
which,  you  have  observed,  is  the  worst  enemy  to  virtue  and  the 
best  friend  to  vice ;  it  strives  to  destroy  all  distinction  between 


OFFICIAL.  195 

right  and  wrong ;  it  leads  to  divisions,  sedition,  civil  war,  and 
military  despotism.     I  need  say  no  more. 

John  Abams. 


TO  THE  GRAND  JURY  FOR  THE  COUNTY  OF  PLYMOUTH, 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

28  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  your  address,  which  has  been  transmitted  to 
me  according  to  your  request  by  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  State. 

Difficult  as  it  is  to  believe  that  a  nation,  struggling  or  pre- 
tending to  struggle  for  liberty  and  independence,  should  attempt 
to  invade  or  impair  those  blessings,  where  they  are  quietly  and 
fully  enjoyed  ;  yet  thus  it  is  that  the  United  States  of  America 
are  not  the  only  example  of  it. 

While  occupied  in  your  peaceful  employments,  you  have  seen 
the  fruits  of  your  industry  plundered  by  professed  friends,  your 
tranquillity  has  been  disturbed  by  incessant  appeals  to  the  pas- 
sions and  prejudices  of  the  people  by  designing  men,  and  by 
audacious  attempts  to  separate  the  people  froin  the  govern- 
ment ;  and  there  is  not  a  village  in  the  United  States,  perhaps, 
which  cannot  testify  to  similar  abuses. 

Liberty,  independence,  national  honor,  social  order,  and  pub- 
lic safety,  appear  to  you  to  be  in  danger ;  your  acknowledg- 
ments to  me,  therefore,  are  the  more  obliging  and  encouraging. 

Your  prayers  for  my  preservation,  and  your  pledge  that  in 
any  arduous  issue  to  which  the  arts  or  arms  of  successful 
violence  may  compel  us,  you  will,  as  becomes  faithful  citizens 
of  this  happy  country,  come  forward  as  one  man,  in  defence  of 
all  that  is  dear  to  us,  are  to  me  as  affecting,  as  to  the  public 
they  ought  to  be  satisfactory  sentiments  —  the  more  affecting 
to  me,  as  they  come  from  the  most  ancient  settlement  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  continent,  held  in  peculiar  veneration  by 
me  at  all  times. 

John  Adams. 


196  OFFICIAL. 

TO    THE    SOLDIER    CITIZENS    OF    NEW    JERSEY. 

31  May,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

Among  all  the  numerous  addresses  which  have  been  presented 
to  me  in  the  present  critical  situation  of  our  nation,  there  has 
been  none  which  has  done  me  more  honor,  none  animated  with 
a  more  glowing  love  of  our  country,  or  expressive  of  sentiments 
more  determined  and  magnanimous.  The  submission  you 
avow  to  the  civil  authority,  an  indispensable  principle  in  the 
character  of  warriors  in  a  free  government,  at  the  same  moment 
when  you  make  a  solemn  proffer  of  your  lives  and  fortunes  in 
the  service  of  your  country,  is  highly  honorable  to  your  disposi- 
tions as  citizens  and  soldiers,  and  proves  you  perfectly  qualified 
for  the  duties  of  both  characters. 

Officers  and  soldiers  of  New  Jersey  have  as  little  occasion 
as  they  have  disposition  to  boast.  Their  country  has  long 
boasted  of  their  ardent  zeal  in  the  cause  of  freedom,  and  their 
invincible  intrepidity  in  the  day  of  battle. 

Your  voice  of  confidence  and  satisfaction,  of  firmness  and 
determination  to  support  the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  has  a  charm  in  it  irresistible  to  the  feelings  of 
every  American  bosom ;  but  when,  in  the  presence  of  the  God 
of  armies  and  in  firm  reliance  on  his  protection,  you  solemnly 
pledge  your  lives  and  fortunes,  and  your  sacred  honor,  you 
have  recorded  words  which  ought  to  be  indelibly  imprinted  on 
the  memory  of  every  American  youth.  With  these  sentiments 
in  the  hearts  and  this  language  in  the  mouths  of  Americans  in 
general,  the  greatest  nation  may  menace  at  its  pleasure,  and  the 
degraded  and  the  deluded  characters  may  tremble,  lest  they 
should  be  condemned  to  the  severest  punishment  an  American 
can  suffer — that  of  being  conveyed  in  safety  within  the  lines 
of  an  invading  enemy. 

John   Adams. 


'official.  197 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    THE     TOWN    OF    BRAINTREE, 
MASSACHUSETTS. 

2  June,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

This  kind  address  from  the  inhabitants  of  a  division  of  the 
ancient  and  venerable  town  of  Braintree,  which  has  always 
been  my  home,  is  very  obliging  to  me. 

The  tongues  and  pens  of  slander,  instruments  with  which 
our  enemies  expect  to  subdue  our  country,  I  flatter  myself  have 
never  made  impressions  on  you,  my  ancient  townsmen,  to  whom 
I  have  been  so  familiarly  known  from  my  infancy.  A  signal 
interposition  of  Providence  has  for  once  detected  frauds  and 
calumnies,  which,  from  the  inexecution  of  the  laws  and  the 
indifference  of  the  people  were  too  long  permitted  to  prevail.^ 

I  am  happy  to  see  that  your  minds  are  deeply  impressed  with 
the  danger  of  the  present  situation  of  our  country,  and  that  your 
resolutions  to  assert  and  defend  your  rights,  are  as  judicious  and 
determined  as  I  have  always  known  them  to  be  upon  former 
occasions. 

I  wish  you  every  prosperity  and  felicity  which  you  can  wisely 
wish  for  yourselves. 

John   Adams. 


to  the  young  men  of  the  city  of  new  york. 

Gentlemen, 

I  received  this  becoming,  amiable,  and  judicious  address  from 
the  young  men  of  the  city  of  New  York  with  great  pleasure. 
The   situation  in  which   nature   has  placed   your  State,  its 

'  "  At  the  return  of  harmony  in  Congress,  the  heart  of  every  true  friend  to 
America  exults  ;  the  people,  who  in  great  numbers  before,  alarmingly  separated 
in  affection  and  confidence  from  their  own  government,  and  rendered  jealous 
of  the  first  characters  of  their  own  election,  convinced  of  the  snares  spread  for 
their  country  by  foreign  intrigue,  are  now  crowding  to  its  standard,  and  conse- 
crating their  fortunes  and  lives  for  its  defence.  So  signal  a  providence  for  the 
detection  of  fraud,  and  the  coalition  of  a  people  divided  and  consequently  sink- 
ing into  inevitable  destruction,  is  perhaps  a  novelty  in  the  annals  of  nations."  — 
Extract  from  the  Braintree  Address. 

17* 


198  OFFICIAL. 

numerous  advantages,  and  its  population  so  rapidly  increasing', 
render  it  of  great  importance  to  the  union  of  the  nation,  that 
its  youth  should  be  possessed  of  good  principles  and  faithful 
dispositions.  The  specimen  you  have  given  in  this  address 
could  not  be  more  satisfactory. 

I  assure  you,  my  young  friends,  that  the  satisfaction  with  my 
conduct,  which  has  been  expressed  by  the  rising  generation,  has 
been  one  of  the  highest  gratifications  I  ever  received,  because, 
if  I  have  not  been  deceived  in  my  own  motives,  I  can  sincerely 
say,  that  their  happiness  and  that  of  their  posterity,  more  than 
my  own  or  that  of  my  contemporaries,  has  been  the  object  of 
the  studies  and  labors  of  my  life. 

Your  attachment  to  France  was  in  common  with  Americans 
in  general.  The  enthusiasm  for  liberty,  which  contributed  to 
excite  it,  was  in  sympathy  with  great  part  of  the  people  of 
Europe.  The  causes  which  produced  that  great  event,  were  so 
extensive  through  the  European  world,  and  so  long  established, 
that  it  must  appear  a  vast  scheme  of  Providence,  progressing 
to  its  end,  incomprehensible  to  the  vievi^s,  designs,  hopes,  and 
fears  of  individuals  or  nations,  kings  or  princes,  philosophers  or 
statesmen.  It  would  be  weak  to  ascribe  the  glory  of  it,  or  im- 
pute the  blame  to  any  individual  or  any  nation ;  it  would  be 
equally  absurd  for  any  individual  or  nation  to  pretend  to  wisdom 
or  power  equal  to  the  mighty  task  of  arresting  its  progress  or 
diverting  its  course.  May  the  human  race  in  general  and  the 
French  nation  in  particular  derive  ultimately  from  it  an  amelio- 
ration of  their  condition,  in  the  extension  of  liberty,  civil  and 
religious,  in  increased  virtue,  wisdom,  and  humanity!  For 
myself,  however,  I  confess,  I  see  not  how,  nor  when,  nor  where. 
In  the  mean  time,  these  incomprehensible  speculations  ought 
not  to  influence  our  conduct  in  any  degree.  It  is  our  duty  to 
judge,  by  the  standard  of  truth,  integrity,  and  conscience,  of  what 
is  right  and  wrong,  to  contend  for  our  own  rights,  and  to  fight 
for  our  own  altars  and  firesides,  as  much  as  at  any  former 
period  of  our  lives.  In  your  own  beautiful  and  pathetic  lan- 
guage, the  same  enthusiasm  ought  now  to  unite  us  more  closely 
in  the  defence  of  our  country,  and  inspire  us  with  a  spirit  of 
resistance  against  the  efforts  of  that  republic  to  destroy  our 
independence.  If  my  enthusiasm  is  not  more  extravagant  than 
yours   has  ever  been,  our  independence  will  be  one   essential 


OFFICIAL.  199 

instrument  for  reclaiming  the  fermented  world,  and  bringing 
good  out  of  the  mass  of  evil. 

The  respect  you  acknowledge  to  your  parents,  is  one  of  the 
best  of  symptoms.  The  ties  of  father,  son,  and  brother,  the  sacred 
bands  of  marriage,  without  which  those  connections  would  be 
no  longer  dear  and  venerable,  call  on  you  and  all  your  youth  to 
beware  of  contaminating  your  country  with  the  foul  abomina- 
tions of  the  French  revolution. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    QUINCY,    MASSACHUSETTS. 

Gentlemen, 

Next  to  the  approbation  of  a  good  conscience,  there  is  nothing, 
perhaps,  which  gives  us  more  pleasure  than  the  praise  of  those 
we  love  most,  and  who  know  us  the  most  intimately. 

I  could  not  receive  your  address  —  in  which  I  read  with 
pleasure  inexpressible  the  names  of  clergy  and  laity,  officers 
and  soldiers,  magistrates  and  citizens  of  every  denomination, 
among  whom  were  the  most  aged,  whose  countenances  I  had 
respected,  my  school-fellows  and  the  companions  of  my  child- 
hood, whom  I  had  loved  from  the  cradle,  —  without  the  liveliest 
emotions  of  gratitude  and  affection. 

With  you,  my  kind  neighbors,  I  have  ever  lived  in  habits  of 
freedom,  friendship,  and  familiarity.  We  have  always  agreed 
very  well  in  principles  and  opinions,  and  well  knowing  your 
love  of  your  country  and  ardor  in  its  defence,  your  explicit 
declaration  upon  this  occasion,  though  unexpected,  is  no  sur- 
prise to  me.  Accept  of  the  best  wishes  of  a  sincere  and  faithful 
friend  for  a  continuance  of  harmony  among  you,  and  for  the 
prosperity  of  all  your  interests. 

John  Adams. 


200  OFFICIAL. 

TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    THE    TOWN    OF    CAMBRIDGE, 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

2  June,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  this  address,  subscribed  by  so  large  a  number 
of  respectable  names,  and  for  the  expression  of  your  satisfaction 
in  my  administration. 

Difficulties  were  the  inheritance  to  which  I  was  born,  and  a 
double  portion  has  been  allotted  to  me.  I  have  hitherto  found 
in  my  integrity  an  impenetrable  shield,  and  I  trust  it  will  con- 
tinue to  preserve  me. 

I  pity  the  towns,  which,  under  the  guidance  of  rash  or  design- 
ing men,  assembled  without  the  necessary  information,  and 
passed  resolutions  which  have  exposed  them  to  censure. 

I  receive  and  return  with  pleasure  your  congratulations  on 
the  present  appearances  of  national  union,  and  thank  you  for 
your  assurances  of  support. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    LEGISLATURE    OF    MASSACHUSETTS. 
15  June,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

An  afTectionate  and  respectful  address  from  your  two  honor- 
able houses  has  been  presented  to  me,  according  to  your  request, 
by  your  senators  and  representatives  in  Congress. 

The  anxiety,  the  ancient  and  constant  habit  of  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  and  their  legislature,  to  take  an  early  and  decided 
part  in  whatever  relates  to  the  safety  and  welfare  of  their  coun- 
try, as  well  as  their  ardor,  activity,  valor,  and  ability  in  its  defence 
by  sea  and  land,  are  well  known,  and  ought  to  be  acknowledged 
by  all  the  world. 

The  first  forty  years  of  my  life  were  passed  in  my  native 
Massachusetts,  in  a  course  of  education  and  professional  career, 
which  led  me  to  a  very  general  acquaintance  in  every  part  of 


OFFICIAL.  201 

that  State.  If,  with  youv  opportunities  and  pressing  motives  for 
observation  and  experience,  you  can  pronounce  my  services 
successful,  and  administration  virtuous,  and  the  people  of  fifteen 
other  States  could  concur  with  you  in  that  opinion,  my  reward 
would  be  complete,  and  my  most  ardent  wishes  gratified. 

If  the  object  of  France,  in  her  revolution,  ever  was  liberty,  it 
was  a  liberty  very  ill  defined  and  never  understood.  She  now 
aims  at  dominion  such  as  never  has  before  prevailed  in  Europe. 
If  with  the  principles,  maxims,  and  systems  of  her  present 
leaders  she  is  to  become  the  model  and  arbiter  of  nations,  the 
liberties  of  the  world  will  be  in  danger.  Nevertheless,  the 
citizens  of  Massachusetts,  who  were  first  to  defend,  will  be 
among  the  last  to  resign  the  rights  of  our  national  sovereignty. 

You  have  great  reason  to  expect  in  this  all-important  conflict 
the  ready  and  zealous  cooperation  of  the  free  and  enlightened 
people  of  America,  and  with  humble  confidence  to  rely  on  the 
God  of  our  fathers  for  protection  and  success. 

With  you  I  fully  agree,  that  a  people,  by  whom  the  blessings 
of  civil  and  religious  liberty  are  enjoyed  and  duly  appreciated, 
will  never  surrender  them  but  with  their  lives.  The  patriotism 
and  the  energies  of  your  constituents,  united  with  those  of  the 
people  of  the  other  States,  are  a  sure  pledge  that  the  charter  of 
your  civil  and  religious  liberties,  sealed  by  the  blood  of  Ameri- 
cans, will  never  be  violated  by  the  sacrilegious  hand  of  foreign 
power. 

The  solemn  pledge  of  yourselves,  to  support  every  measure 
which  the  government  of  the  United  States  at  this  momentous 
period  may  see  fit  to  adopt  to  protect  the  commerce  and  preserve 
the  independence  of  our  country,  must  afford  an  important  en- 
couragement to  the  national  government,  and  contribute  greatly 
to  the  union  of  the  people  throughout  all  the  States. 

John  Adams, 


202  OFFICIAL. 

TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    ARLINGTON    AND    SANDGATE,    VERMONT. 

25  June,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  this  address,  which  has  been  presented  to  me 
by  Mr.  Chipman,  one  of  your  senators  in  Congress. 

Sentiments  like  yours,  which  have  been  entertained  for  years, 
it  would  be  at  this  time  inexcusable  not  to  express.  If  you 
have  long  seen  foreign  influence  prevailing  and  endangering  the 
peace  and  independence  of  our  country,  so  have  I.  If  you  have 
long  seen,  with  painful  sensations,  the  exertions  of  dangerous 
and  restless  men,  misleading  the  understandings  of  our  well- 
meaning  citizens,  and  prompting  them  to  such  measures  as 
would  sink  the  glory  of  our  country  and  prostrate  her  liberties 
at  the  feet  of  France,  so  also  have  I. 

I  have  seen  in  the  conduct  of  the  French  nation,  for  the  last 
twelve  years,  a  repetition  of  their  character  displayed  under 
Louis  the  fourteenth,  and  little  more,  excepting  the  extrava- 
gances, which  have  been  intermixed  with  it,  of  the  wildest 
philosophy  which  was  ever  professed  in  this  world,  since  the 
building  of  Babel,  and  the  fables  of  the  giants,  who,  by  piling 
mountains  on  mountains,  invaded  the  skies.  If  the  spell  is 
broken,  let  human  nature  exult  and  rejoice.  The  veil  may  be 
removed  from  the  eyes  of  many,  but  I  fear,  not  of  all.  The 
snare  is  not  yet  entirely  broken,  and  we  are  not  yet  escaped. 

If  you  have  no  attachments  or  exclusive  friendship  for  any 
foreign  nation,  you  possess  the  genuine  character  of  true  Ame- 
ricans. 

The  pledge  of  yourselves  and  dearest  enjoyments,  to  support 
the  measures  of  government,  shows  that  your  ideas  are  adequate 
to  the  national  dignity,  and  that  you  are  worthy  to  enjoy  its 
independence  and  sovereignty. 

Your  prayers  for  my  life  and  usefulness  are  too  affecting  to 
me  to  be  enlarged  upon. 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  203 

TO    THE    LEGISLATURE    OF    NEW    HAMPSHIRE. 
29  June,  1798. 


Gentlemen, 

My  most  respectful  and  afFectionate  thanks  are  due  to  your 
two  honorable  houses  for  an  address,  transmitted  to  me  by  your 
excellent  governor,  and  presented  to  me  by  your  representatives 
in  Congress. 

The  American  nation  appears  to  me,  as  it  does  to  you,  on 
the  point  of  being  drawn  into  the  vortex  of  European  war. 
Your  entire  satisfaction  in  the  administration  of  the  federal 
government,  and  in  the  perseverance  which  has  marked  its 
endeavors  to  adjust  our  disputes  with  France,  is  very  precious 
to  me.  Distressing  and  alarming  as  the  political  situation  of 
this  country  is,  I  am  conscious  that  no  measures,  on  my  part, 
have  been  wanting,  that  could  have  honorably  rendered  it  other- 
wise. The  indignities  which  have  been  so  repeatedly  offered 
to  our  ambassadors,  the  greatest  of  which  is  the  last  unexampled 
insult,  in  choosing  out  one  of  the  three,  and  discarding  the  other 
two,  the  wrongs  and  injuries  to  our  commerce  by  French  depre- 
dations, the  legal  declaration,  in  effect,  of  hostilities  against  all 
our  commerce,  and  the  apparent  disposition  of  the  government 
of  France,  seem  to  render  further  negotiation  not  only  nugatory, 
but  disgraceful  and  ruinous.  You  may  tax  the  French  govern- 
ment with  ingratitude  with  much  more  justice  than  yourselves. 

The  increasing  union  among  the  people  and  their  legislatures 
is  as  encouraging  as  it  is  agreeable.  The  precept,  "divide  and 
conquer,"  was  never  exemplified  in  the  eyes  of  mankind  in  so 
striking  and  remarkable  a  manner  as  of  late  in  Europe.  Every 
old  republic  has  fallen  before  it.  If  America  has  not  spirit  and 
sense  enough  to  learn  wisdom  from  the  examples  of  so  many 
republican  catastrophes  passing  in  review  before  her  eyes,  she 
deserves  to  suffer,  and  most  certainly  will  fall.  I  am  happy  to 
assure  you  that,  as  far  as  my  information  extends,  the  opposi- 
tion to  the  federal  government  in  all  the  other  States,  as  well  as 
in  New  Hampshire,  is  too  small  to  merit  the  name  of  division. 
It  is  a  difference  of  sentiment  on  public  measures,  not  an  aliena- 
tion of  affection  to  their  country. 


204  OFFICIAL. 

The  war-worn  soldiers  and  the  brave  and  hardy  sons  of  New 
Hampshire,  second  to  none  in  skill,  enterprize,  or  courage  in 
war,  will  never  surrender  the  independence,  or  consent  to  the 
dishonor  of  their  country. 

I  return  my  warmest  wishes  for  your  health  and  happiness. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    STUDENTS    OF    DICKINSON    COLLEGE,    PENNSYLVANIA. 

Gentlemen, 

I  have  received  from  the  hand  of  one  of  your  senators  in 
Congress,  Mr.  Bingham,  your  public  and  explicit  declaration  of 
your  sentiments  and  resolutions  at  this  important  crisis,  in  an 
excellent  address. 

Although  it  ought  not  to  be  supposed  that  young  gentlemen 
of  your  standing  should  be  deeply  versed  in  political  disquisi- 
tions, because  your  time  has  been  occupied  in  the  pursuit  of 
the  elements  of  science  and  literature  in  general,  yet  the  feelings 
of  nature  are  a  sure  guide  in  circumstances  like  the  present.  I 
need  not,  however,  make  this  apology  for  you.  Few  addresses, 
if  any,  have  appeared  more  correct  in  principle,  better  arranged 
and  digested,  more  decent  and  moderate,  better  reasoned  and 
supported,  or  more  full,  explicit,  and  determined. 

Since  the  date  of  your  address,  a  fresh  instance  of  the  present 
spirit  of  a  nation,  or  its  government,  whom  you  have  been  taught 
to  call  your  friends,  has  been  made  public.  Two  of  your  envoys 
have  been  ordered  out  of  the  republic.  Why  ?  Answer  this  for 
yourselves,  my  young  friends.  A  third  has  been  permitted  or 
compelled  to  remain.  "Why  ?  To  treat  of  loans,  as  preliminary 
to  an  audience,  as  the  French  government  understands  it;  to 
wait  for  further  orders,  as  your  envoy  conceives.  Has  any 
sovereign  of  Europe  ever  dictated  to  your  country  the  person 
she  should  send  as  ambassador  ?  Did  the  monarchy  of  France, 
or  any  other  country,  ever  assume  such  a  dictatorial  power  over 
the  sovereignty  of  your  country  ?  Is  the  republic  of  the  United 
States  of  America  a  fief  of  the  repablic  of  France  ?  It  is  a 
question,  whether  even  an  equitable  treaty,  under  such  circum- 
stances of  indecency,  insolence,  and  tyranny,  ought  ever  to  be 


OFFICIAL.  205 

ratified  by  an  independent  nation.     There  is,  however,  no  pro- 
bability of  any  treaty,  to  bring  this  question  to  a  decision. 

If  there  are  any  who  still  plead  the  cause  of  France,  and 
attempt  to  paralyse  the  efforts  of  your  government,  I  agree  with 
you,  they  ought  to  be  esteemed  our  greatest  enemies.  I  hope 
that  none  of  you,  but  such  as  feel  a  natural  genius  and  disposi- 
tion to  martial  exercise  and  exertions,  will  ever  be  called  from 
the  pleasing  walks  of  science  to  repel  any  attack  upon  your 
rights,  liberties,  and  independence. 

When  you  look  up  to  me  with  confidence  as  the  patron  of 
science,  liberty,  and  religion,  you  melt  my  heart.  These  are  the 
choicest  blessings  of  humanity ;  they  have  an  inseparable  union. 
Without  their  joint  influence  no  society  can  be  great,  flourish- 
ing, or  happy. 

While  I  ardently  pray  that  the  American  republic  may  always 
rise  superior  to  her  enemies,  and  transmit  the  purest  principles 
of  liberty  to  the  latest  ages,  1  beseech  Heaven  to  bestow  its 
choicest  blessings  on  the  governors  and  students  of  your  college, 
and  all  other  seminaries  of  learning  in  America. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  students  of  new  jersey  college. 

Gentlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  your  well-judged  and  well-penned  address, 
which  has  been  presented  to  me  by  one  of  your  senators  in 
Congress,  from  New  Jersey,  Mr.  Stockton. 

To  a  high-spirited  youth,  possessed  of  that  self-respect  and 
self-esteem  which  is  inseparable  from  conscious  innocence  and 
rectitude;  whose  bodies  are  not  enervated  by  irregularities  of 
life  ;  whose  minds  are  not  weakened  by  dissipation  or  habits  of 
luxury ;  whose  natural  sentiments  are  improved  and  fortified 
by  classical  studies  ;  the  aggressions  of  a  foreign  power  must  be 
disgusting  and  odious.  On  these  facts  alone  I  could  answer 
for  the  youth  of  Nassau,  that  they  will  glory  in  defending  the 
independence  of  their  fathers. 

The  honor  of  your  country  you  cannot  estimate  too  highly. 
Reputation  is  of  as  much  importance  to  nations,  in  proportion, 
as  to  individuals.     Honor  is  a  higher  interest  than  reputation. 

VOL.  IX.  '* 


206  OFFICIAL. 

The  man  or  the  nation  without  attachment  to  reputation  or 
honor,  is  undone.  What  is  animal  life,  or  national  existence, 
without  either  ? 

The  regret  with  which  you  view  the  encroachments  of  foreign 
nations,  the  impatience  with  which  you  contemplate  their  law- 
less depredations,  are  perfectly  natural,  and  do  honor  to  your 
characters. 

If  regrets  would  avert  the  necessity  of  military  operations,  it 
would  be  well  to  indulge  them ;  but  if  the  entire  prosperity  of 
a  State  depends  upon  the  discipline  of  its  armies,  a  maxim 
much  respected  by  your  fathers,  you  may  hereafter  be  convinced 
that  the  cause  of  your  country  and  of  mankind  may  be  promoted 
by  means,  which,  from  love  to  your  country  and  a  fear  to  set  at 
defiance  the  laws  of  nature,  you  now  see  cause  to  regret. 

The  flame  of  enthusiasm  which  you  in  common  with  your 
fathers  caught  at  the  French  revolution,  could  have  been  en- 
kindled only  by  the  innocence  of  your  hearts  and  the  purity  of 
your  intentions.  Let  me,  however,  my  amiable  and  accom- 
plished young  friends,  entreat  you  to  study  the  history  of  that 
revolution,  the  history  of  France  during  the  periods  of  the  League 
and  the  Fronde,  and  the  history  of  England  from  1640  to  1660. 
In  these  studies  you  may  perhaps  find  a  solution  of  your  disap- 
pointment in  your  hopes  that  the  spirit  which  created,  would 
conduct  the  revolution.  You  may  find  that  the  good  intended 
by  fair  characters  from  the  beginning,  was  defeated  by  Borgias 
and  Catilines;  that  these  fair  characters  themselves  were  inex- 
perienced in  freedom,  and  had  very  little  reading  in  the  science 
of  government;  that  they  were  altogether  inadequate  to  the 
cause  they  embraced,  and  the  enterprise  in  which  they  embarked. 
You  may  find  that  the  moral  principles,  sanctified  and  sanctioned 
by  religion,  are  the  only  bond  of  union,  the  only  ground  of  con- 
fidence of  the  people  in  one  another,  of  the  people  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  the  government  in  the  people.  Avarice,  ambition, 
and  pleasure,  can  never  be  the  foundations  of  reformations  or 
revolutions  for  the  better.  These  passions  have  dictated  the 
aim  at  universal  domination,  trampled  on  the  rights  of  neutral- 
ity, despised  the  faith  of  solemn  compacts,  insulted  ambassadors, 
and  rejected  offers  of  friendship. 

It  is  to  me  a  flattering  idea  that  you  place  any  of  your  hopes 
of  political  security  in  me ;    mine  are  placed  in  your  fathers 


OFFICIAL.  207 

and  you,  and  my  advice  to  both  is  to  place  your  confidence, 
under  the  favor  of  Heaven,  in  yourselves. 

Your  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  government,  and  con- 
fidence in  its  authorities,  are  very  acceptable.  If  the  choice  of 
the  people  will  not  defend  their  rights,  who  will?  To  me  there 
appears  no  means  of  averting  the  storm ;  and,  in  my  opinion, 
we  must  all  be  ready  to  dedicate  ourselves  to  fatigues  and 
dangers. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    governor    AND    THE    LEGISLATURE    OF    CONNECTICUT. 

Gentlemen, 

An  address  so  affectionate  and  respectful  carries  with  it  a 
dignity  and  authority,  which  is  the  more  honorable  to  me  as  it 
comes  from  a  legislature,  which,  although  not  in  the  habit  of 
interfering  in  the  administration  of  the  general  government,  has 
exhibited  a  uniform  affection  for  the  national  Constitution,  and 
an  undeviating  respect  to  the  laws  and  constituted  author- 
ities. 

There  can  never  be  a  time  when  it  will  be  more  necessary  for 
the  nation  to  express  the  sentiments  by  which  it  is  animated, 
than  when  it  is  deeply  injured  by  lawless  aggressions,  and  in- 
sulted by  imperious  claims  of  a  foreign  power,  professing  to 
confide  in  our  disunion,  and  boasting  of  the  means  of  severing 
the  affections  of  our  citizens  from  the  government  of  their 
choice. 

Your  approbation  of  the  conduct  and  measures  of  government, 
and  assurances  of  a  firm  and  hearty  support,  are  of  great  and 
high  importance,  and  demand  my  most  respectful  and  grateful 
acknowledgments. 

With  you  I  cherish  our  independence,  revere  the  names,  the 
virtues,  and  the  sufferings  of  our  ancestors,  and  admire  the 
resolution,  that  the  inestimable  gift  of  civil  and  religious  freedom 
shall  never  be  impaired  in  our  hands,  and  that  no  sacrifice  of 
blood  or  treasure  shall  be  esteemed  too  dear  to  transmit  the 
precious  inheritance  to  posterity. 

I  return  my  most  fervent  wishes  for  your  personal  happiness, 


208  OFFICIAL. 

and  the  peace  and  the  honor  of  the  nation,  committing  all,  with 
all  their  interests,  to  the  God  of  our  fathers. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    CINCINNATI    OF    RHODE    ISLAND. 

Gentlemen, 
I  thank  you  for  your  respectful  remembrance  of  me  on  the 
birth-day  of  our  United  States.  The  clear  conviction  you 
acknowledge  of  the  firm,  patriotic,  and  enlightened  policy  pur- 
sued by  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  United  States,  after  a  review 
of  the  progress  of  his  administration,  will  encourage  his  heart 
and  strengthen  his  hands.  Our  country,  supported  by  a  great 
and  respectable  majority  of  its  inhabitants,  will  not  only  be 
protected  from  a  degrading  submission  to  national  insults,  but 
be  placed,  I  trust,  on  that  point  of  elevation,  where,  by  her 
courage  and  virtues,  she  is  entitled  to  stand.  The  best  "  diplo- 
matic skill"  is  honesty,  and  whenever  the  nation  we  complain 
of  shall  have  recourse  to  that,  she  may  depend  upon  an  oppor- 
tunity to  boast  of  the  success  of  her  address  —  till  then,  she  will 
employ  "her  finesse  in  vain.  On  the  day  you  resolved  to  live 
and  die  free,  and  declared  yourselves  ready  to  rally  round  the 
standard  of  your  country,  headed  by  that  illustrious  chief,  who, 
at  a  time  that  proved  the  patriot  and  the  hero,  led  you  to  vic- 
tory—  I  was  employed  in  the  best  of  measures  in  my  power  to 
obtain  a  gratification  of  your  wishes,  which  I  am  not  without 
hopes  may  prove  successful.  In  a  country  like  ours,  every 
sacrifice  ought  to  be  considered  as  nothing,  when  put  in  com- 
petition with  the  rights  of  a  free  and  sovereign  nation  ;  and  I 
trust  that,  by  the  blessing  of  Heaven,  and  the  valor  of  our 
citizens,  under  their  ancient  and  glorious  leader,  you  will  be 
able  to  transmit  your  fairest  inheritance  to  posterity. 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  209 

TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  BEDHAM  AND  OTHER  TOWNS  IN  THE 
COUNTY  OF  NORFOLK,  MASSACHUSETTS. 

14  July,  1798. 

Gextlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  a  friendly  address,  presented  to  me  by  your 
representative  in  Congress,  Mr.  Otis. 

No  faithful  and  intelligent  American  could  pass  the  4th  of 
July  this  year,  without  strong  sensations  and  deep  reflections, 
excited  by  the  perfidy,  insolence,  and  hostilities  of  France. 
The  ideas  of  never-ending  repose  in  America  were  as  visionary 
as  the  projects  of  universal  and  perpetual  peace,  which  some 
ingenious  and  benevolent  writers  have  amused  themselves  in 
composing. 

We  have  too  much  intercourse  with  ambitious,  enterprising, 
and  warlike  nations,  and  our  commerce  is  of  too  much  import- 
ance in  their  conflicts,  to  leave  us  a  hope  of  remaining  always 
neutral.  Although  our  government  has  exhausted  all  the  re- 
sources of  its  policy  in  endeavors  to  avoid  engaging  in  the 
present  uproar,  neither  the  faith,  justice,  or  gratitude  of  France 
would  suffer  it  to  succeed. 

I  know  very  well  that  political  misinformation  has  been  pecu- 
liarly active  in  the  scene  which  you  and  I  inhabit,  and  that  too 
many  have  believed  that  France,  though  crushed  under  the  iron 
hand  of  a  military  despotism,  enjoyed  liberty;  that  the  inor- 
dinate ambition  of  her  rulers  for  dominion  was  infused  by  a 
generous  zeal  to  set  oppressed  nations  free ;  that  these  nations 
were  emancipated  by  being  subdued,  and  though  they  lost  their 
independence,  they  were  gainers  by  some  unknown  equivalent 
gratuitously  conferred  by  their  conquerors. 

If  impostures  so  gross  have  had  too  much  success,  America 
is  of  all  the  people  of  the  world  the  most  excusable,  for  many 
particular  reasons,  for  their  credulity.  The  people  of  a  great 
portion  of  Europe  have  been  more  fatally  deceived ;  even  the 
people  of  England,  with  all  their  national  antipathies  and  under 
all  the  energies  of  their  government,  have  been  equally  misin- 
formed, and  appear  to  be  now  more  affected  with  remorse.  The 
sobriety  and  steadiness  of  the  American  character  will  not  safttvr 

18*  N 


210  OFFICIAL. 

more  discredit  than  other  nations,  and  we  have  certainly  apolo- 
gies to  make,  peculiar  to  ourselves. 

That  all  Americans  by  birth,  except  perhaps  a  very  few  aban- 
doned characters,  have  always  preserved  a  superior  affection  for 
their  own  country,  I  am  very  confident ;  that  we  have  thought 
too  well  of  France,  and  France  too  meanly  of  us,  I  have  been 
an  eye  and  ear  witness  for  twenty  years.  These  errors  on  both 
sides  must  be  corrected.  She  will  soon  learn  that  we  will  bear 
no  yoke,  that  we  will  pay  no  tribute. 

For  delaying  counsels,  the  Constitution  has  not  made  me 
responsible ;  but  while  I  am  entrusted  with  my  present  powers, 
and  bound  by  my  present  obligations,  you  shall  see  no  more 
delusive  negotiations.  The  safe  keeping  of  American  inde- 
pendence is  in  the  energy  of  its  spirit  and  resources.  In  my 
opinion,  as  well  as  yours,  there  is  no  alternative  between  war 
and  submission  to  the  executive  of  France.  If  your  fathers  had 
not  felt  sentiments  like  these,  they  would  have  been  "  hewers  of 
wood "  to  one  foreign  nation  ;  and  if  you  did  not  feel  them, 
your  posterity  would  be  "  drawers  of  water "  to  another. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  inhabitants  of  concord,  massachusetts. 

Gentlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  this  address.  Your  encomium  on  the  execu- 
tive authority  of  the  national  government,  is  in  a  degree  highly 
flattering. 

As  I  have  ever  wished  to  avoid,  as  far  as  prudence  and  neces- 
sity would  permit,  every  concealment  from  my  fellow-citizens 
of  my  real  sentiments  in  matters  of  importance,  I  will  venture 
to  ask  you  whether  it  is  consistent  with  the  peace  we  have 
made,  the  friendship  we  have  stipulated,  or  even  with  civility, 
to  express  a  marked  resentment  to  a  foreign  power  who  is  at 
war  with  another,  whose  ill  will  we  experience  every  day,  and 
who  will,  very  probably,  in  a  few  weeks  be  acknowledged  an 
enemy  in  the  sense  of  the  law  of  nations.  A  power,  too, 
which  invariably  acknowledged  us  to  be  a  nation  for  fifteen 
years ;    a  power  that   has    never    had    the    insolence  to  reject 


OFFICIAL.  211 

your  ambassadors ;  a  power  that  at  present  convoys  your  trade 
and  their  own  at  the  same  time.  Immortal  hatred,  inextinguish- 
able animosity,  is  neither  philosophy,  true  religion,  nor  good 
policy.  Our  ancient  maxim  was,  "  Enemies  in  war,  in  peace 
friends." 

If  Concord  drank  the  first  blood  of  martyred  freemen.  Con- 
cord should  be  the  first  to  forget  the  injury,  when  it  is  no  longer 
useful  to  remember  it.  Some  of  you,  as  well  as  myself,  remem- 
ber the  war  of  1755  as  well  as  that  of  1775.  War  always  has 
its  horrors,  and  civil  wars  the  worst. 

If  the  contest  you  allude  to  was  dubious,  it  was  from  extrin- 
sic causes ;  it  was  from  partial,  enthusiastic,  and  habitual  attach- 
ment to  a  foreign  country  —  not  from  any  question  of  a  party 
of  strength.  It  is  highly  useful  to  reflect  —  fifty  thousand  men 
upon  paper,  and  thirty  thousand  men  in  fact,  was  the  highest 
number  Britain  ever  had  in  arms  in  this  country  —  compute  the 
tonnage  of  ships  necessary  and  actually  employed  to  transport 
these  troops  across  the  Atlantic.  What  were  thirty  thousand 
men  to  the  United  States  of  America  in  1775  ?  What  would 
sixty  thousand  be  now  in  1798? 

Let  not  fond  attachments,  enthusiastic  devotion  to  another 
power,  paralyze  the  nerves  of  our  citizens  a  second  time,  and  all 
the  ships  in  Europe  that  can  be  spared,  oflicered,  and  manned, 
will  not  be  sufficient  to  bring  to  this  country  an  army  capable 
of  any  long  contest. 

Your  compliments  to  me  are  far  beyond  my  merits.  Your 
confidence  in  the  government,  and  determination  to  support  it, 
are  greatly  to  your  honor. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    STUDENTS    OF    HARVARD    UNIVERSITY,    IN    MASSACHUSETTS. 

Gentlemen, 

The  companions,  studies,  and  amusements  of  my  youth,  un- 
der the  auspices  of  our  alma  mater,  whom  I  shall  ever  hold  in 
the  highest  veneration  and  affection,  came  fresh  to  my  remem- 
brance on  receiving  your  address.^ 

1  Of  the  committee  which  presented  this  address,  William  EUery  Channing 
was  the  chairman. 


212  OFFICIAL. 

The  maxims  of  life  and  the  elements  of  literature,  which  have 
ever  been  inculcated  in  that  ancient  seat  of  education,  could 
produce  no  other  sentiments,  in  a  juncture  like  this,  than  such  as 
you  have  condensed  into  a  form  so  concise,  with  so  much  accu- 
racy, perspicuity,  and  beauty. 

Removed  from  the  scenes  of  intemperate  pleasures,  occupied 
with  books,  which  impress  the  purest  principles,  and  directed 
by  governors,  tutors,  and  professors,  famous  for  science  as  well 
as  eminent  in  wisdom,  the  studious  youth  of  this  country,  in  all 
our  universities,  could  not  fail  to  be  animated  with  the  intrepid 
spirit  of  their  ancestors.  Very  few  examples  of  degenerate 
characters  are  ever  seen  issuing  from  any  of  those  seminaries. 
It  is  impossible  that  young  gentlemen  of  your  habits  can  look 
forward  with  pleasure  to  a  long  career  of  life,  in  a  degraded 
country,  in  society  with  disgraced  associates.  Your  first  care 
should  be  to  preserve  the  stage  from  reproach,  and  your  com- 
panions in  the  drama  from  dishonor. 

But  if  it  were  possible  to  suppose  you  indifferent  to  shame, 
what  security  can  you  have  for  the  property  you  may  acquire, 
or  for  the  life  of  vegetation  you  must  lead  ?  What  is  to  be  the 
situation  of  the  future  divine,  lawyer,  or  physician?  the  mer- 
chant or  navigator?  the  cultivator  or  proprietor? 

Your  youthful  blood  has  boiled,  and  it  ought  to  boil.  You 
need  not,  however,  be  discouraged.  If  your  cause  should  re- 
quire defence  in  arms,  your  country  will  have  armies  and  navies 
in  which  you  may  secure  your  own  honor,  and  advance  the 
power,  prosperity,  and  glory  of  your  contemporaries  and  poste- 
rity. 

John  Adams. 


TO  THE  freemasons  OF  THE  STATE  OF  MARYLAND. 

Gentlemex, 

I  thank  you  for  this  generous  and  noble  address. 

The  zeal  you  display  to  vindicate  your  society  from  the  im- 
putations and  suspicions  of  being  "inimical  to  regular  govern- 
ment and  divine  religion,"  is  greatly  to  your  honor.  It  has  been 
an  opinion  of  many  considerate  men,  as  long  as  I  can  remember, 
that  your  society  might,  in   some   time  or  other,  be   made  an 


OFFICIAL.  213 

instrument  of  danger  and  disorder  to  the  world.  Its  ancient 
existence  and  universal  prevalence  are  good  proofs  that  it  has 
not  heretofore  been  applied  to  mischievous  purposes  ;  and  in 
this  country  I  presume  that  no  one  has  attempted  to  employ  it 
for  purposes  foreign  from  its  original  institution.  But  in  an 
age  and  in  countries  where  morality  is,  by  such  numbers,  con- 
sidered as  mere  convenience,  and  religion  a  lie,  you  are  better 
judges  than  I  am,  whether  ill  uses  have  been  or  may  be  made 
of  Masonry. 

Your  appeal  to  my  own  breast,  and  your  declaration  that  I 
shall  there  find  your  sentiments,  I  consider  as  a  high  compli- 
ment; and  feel  a  pride  in  perceiving  and  declaring  that  the 
opinions,  principles,  and  feelings  expressed  are  conformable  to 
my  own.  With  you  I  fear  that  no  hope  remains  but  in  prepa- 
ration for  the  worst  that  may  ensue. 

Persevere,  gentlemen,  in  revering  the  Constitution  which 
secures  your  liberties,  in  loving  your  country,  in  practising 
the  social  as  well  as  the  moral  duties,  in  presenting  your  lives, 
with  those  of  your  fellow-citizens,  a  barrier  to  defend  your  in- 
dependence, and  may  the  architect  all-powerful  surround  you 
with  walls  impregnable,  and  receive  you,  finally  (your  country 
happy,  prosperous,  and  glorious),  to  mansions  eternal  in  the 
Heavens ! 

With  heart-felt  satisfaction,  I  reciprocate  your  most  sincere 
congratulations  on  an  occasion  the  most  interesting  to  Ameri- 
cans. No  light  or  trivial  cause  would  have  given  you  the  oppor- 
tunity of  beholding  your  Washington  again  relinquishing  the 
tranquil  scenes  in  delicious  shades.  To  complete  the  character 
of  French  philosophy  and  French  policy,  at  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  it  seemed  to  be  necessary  to  combat  this 
patriot  and  hero. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    AVASHINGTON    COUNTY,    MARYLAND. 

Gentlemen, 
Your  address  has  been  presented  to  me  by  your  representa- 
tive in  Congress,  IVIr.  Baer. 

When  you  say  that  the  government  of  France  is  congenial 


214  OFFICIAL. 

to  your  own,  I  pray  you,  gentlemen,  to  reconsider  the  subject. 
The  Constitution,  the  administration,  the  laws,  and  their  inter- 
pretation in  France,  are  as  essentially  different  from  ours  as 
the  ancient  monarchy.  If  we  may  believe  travellers  returned 
from  that  country,  or  their  own  committees,  the  pomp  and  mag- 
nificence, the  profusion  of  expense,  the  proud  usurpation,  the 
domineering  inequality  at  present  in  that  country,  as  well  as 
the  prostitution  of  morals  and  depravation  of  maimers,  exceed 
ail  that  ever  was  seen  under  the  old  monarchy,  and  form  the 
most  perfect  contrast  to  your  own  in  all  those  respects,  I  shall 
meet  with  sincerity  any  honorable  overtures  of  that  nation,  but 
I  shall  make  no  more  overtures. 

John   Abams. 


to  the  inhabitants  of  the  county  of  middlesex, 

virginia. 

Gentlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  this  address,  presented  to  me  by  your  repre- 
sentative in  Congress,  Mr.  New. 

The  principle  of  neutrality  has  indeed  been  maintained  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  with  inviolable  faith,  notwith- 
standing every  embarrassment  and  provocation,  both  of  injury 
and  insult,  until  we  have  been  forced  out  of  it  by  an  actual 
war  made  upon  us,  though  not  manfully  declared. 

For  reasons  that  are  obvious  to  all  the  world,  you  may  easily 
imagine,  that  every  manifestation  of  candor  towards  me  from 
any  part  of  Virginia  must  be  peculiarly  agreeable.  The  hand- 
some expressions  of  your  approbation  deserve  my  thanks. 
Every  thing  has  been  done  short  of  a  resignation  of  our  inde- 
pendence. A  resignation  of  our  independence  I  I  blush  to 
write  the  words ;  there  would  be  as  much  sense  in  speaking  of 
a  resignation  of  the  independence  of  France,  or  Germany,  or 
Russia.  We  are  a  nation  as  inuch  established  as  any  of  them, 
and  as  able  to  maintain  our  sovereignty,  absolute  and  unlimited 
by  sea  and  land,  as  any  of  them. 

It  is  too  much  to  expect  that  all  party  divisions  will  be  done 
away  a*s  long  as  there  are  rival  States  and  rival  individuals ;  all 


OFFICIAL.  215 

we  can  reasonably  hope  is,  and  this  we  may  confidently  expect, 
that  no  State  or  individual,  to  gratify  its  ambition,  will  enlist 
under  foreign  banners. 

John  Adams. 


to    the    committee    composed    of    a    deputation    from   each 

militia  company  of  the  forty-eighth  regiment,  in  the 

county  of  botetourt,  virginia. 

Gentlemen, 

A  copy  of  your  unanimous  resolutions  together  with  an  ad- 
dress, signed  by  your  chairman,  has  been  presented  to  me  by 
one  of  your  representatives  in  Congress,  Mr.  Evans. 

The  confidence  of  the  people  of  Virginia,  or  any  such  respect- 
able portion  of  them,  is  peculiarly  agreeable  to  me,  as  it  evinces 
a  tendency  to  a  restoration  of  that  harmony  and  union,  which  1 
well  remember  to  have  once  existed,  and  which  was  so  auspi- 
cious to  the  American  cause,  but  which  has  been  apparently 
interrupted  since  the  commencement  of  the  federal  government. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  that  I  should  ever  read  a  sentence  more 
delightful  to  my  heart  than  those  words,  "  We  admire  the  con- 
sistency of  your  character,  and  are  pleased  to  see  the  same 
firmness,  integrity,  and  patriotism,  at  the  present  day,  so  emi- 
nently displayed  in  the  great  crisis  of  the  American  revolution." 

John   Adams. 


TO     the     inhabitants     OF     THE     TOWN     OF     CINCINNATI     AND     ITS 

vicinity,  in  the  north-western  territory. 
11  August,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  have  received  and  read  with  much  pleasure  your  unanimous 
address  of  the  29th  of  June.  I  agree  with  you  that,  in  the  ordi- 
nary course  of  affairs,  interpositions  of  popular  meetings,  to 
overawe  those  to  whom  the  management  of  public  affairs  are 
confided,  will  seldom  be  warranted  by  discretion,  or  found  com- 


216  OFFICIAL. 

patible  with  the  good  order  of  society  ;  but,  at  a  period  like  this, 
there  is  no  method  more  infallible  to  determine  the  question, 
whether  the  people  are  or  are  not  united.  Upon  no  occasion 
in  the  history  of  America  has  this  mode  of  discovering  and  ascer- 
taining the  public  opinion  been  so  universally  resorted  to.  And 
it  may  be  asserted  with  confidence,  that  at  no  period  of  the 
existence  of  the  United  States  have  evidences  of  the  unanimity 
of  the  people  been  given,  so  decided  as  on  the  present  question 
with  France. 

The  people  of  this  country,  the  most  remote  from  the  seat  of 
government  and  centre  of  information,  as  well  as  those  in  its 
neighborhood,  have  at  length  discovered  that  they  are  Ameri- 
cans, and  feelingly  alive  to  the  injuries  committed  against  their 
country,  and  to  the  indignities  offered  to  their  government. 
Upon  ourselves  only  we  ought  to  depend  for  safety  and  defence. 
This  maxim,  however,  by  no  means  forbids  us  to  avail  ourselves 
of  the  advantages  of  prudent  and  well  guarded  concert  with 
others  exposed  to  common  dangers.  Animated  with  sentiments 
like  yours,  our  country  is  able  to  defend  itself  against  any  ene- 
mies that  may  rise  up  against  it. 

Nothing  can  be  more  flattering  to  me  than  your  assurances 
of  confidence  in  this  perilous  hour ;  and  nothing  could  mortify 
me  so  much  as  that  you  should  ever  have  reason  to  believe  that 
your  confidence  has  been  misplaced.  In  return  for  your  prayers 
for  my  personal  happiness,  I  sincerely  offer  mine  for  the  pros- 
perity of  the  north-western  territory,  in  common  with  all  the 
United  States. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  inhabitants  of  harrison  county,  virginia. 

13  August,  1798. 


'  ^ 


Gentlemen, 

I  have  received  with  great  pleasure  your  address  from  your 
committee.  The  attachment  you  profess  to  our  government, 
calculated  as  it  is  to  insure  liberty  and  happiness  to  its  citizens, 
is  commendable.  Your  declaration,  in  plain  and  undisguised 
language,  that  the  measures  which  have  been  taken  to  promote 


OFFICIAL.  217 

a  good  understanding,  peace,  and  harmony  between  this  coun- 
try and  France,  are  becoming  my  character  and  deserving  your 
confidence,  is  a  great  encouragement  to  me.  With  you  I  see 
with  infinite  satisfaction,  that  the  alarming  prospect  of  a  war, 
Avhich  is  seen  to  be  just  and  necessary,  has  silenced  all  essen- 
tial differences  of  opinions,  and  that  a  union  of  sentiment 
appears  to  prevail  very  generally  throughout  our  land.  I  be- 
lieve, however,  that  the  distinction  of  aristocrat  and  democrat, 
however  odious  and  pernicious  it  may  be  rendered  by  political 
artifice  at  particular  conjunctures,  will  never  be  done  away,  as 
longr  as  some  men  are  taller  and  others  shorter,  some  Mdser  and 
others  sillier,  some  more  virtuous  and  others  more  vicious,  some 
richer  and  others  poorer.  The  distinction  is  grounded  on  unal- 
terable nature,  and  human  wisdom  can  do  no  more  than  recon- 
cile the  parties  by  eqiiTt'able  establishments  and  equal  laws, 
securing,  as  far  as  possible,  to  every  one  his  own.  The  distinc-  j 
tion  was  intended  by  nature  for  the  order  of  society,  and  the  • 
benefit  of  mankind.  The  parties  ought  to  be  like  the  sexes, ; 
mvitually  beneficial  to  each  other.  And  woe  will  be  to  that 
country,  which  supinely  suffers  malicious  demagogues  to  excite 
jealousies,  foment  prejudices,  and  stimulate  animosities  between 
them  ! 

I  adore  with  you  the  genius  and  principles  of  that  religion, 
which  teaches,  as  much  as  possible,  to  live  peaceably  with  all 
men ;  yet,  it  is  impossible  to  be  at  peace  with  injustice  and 
cruelty,  with  fraud  and  violence,  with  despotism,  anarchy,  and 
impiety.  A  purchased  peace  could  continue  no  longer  than  you 
continue  to  pay ;  and  the  field  of  battle  at  once,  is  infinitely 
preferable  to  a  course  of  perpetual  and  unlimited  contribution. 

Deeply  affected  with  your  prayers  for  the  continuance  of  my 
life,  I  can  only  say,  that  my  age  and  infirmities  scarcely  allow 
me  a  hope  of  being  the  happy  instrument  of  conducting  you 
through  the  impending  storm. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  young  men  of  richmond,  virginia. 

Gentlemen, 
An  address  so  respectful  to  me,  so  faithful  to  the  nation,  and 

VOL.  IX.  1^ 


218  OFFICIAL. 

true  to  its  government,  from  so  honorable  a  portion  of  the  young 
men  of  Richmond,  cannot  fail  to  be  very  acceptable  to  me. 

You  will  not  take  offence,  I  hope,  at  my  freedom,  however, 
if  I  say,  that  if  you  had  been  taught  to  cherish  in  your  hearts 
an  esteem  and  friendship  for  France,  it  would  have  been  enough ; 
more  than  these,  toward  any  foreign  power,  had  better  be  re- 
served. 

It  might  have  been  as  well  for  us  in  America,  whose  distance 
is  so  great,  and  whose  knowledge  of  France  and  her  govern- 
ment was  so  imperfect,  to  have  suspended  our  veneration  for 
the  mighty  effort  which  overturned  royalty,  until  we  should 
have  seen  all  degrading  despotism  at  an  end  in  the  country, 
and  something  more  consistent  with  virtue,  equality,  liberty, 
and  humanity,  substituted  in  its  place.  Hitherto  the  progress 
has  been  from  bad  to  w^orse. 

The  conduct  of  the  French  government  towards  us  is  of  a 
piece  with  their  behaviour  to  their  own  citizens  and  a  great 
part  of  Europe.  Your  sensibility  to  their  insults  and  injuries 
to  your  country,  is  very  becoming,  and  your  resolution  to  resist 
them  do  you  honor. 

A  fresh  insult  is  now  offered  to  all  America,  and  especially 
to  her  government,  in  the  arbitrary  dismission  of  two  of  their 
envoys,  with  scornful  intimations  of  capricious  prejudices  against 
them.     But  I  am  weary  of  enumerating  insults  and  injuries. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS     OF     ACCOMAC     COUNTY,    VIRGINIA. 

Gentlemex, 

I  pray  you  to  accept  ray  thanks  for  your  unanimous  address, 
replete  with  sentiments  truly  American. 

Your  conviction,  that  your  government  has  manifested  a  most 
earnest  and  sincere  desire  to  preserve  peace  with  all  nations, 
particularly  with  the  French  republic  ;  your  declaration  that, 
upon  a  candid  review  of  the  conduct  of  your  government,  you 
can  discover  nothing  which  ought  to  have  given  umbrage  to 
that  republic,  or  which  can  in  any  wise  justify  her  numerous 
aggressions   on  the   persons  and   properties  of  our  citizens,  in 


OFFICIAL.  219 

direct  violation  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  in  contravention  of 
her  existing  treaties  with  us  —  ought  to  give  entire  satisfaction 
to  the  government. 

Your  concern  and  regret,  that  those  efforts  to  maintain  har- 
mony have  proved  abortive,  are  natural  and  common  to  you 
and  me  and  all  our  fellow-citizens,  but  can  be  of  no  use  ;  instead 
of  dwelling  on  our  regrets,  we  must  explore  our  resources.  Al- 
though we  may  view  war  as  particularly  injurious  to  the  interests 
of  our  country.  Providence  may  intend  it  for  our  good,  and  we 
must  submit.  That  it  is  a  less  evil  than  national  dishonor,  no 
man  of  sense  and  spirit  will  deny. 

I  have  no  hope  that  the  French  republic  will  soon  return  to  a 
sense  of  justice. 

Your  promise  to  cooperate  in  whatever  measures  government 
may  deem  conducive  to  the  interests,  and  consistent  with  the 
honor  of  the  nation,  and  your  pledge  of  your  lives  and  fortunes, 
and  all  you  hold  dear,  upon  the  success  of  the  issue,  are  in  the 
true  spirit  of  men,  of  freemen,  of  Americans,  and  genuine  re- 
publicans. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  senate  and  assembly  of  the    state    of    new  york. 

31  August,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  have  received  your  unanimous  address.  If  an  address  of 
so  much  dignity  and  authority  could  have  received  any  addition 
from  the  channel  of  conveyance,  you  have  chosen  that  which  is 
nearest  to  my  heart,  in  his  Excellency  John  Jay,  Esquire,  the 
governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  of  whose  purity,  patriotism, 
fortitude,  independence,  and  profound  wisdom,  I  have  been  a 
witness  for  a  long  course  of  years.  The  position  in  the  Union 
of  the  great  and  growing  State  of  New  York,  its  incalculable 
advantages  in  agriculture  as  well  as  commerce,  render  this 
unanimous  act  of  the  two  houses  of  its  legislature  one  of  the 
most  important  events  of  the  present  year. 

With  the  most  sincere  respect  and  cordial  satisfaction,  gentle- 
men, I  congratulate  you  on  the  decided  appearance  in  America 


220  OFFICIAL. 

of  a  solid,  national  character.  From  the  Mississippi  to  the  St. 
Croix,  unquestionable  proofs  have  been  given  of  national  feel- 
ings, national  principles,  and  a  national  system.  This  is  all 
that  was  wanting  to  establish  the  power  of  the  American  people, 
and  insure  the  respect  and  justice  of  other  nations. 

For  all  that  is  personal  to  myself,  I  pray  you  to  accept  my 
best  thanks.  I  never  have  had,  and  I  never  shall  have,  any 
claims  on  the  gratitude  of  my  country.  If  I  have  done  my  duty 
to  them,  and  they  are  convinced  of  it,  this  is  all  I  have  desired 
or  shall  desire. 

The  strong  claims  which  your  State  holds  in  the  national 
defence  and  protection,  will  have  every  attention  that  depends 
on  me. 

I  thank  you  for  the  expression  of  the  satisfaction  you  derive 
from  the  fresh  instance  of  great  and  disinterested  patriotism, 
which  my  illustrious  predecessor  has  manifested.  May  he  long 
continue  to  be,  as  he  ever  has  been,  the  insti'ument  of  great 
good,  and  the  example  of  great  virtue  to  his  fellow-citizens ! 
The  last  act  of  his  political  life,  in  accepting  his  appointment, 
will  be  recorded  in  history  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant  examples 
of  public  virtue  that  ever  was  exhibited  among  mankind. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    boston    MARINE    SOCIETY,    MASSACHUSETTS. 

7  September,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  thank  you  for  this  respectful  address.  The  existence  of  the 
independence  of  any  nation  cannot  be  more  grossly  attacked, 
the  sovereign  rights  of  a  country  cannot  be  more  offensively 
violated,  than  by  a  refusal  to  receive  ambassadors  sent  as  minis- 
ters of  explanation  and  concord;  especially  if  such  refusal  is 
accompanied  with  public  and  notorious  circumstances  of  deli- 
berate indignity,  insult,  and  contempt.  Indiscriminate  despolia- 
tions on  our  commerce,  grounded  on  the  contemptuous  opinion 
that  we  are  a  divided,  defenceless,  and  mercenary  people,  are 
not  so  egregious  and  aggravated  a  provocation  offered  to  the 


OFFICIAL.  221 

face  of  a  whole  nation  as  the  former.  1  rejoice  that  you  indig- 
nantly feel  that  you  dare  to  resent;  and  that  you  hope  to  vindi- 
cate the  injured  and  insulted  character  of  our  common  country. 
When  friendship  becomes  insult,  or  is  permitted  only  on  terms 
dictated  and  imposed,  it  becomes  an  intolerable  yoke,  and  it  is 
time  to  shake  it  off.  Better  at  once  to  become  generous  ene- 
mies, than  maintain  a  delusive  and  precarious  connection  with 
such  insidious  friends. 

Whatever  pretexts  the  French  people,  or  a  French  prince 
of  the  blood  with  his  train,  or  a  combination  of  families  of 
the  first  quality  with  officers  of  the  army,  had,  for  their  efforts 
for  the  annihilation  of  the  monarchy,  we  certainly,  far  from 
being  under  any  obligation,  had  no  right  or  excuse  to  interfere 
for  their  assistance.  If,  by  the  collateral  props  of  the  monar- 
chy, you  mean  the  nobility  and  the  clergy,  what  has  followed 
the  annihilation  of  them?  AH  their  revenues  have  been  seized 
and  appropriated  by  another  prop  of  the  old  monarchy,  the 
army;  and  the  nation  is  become,  as  all  other  nations  of  Eu- 
rope are  becoming,  if  French  principles  and  systems  prevail, 
a  congregation  of  soldiers  and  serfs.  The  French  revolution 
has  ever  been  incomprehensible  to  me.  The  substance  of  all 
that  I  can  understand  of  it  is,  that  one  of  the  pillars  of  the  an- 
cient monarchy,  that  is  the  army,  has  fallen  upon  the  other  two, 
the  nobility  and  the  clergy,  and  broken  them  both  down.  The 
building  has  fallen,  of  course,  and  this  pillar  is  now  the  whole 
edifice.  The  military  serpent  has  swallowed  that  of  Aaron,  and 
all  the  rest.  If  the  example  should  be  followed  through  Europe, 
when  the  officers  of  the  armies  begin  to  quarrel  with  one  an- 
other, five  hundred  years  more  of  Barons'  wars  may  succeed. 
If  the  French,  therefore,  will  become  the  enemies  of  all  mankind, 
by  forcing  all  nations  to  follow  their  example,  in  the  subver- 
sion of  all  the  political,  religious,  and  social  institutions,  which 
time,  experience,  and  freedom  have  sanctioned,  they  ought  to 
be  opposed  by  every  country  that  has  any  pretensions  to  prin- 
ciple, spirit,  or  patriotism. 

Floating  batteries  and  wooden  walls  have  been  my  favorite 
system  of  warfare  and  defence  for  this  country  for  three  and 
twenty  years.  I  have  had  very  little  success  in  making  prose- 
lytes. At  the  present  moment,  however,  Americans  in  general, 
cultivators  as  well  -as  merchants  and  mariners,  begin  to  look  to 

19* 


222  OFFICIAL. 

that  source  of  security  and  protection ;  and  your  assistance  will 
have  great  influence  and  effect  in  extending  the  opinion  in 
theory,  and  in  introducing  and  establishing  the  practice. 

Your  kind  wishes  for  my  life  and  health  demand  my  most 
respectful  and  affectionate  gratitude,  and  the  return  of  my  sin- 
cere prayers  for  the  health  and  happiness  of  the  Marine  Society 
at  Boston,  as  well  as  for  the  security  and  prosperity  of  the 
military  and  commercial  marine  of  the  United  States,  in  which 
yours  is  included. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  cincinnati   of  south  carolina. 
15  September,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

With  great  respect  and  esteem  I  receive  your  unanimous 
address,  agreed  on  at  a  meeting  expressly  called  for  that  pur- 
pose on  the  22d  of  August.  That  men  who  cheerfully  arranged 
themselves  in  the  front  rank  to  oppose  the  most  formidable 
attack  that  was  ever  made  on  their  country ;  that  men  who  have 
experienced  the  delightful  reflection  of  having  contributed  to 
the  establishment  of  the  liberties  and  independence  of  their 
country,  and  have  enjoyed  the  sweetest  of  rewards  in  the  grate- 
ful affection  of  their  fellow-citizens;  that  such  men  should  even 
be  lukewarm  when  the  object  of  their  fondest  attachment  is  in 
jeopardy,  is  incredible.  I  rejoice  in  your  approbation  of  the 
conduct  adopted  and  pursued  with  France.  Conciliation  has 
been  pursued  with  more  patience  and  perseverance  than  can  be 
perfectly  reconciled  with  our  national  reputation.  At  least,  if 
we  can  reconcile  it  with  our  national  character  and  independ- 
ence, it  must  be  by  peculiar  circumstances  that  we  can  excuse 
it  in  the  opinion  of  an  impartial  world  —  if  indeed,  at  this  day, 
there  is  an  impartial  world.  Posterity,  who  may  be  impartial 
enough  to  pass  an  equitable  judgment,  will  allow  that  the  form 
of  our  government,  our  late  connections  and  relations,  and  the 
present  state  of  all  nations,  furnish  an  apology  well  grounded 
on  equity  and  humanity. 

The  French,  and  too  manv  Americans  have   miscalculated. 


OFFICIAL.  223 

They  have  betrayed  to  the  whole  world  their  ignorance  of  the 
American  character.  As  to  the  French,  I  know  of  no  govern- 
ment ancient  or  modern  that  ever  betrayed  so  universal  and 
decided  a  contempt  of  the  people  of  all  nations,  as  the  present 
rulers  of  France,  They  have  manifested  a  settled  opinion  that 
the  people  have  neither  sense  nor  integrity  in  any  country,  and 
they  have  acted  accordingly. 

When  you  weighed  tribute  and  dependence  against  war,  you 
might  have  added  immorality  and  irreligion  to  the  former  scale. 
What  shall  we  think  of  those  who  can  weigh  tribute,  depend- 
ence, immorality,  irreligion,  against  pounds,  livres,  or  florins? 
When  the  Cincinnati  of  South  Carolina  pledge  their  lives,  their 
fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor,  I  believe  no  man  will  doubt 
their  integrity. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  grand  jury  of  the  county  of  dutchess,  new  york. 

22  September,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  have  received  and  read  with  great  pleasure  your  address  of 
the  1st  of  September,  which,  in  this  kind  of  vva-iting,  with  a  few 
explanations,  may  be  considered  as  a  model  of  sense  and  spirit, 
as  well  as  of  taste  and  eloquence. 

Is  there  any  mode  imaginable  in  which  contempt  of  the  un- 
derstanding and  feelings  of  a  nation  can  be  expressed  with  so 
much  aggravation,  as  by  affecting  to  treat  the  government  of 
their  choice  as  an  usurpation? 

If  in  some  instances  marks  of  disaffection  have  appeared  in 
your  State,  it  is  indeed  exceedingly  to  be  regretted.  If  this  has 
been  owing  to  the  influx  of  foreigners,  of  discontented  charac- 
ters, it  ought  to  be  a  warning.  If  we  glory  in  making  our 
country  an  asylum  for  virtue  in  distress  and  for  innocent  indus- 
try, it  behoves  us  to  beware,  that  under  this  pretext  it  is  not 
made  a  receptacle  of  malevolence  and  turbulence,  for  the  out- 
casts of  the  universe. 

The  conduct  of  France  must  not  disgrace  the  cause  of  free 
governments.     With  the  tears  and  the  blood  of  millions,  she 


224  OFFICIAL. 

has  demonstrated  that  a  free  government  must  be  organized 
and  adjusted  with  a  strict  attention  to  the  nature  of  man,  and 
the  interests  and  passions  of  the  various  classes  of  which  society 
is  composed ;  but  she  has  not  made  any  rational  apology  for 
the  advocates  of  despotic  government.  Society  cannot  exist 
without  laws,  and  those  laws  must  be  executed.  In  nations 
that  are  populous,  opulent,  and  powerful,  the  concurrent  inte- 
rests of  great  bodies  of  men  operate  very  forcibly  on  their 
passions,  break  down  the  barriers  of  modesty,  decency,  and 
morality,  and  can  be  restrained  only  by  force ;  but  there  are 
methods  of  combining  the  public  force  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
restrain  the  most  formidable  combinations  of  interests,  passions, 
imagination,  and  prejudice,  without  recourse  to  despotic  govern- 
ment. To  these  methods  it  is  to  be  hoped  the  nations  of  Europe 
will  have  recourse,  rather  than  to  surrender  all  to  military  dic- 
tators or  hereditary  despots. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    GRAND    JURY    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF    ULSTER,    NEW    YORK. 

26  September,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 
I  have  received  with  great  pleasure  your  address  of  the  14th 
of  this  month,  and  I  know  not  whether  any  that  has  been  pub- 
lished contains  more  important  matter  or  juster  sentiments.  It 
must  be  great  perverseness  and  depravity  in  any,  who  can 
represent  the  late  acts  of  government,  and  the  necessary  mea- 
sin-es  of  self-defence  taken  by  Congress,  as  a  coalition  with 
Great  Britain.  It  may  be  useful,  however,  to  analyze  our 
ideas  upon  this  subject.  If  by  a  coalition  with  Great  Britain 
be  meant  a  return  as  colonies  under  the  government  of  that 
country,  I  declare  I  know  of  no  individual  in  America  who 
would  consent  to  it,  nor  do  I  believe  that  Great  Britain  would 
receive  us  in  that  character.  Sure  I  am  it  would  be  in  her  the 
blindest  policy  she  ever  conceived,  for  she  has  already  the  most 
incontestable  proof  that  she  cannot  govern  us.  If  by  a  coalition 
be  meant  a  perpetual  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  can  it  be 


OFFICIAL.  225 

supposed  that  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States 
would  advise  or  consent  to  it  without  necessity  ?  Besides,  is 
any  one  certain  that  Britain  would  agree  to  it,  if  we  should 
propose  it?  I  believe  Americans  in  general  have  already  seen 
enough  of  perpetual  alliances.  Nevertheless,  if  France  has 
made  or  shall  make  herself  our  enemy,  and  has  forced  or  shall 
force  upon  us  a  war  in  our  own  defence,  can  we  avoid  being 
useful  to  Britain  while  we  are  defending  ourselves  ?  Can  Bri- 
tain avoid  being  useful  to  us  while  defending  herself  or  annoying 
her  enemy  ?  Would  it  not  be  a  want  of  wisdom  in  both  to  avoid 
any  opportunity  of  aiding  each  other? 

Your  civilities  to  me  are  very  obliging,  and  deserve  my  best 
thanks. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  newbern,  north 

carolina. 

Gentlemen, 

An  address  so  cordial  and  respectful  as  this  from  the  citizens 
of  Newbern,  and  your  warm  approbation  of  my  conduct  since 
I  have  filled  the  office  of  chief  magistrate  of  the  United  States, 
I  ought  to  hold  in  the  highest  estimation. 

I  was  indeed  called  to  it  at  a  crisis  fraught  with  difficulty 
and  danger,  when  neither  skill  in  the  management  of  affairs, 
more  improved  than  any  I  could  pretend  to,  nor  the  purest 
integrity  of  intention,  could  secure  an  entire  exemption  from 
involuntary  error,  much  less  from  censure. 

There  have  been  for  many  years  strong  indications  that  no- 
thing would  satisfy  the  rulers  of  the  French,  but  our  taking  with 
them  an  active  part  in  the  war  against  all  their  enemies,  and 
exhausting  the  last  resources  of  our  property  to  support  them, 
not  only  in  the  pursuit  of  their  chimerical  ideas  of  liberty,  but 
of  universal  empire.  This  we  were  not  only  under  no  obliga- 
tion to  do,  but  had  reason  to  believe  would  have  ruined  the 
laws,  constitution,  and  the  morals  of  our  country,  as  well  as 
our  credit  and  property. 

An  ardent  enthusiasm,  indeed,  deluded  for  a  long  time  too 
many  of  our  worthy  citizens. 

o 


226  OFFICIAL. 

The  honor  of  your  testimony  to  the  integrity  of  my  endeavors 
in  so  difficult  a  conjuncture,  is  very  precious  to  my  heart. 

As  the  hostile  views  and  nefarious  designs  of  the  French 
republic  are  now  too  notorious  to  be  denied  or  extenuated,  I 
believe  with  you,  that  the  love  of  our  common  country  will 
produce  a  cordial  unanimity  of  sentiment. 

This  patriotic  and  spirited  address  is  a  clear  indication  of 
such  desirable  union,  and  will  have  a  powerful  tendency  to  en- 
courage, strengthen,  and  promote  it. 

John  Adams. 


TO     THE     OFFICERS     AND     SOLDIERS     OF     THE     SIXTH     BRIGADE      OF 
THE    THIRD    DIVISION    OF    NORTH    CAROLINA    MILITIA. 

26  September,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 
An  address  from  seven  thousand  two  hundred  and  ninety- 
four  men,  a  number  sufficient  to  compose  a  respectable  army, 
giving  assurance  of  their  approbation  of  public  measures,  and 
their  determination  as  men  and  soldiers  to  support  them  with 
their  lives,  must  be  a  pleasing  appearance  to  every  lover  of  his 
country.  There  is  no  part  of  the  union  from  which  such  senti- 
ments could  be  received  with  more  cordial  satisfaction  than 
from  the  virtuous  cultivators  and  independent  planters  of  the 
populous  and  powerful  State  of  North  Carolina.  It  is  happy 
for  us,  and  it  will  be  fortunate  for  the  cause  of  free  government, 
that  America  can  still  unite  in  the  most  heartfelt  satisfaction, 
at  seeing  the  military  reins  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  present 
Commander-in-chief.  Your  prayers  for  my  life,  health,  and 
prosperity  demand  my  best  thanks,  and  a  return  of  mine  for 
yours  with  the  same  sincerity  of  heart. 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  227 

to  the  grand  jurors  of  the  county  of  hampshire, 

massachusetts. 

3  October,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  have  received  with  much  pleasure  your  address  of  the  28th 
of  September  from  Northampton. 

The  manifestations  of  your  respect,  approbation,  and  confi- 
dence are  very  flattering  to  me,  and  your  determination  to 
support  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  your  country  is  honorable 
to  yourselves.  If  a  new  order  of  things  has  commenced,  it 
behoves  us  to  be  cautious,  that  it  may  not  be  for  the  worse. 
If  the  abuse  of  Christianity  can  be  annihilated  or  diminished, 
and  a  more  equitable  enjoyment  of  the  right  of  conscience  in- 
troduced, it  will  be  well ;  but  this  will  not  be  accomplished  by 
the  abolition  of  Christianity  and  the  introduction  of  Grecian 
mythology,  or  the  worship  of  modern  heroes  or  heroines,  by 
erecting  statues  of  idolatry  to  reason  or  virtue,  to  beauty  or  to 
taste.  It  is  a  serious  problem  to  resolve,  whether  aU  the  abuses 
of  Christianity,  even  in  the  darkest  ages,  when  the  Pope  deposed 
princes  and  laid  nations  under  his  interdict,  were  ever  so  bloody 
and  cruel,  ever  bore  down  the  independence  of  the  human 
mind  with  such  terror  and  intolerance,  or  taught  doctrines 
which  required  such  implicit  credulity  to  believe,  as  the  present 
reign  of  pretended  philosophy  in  France. 

John  Adams. 


TO    the    inhabitants    of    MACHIAS,    district    of    MAINE. 

5  October,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  have  received  and  considered  your  elegant  address  of  the 
10th  August.  Although  you  reside  in  a  remote  part  of  the 
United  States,  it  is  very  manifest  you  have  not  been  inattentive 
or  indifferent  spectators  of  the  dangerous  encroachments  of  a 


228  OFFICIAL. 

foreign  nation.  You  are  of  opinion  that  no  connection  with 
the  present  governors  of  that  nation  or  their  agents,  ought  to  be 
sought  or  desired.  Your  country,  I  presume,  will  not  meanly 
sue  for  peace,  or  engage  in  war  from  motives  of  ambition,  vanity, 
or  revenge.  I  presume  further,  that  she  will  never  again  suffer 
her  ambassadors  to  remain  in  France  many  days  or  hours 
unacknowledged,  without  an  audience  of  the  sovereign,  unpro- 
tected and  unprivileged,  nor  to  enter  into  conferences  or  conver- 
sations with  any  agents  or  emissaries,  who  have  not  a  regular 
commission  of  equal  rank  with  their  own,  and  who  shall  not 
have  shown  their  original  commission  and  exchanged  official 
copies  with  them.  While  extraordinary  circumstances  are  our 
apology  for  the  past  deviation  from  established  rules,  founded 
in  unquestionable  reason  and  propriety,  the  odious  conse- 
quences of  it  will  be  an  everlasting  admonition  to  avoid  the 
like  for  the  future.  At  present  we  have  only  to  prepare  for 
action. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  officers  of  the  first  brigade  of  the    third   divi- 
sion of  the  militia  of  massachusetts. 

11  October,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

I  have  received  from  Major-General  Hull  and  Brigadier- 
General  Walker  your  unanimous  address  from  Lexington,  ani- 
mated with  a  martial  spirit,  and  expressed  with  a  military 
dignity  becoming  your  character  and  the  memorable  plains  on 
which  it  was  adopted. 

While  our  country  remains  untainted  with  the  principles  and 
manners  which  are  now  producing  desolation  in  so  many  parts 
of  the  world;  while  she  continues  sincere,  and  incapable  of 
insidious  and  impious  policy,  we  shall  have  the  strongest  rea- 
son to  rejoice  in  the  local  destination  assigned  us  by  Providence. 
But  should  the  people  of  America  once  become  capable  of  that 
deep  simulation  towards  one  another,  and  towards  foreign  na- 
tions, which  assumes  the  language  of  justice  and  moderation 
while  it  is  practising  iniquity  and  extravagance,  and  displays 


OFFICIAL.  229 

in  the  most  captivating  manner  the  charming  pictures  of  candor, 
frankness,  and  sincerity,  while  it  is  rioting  in  rapine  and  inso- 
lence, this  country  will  be  the  most  miserable  habitation  in  the 
world;  because  we  have  no  government  armed  with  power 
capable  of  contending  with  human  passions  unbridled  by  mo- 
rality and  religion.  Avarice,  ambition,  revenge,  or  gallantry, 
would  break  the  strongest  cords  of  our  Constitution  as  a  whale 
goes  through  a  net.  Our  Constitution  was  made  only  for  a 
moral  and  religious  people.  It  is  wholly  inadequate  to  the 
government  of  any  other. 

An  address  from  the  officers  commanding  two  thousand  eight 
hundred  men,  consisting  of  such  substantial  citizens  as  are  able 
and  willing  at  their  own  expense  completely  to  arm  and  clothe 
themselves  in  handsome  uniforms,  does  honor  to  that  division 
of  the  militia  which  has  done  so  much  honor  to  its  country. 

Oaths  in  this  country  are  as  yet  universally  considered  as 
sacred  obligations.  That  which  you  have  taken  and  so  solemnly 
repeated  on  that  venerable  spot,  is  an  ample  pledge  of  your 
sincerity  and  devotion  to  yovir  country  and  its  government. 

John  Adams. 


to   the   officers  of   the   guilford  regiment  of  militia,  and 
the  inhabitants  of  guilford  county,  north  carolina. 

19  October,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

The  unanimous  address  adopted  by  you,  has  been  transmitted, 
as  you  directed,  by  Major  John  Hamilton  to  Mr.  Steele,  and  by 
Mr.  Steele  to  me. 

Addresses  like  yours,  so  friendly  to  me  and  so  animated  with 
public  spirit,  can  never  stand  in  need  of  any  apology.  It  is,  on 
the  contrary,  very  true,  that  the  affectionate  addresses  of  my 
fellow-citizens  have  flowed  in  upon  me,  from  various  parts  of 
the  Union,  in  such  numbers,  that  it  has  been  utterly  impossible 
for  me  to  preserve  any  regularity  in  my  answers,  without  neglect- 
ing the  indispensable  daily  duties  of  my  office.  This,  and  a  long 
continued  and  very  dangerous   sickness  in    my   family,   most 

VOL.  IX.  20 


230  OFFICIAL. 

seriously  alarming  to  me,  will,  I  hope,  be  accepted  by  you,  and 
by  all  others  whose  favors  have  not  been  duly  noticed,  as  an 
apology  for  a  seeming  neglect,  which  has  been  a  very  great 
mortification  to  me.  There  is  no  language  within  my  com- 
mand, sufficient  to  express  the  satisfaction  I  have  felt  at  the 
abundant  proofs  of  harmony  and  unanimity  among  the  people, 
especially  in  the  southern  States,  and  in  none  more  remark- 
ably than  in  North  Carolina. 

Your  patriotic  address,  adopted  on  the  ground  where  a  me- 
morable battle  was  fought  by  freemen,  on  the  15th  of  March, 
1781,  in  defence  of  their  liberties  and  independence,  is  peculiarly 
forcible  and  affecting. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    OFFICERS    OF    THE    THIRD    DIVISION    OF    GEORGIA 

MILITIA. 

31  October,  1798. 

Gentlemen, 

An  address  so  full  of  attachment  to  the  Constitution,  confi- 
dence in  the  government,  and  respect  and  affection  to  me, 
adopted  by  so  large  a  portion  of  the  militia,  and  subscribed  by 
so  long  a  list  of  respectable  officers,  demands  my  most  respect- 
ful and  affectionate  acknowledgments. 

The  honest  zeal  of  our  countrymen  for  a  cause  which  they 
thought  connected  with  liberty  and  humanity,  might  lead  some 
of  them  to  intemperate  irregularities,  which  a  sound  discretion 
and  strict  policy  could  not  justify ;  and  these  might  lead  the 
French  government  and  their  agents  into  some  of  the  unwar- 
rantable measures  they  have  hazarded.  Wisdom  will  teach  us 
a  lesson  from  this  experience,  to  be  more  upon  our  guard  in 
future,  more  slow  to  speak,  and  more  swift  to  hear.  It  should 
even  teach  us  to  be  cautious,  that  we  may  not  be  hurried  into 
a  contrary  extreme. 

The  acceptance  of  General  Washington  has  commanded  the 
admiration  of  all  men  of  principle.  A  soul  so  social  and  public 
as  his  could  not  live  tranquil  in  retirement  in  a  country  bleeding 
around  him.     Those  who  were  most  delighted  with  the  thought 


OFFICIAL.  231 

of  his  undisturbed  happiness  in  retreat,  after  a  life  of  anxiety, 
cannot  but  approve  of  his  resolution  to  take  the  field  again 
with  his  fellow-citizens,  and  close  his  long  glories  in  active  life, 
in  case  his  countiy  should  be  invaded. 

I  am  happy  if  my  answer  to  the  young  men  of  Augusta  has 
your  approbation,  and  receive  and  return  with  gratitude  your 
kind  wishes  for  my  health  and  happiness. 

John  Adams. 


TO    THE    GRAND   JURY    OF    MORRIS    COUNTY,    IN    NEW    JERSEY. 

3  April,  1799. 

Gentlemen, 

Your  obliging  address  at  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  State,  in 
the  March  term  of  this  year,  has  been  transmitted  to  me  by 
Elisha  Boudinot,  Esquire,  one  of  the  Justices  of  your  Supreme 
Court,  according  to  your  request. 

The  indignation  you  express  at  the  combinations  to  resist  the 
operation  of  the  laws,  is  evincive  of  the  dispositions  of  good 
citizens,  and  does  you  much  honor.  That  infatuation  which 
alone  can  excite  citizens  to  rise  in  arms  against  taxes  laid  in 
consideration  of  the  necessities  of  the  State,  and  with  great 
deliberation,  by  their  representatives,  and  which  induces  an 
obvious  necessity  of  raising  more  taxes,  in  order  to  defray  the 
expense  of  suppressing  their  own  presumptuous  folly,  is  indeed 
surprising.  That  the  laws  must  be  obeyed  in  a  government  of 
laws,  is  an  all  important  lesson.  For  what  can  be  more  de- 
structive of  liberty  and  property  than  government  without  law, 
whether  in  one,  few,  or  many?  Insurrection  itself  is  govern- 
ment assumed,  and  without  law,  though  partial  and  temporary, 
and  without  right. 

While  the  door  is  not  closed  by  any  foreign  compact,  or  by 
obvious  principles  of  policy  or  justice,  it  will  always  by  me 
be  held  open,  from  a  sense  of  my  duty,  for  an  accommodation 
of  differences  with  any  and  all  nations,  however  "  powerful, 
insidious,  or  dangerous  "  they  may  be  supposed  to  be,  unless  I 
could  see  a  probable  prospect  of  rendering  them  less  so  by  our 


232  OFFICIAL. 

interference.  "Dangers  to  the  peace,  rights,  and  liberties  of 
mankind,"  arising  from  their  corruptions  and  divisions,  are  too 
numerous  to  be  controlled  by  us,  who  from  our  situation  have 
of  all  nations  the  least  colorable  pretensions  to  assume  the 
balance  and  the  rod.  If  we  are  forced  into  the  scale,  it  will  be 
against  our  inclination  and  judgment;  and  however  light  we 
may  be  thought  to  be,  we  will  weigh  as  heavy  as  we  can. 

The  end  of  even  war  is  peace.  Your  approbation  gives  me 
pleasure.  Whenever  we  have  enemies,  it  will  be  their  own 
fault;  and  they  will  be  under  no  necessity  of  continuing  ene- 
mies longer  than  they  choose.  In  the  present  crisis,  however, 
we  ought  to  continue,  with  unabated  ardor,  all  our  preparations 
and  operations  of  defence. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  citizens,  inhabitants  of  the  mississippi  territory. 

8  April,  1799. 

Gentlemen, 

With  much  pleasure  I  have  received,  through  your  able  and 
faithful  Governor,  your  obliging  address  of  the  5th  of  January. 

As  your  situation  on  a  frontier  of  the  United  States,  near  a 
nation  under  whose  government  many  of  you  have  lived,  and 
with  whose  inhabitants  you  are  well  acquainted,  qualifies  you 
in  a  particular  manner  to  maintain  a  benevolent,  pacific,  and 
friendly  conduct  towards  your  neighbors,  and  entitles  you  to  a 
return  of  a  similar  behavior  from  them  ;  it  is  to  be  hoped  and 
expected  that  the  peace  and  friendship  between  the  two  nations 
will  be  by  these  means  preserved  and  promoted,  and  that  the 
eiTiissaries  of  no  other  nation  that  may  be  hostile,  will  be  able 
to  destroy  or  diminish  your  mutual  esteem  and  regard. 

The  sentiments  of  attachment  to  the  Constitution  which  you 
avow,  are  such  as  become  the  best  Americans,  and  will  secure 
you  the  confidence  of  government,  and  the  esteem  and  affection 
of  your  fellow-citizens  throughout  the  Union. 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  233 

to  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  washington. 

5  June,  1800. 

Fellow-Citizens, 

I  receive  with  pleasure,  in  this  address,  your  friendly  welcome 
to  the  city,  and  particularly  this  place.  I  congratulate  you 
on  the  blessings  which  Providence  has  been  pleased  to  bestow 
in  a  particular  manner  on  this  situation,  and  especially  on  its 
destination  to  be  the  permanent  seat  of  government.  May  the 
future  councils  of  this  august  temple  be  forever  governed  by 
truth  and  liberty,  friendship,  virtue,  and  faith,  which,  as  they  are 
themselves  the  chief  good  and  principal  blessings  of  human 
nature,  can  never  fail  to  insure  the  union,  safety,  prosperity,  and 
glory  of  America ! 

John   Adams. 

TO    the    CITIZENS    OF    ALEXANDRIA. 

11  June,  1800. 

Gextlemen, 

I  receive  from  the  citizens  of  Alexandria  this  kind  salutation 
on  my  first  visit  to  Virginia  with  much  pleasure.  In  the  earlier 
part  of  my  life,  I  felt,  at  some  times,  an  inexpressible  grief,  and 
at  others,  an  unutterable  indignation,  at  the  injustice  and  indig- 
nities which  I  thought  wantonly  heaped  on  my  innocent,  vir- 
tuous, peaceable,  and  unoffending  country.  And  perceiving 
that  the  American  people,  from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia, 
felt  and  thought  in  the  same  manner,  I  determined,  refusing  all 
favors  and  renouncing  all  personal  obligations  to  the  aggressors, 
to  run  every  hazard  with  my  countrymen,  at  their  invitation,  by 
sea  and  land,  in  opposition  and  resistance,  well  knowing  that  if 
we  should  be  unfortunate,  all  the  pains  and  all  the  disgrace 
which  injustice  and  cruelty  could  inflict,  would  be  the  destina- 
tion of  me  and  mine.  Providence  smiled  on  our  well-meant 
endeavours,  and  perhaps  in  no  particular  more  remarkably  than 
in  giving  us  your  incomparable  Washington  for  the  leader  of 
our  armies.     Our  country  has  since  enjoyed  an  enviable  tran- 

20* 


234  OFFICIAL. 

quillity  and  uncommon  prosperity.  We  are  grown  a  great 
people.  This  city,  and  many  others  which  I  have  seen  since  I 
left  Philadelphia,  exhibit  very  striking  proofs  of  our  increase,  on 
which  I  congratulate  you.  May  no  error  or  misfortune  throw 
a  veil  over  the  bright  prospect  before  us ! 

John  Adams. 


TO  THE  corporation  OF  NEW  LONDON,  CONNECTICUT. 

1  July,  1800. 

Gentlemen, 

I  receive  with  sincere  satisfaction  this  testimony  of  esteem 
from  the  corporation  of  this  respectable  city  of  New  London. 

The  part  I  took  in  our  important  and  glorious  revolution  was 
the  effect  of  a  sense  of  duty  ;  of  the  natural  feelings  of  a  man  for 
his  native  country  and  the  native  country  of  his  ancestors  for 
several  generations ;  of  all  the  principles,  moral,  civil,  political, 
and  religious,  in  which  I  had  been  educated ;  and  if  it  had  been 
even  more  injurious  than  it  has  been,  or  ever  so  destructive  to 
my  private  affairs,  or  ruinous  to  my  family,  I  should  never 
repent  it.  I  did  but  concur  with  my  fathers,  friends,  fellow- 
citizens,  and  countrymen,  in  their  sensations  and  reflections, 
and  lay  no  claim  to  more  than  a  common  share  with  them  in 
the  result. 

It  would  be  devoutly  and  eternally  to  be  deplored,  if  this 
most  glorious  achievement,  or  the  principal  characters  engaged 
in  it,  should  ever  fall  into  disgrace  in  the  eyes  of  Americans. 

In  return  for  your  kind  wishes,  gentlemen,  I  wish  you  every 
blessing. 

John  Adams. 


OFFICIAL.  235 

to  the  inhabitants  of    the   county   of   edgecombe,  north 

carolina. 

15  August,  1800. 

Gentlemen, 

I  received  last  night,  and  have  read  with  serious  concern, 
mingled  with  lively  sentiments  of  gratitude,  your  animated 
address.  As,  from  the  nature  of  our  government,  the  choice  of 
the  first  magistrate  will  generally  fall  on  men  advanced  in  years, 
we  ought  to  be  prepared  to  expect  frequent  changes  of  persons, 
from  accidents,  infirmities,  and  death,  if  not  from  election ;  but 
it  is  to  be  presumed  that  the  good  sense  and  integrity  of  the 
people,  which  the  Constitution  supposes,  will  indicate  characters 
and  principles,  that  may  continue  the  spirit  of  an  administra- 
tion which  has  been  found  salutary  and  satisfactory  to  the 
nation,  when  persons  must  be  changed.  I  cannot  give  up  the 
hope  that  to  be  active  in  fault  finding,  and  clamorous  against 
wise  laws  and  just  measures  of  government,  is  not  to  be  most 
popular.  When  popularity  becomes  so  corrupt,  if  it  cannot  be 
corrected,  all  is  lost. 

For  forty  years  my  mind  has  been  so  entirely  occupied  and 
engrossed  with  public  cares,  that  I  have  not  been  able  to  give 
much  attention  to  any  thing  else.  Whatever  advantages  this 
country  may  have  derived  from  my  feeble  efforts,  I  wish  they 
had  been  much  greater,  and  less  disputable.  If  any  disadvan- 
tages have  resulted  from  them,  I  hope  they  will  be  pardoned,  as 
the  effect  of  involuntary  error  —  for  I  will  be  bold  to  say,  no 
man  ever  served  his  country  with  purer  intentions,  or  from 
more  disinterested  motives. 

You  may  rely  upon  this,  that,  as,  on  the  one  hand,  I  never 
shall  love  war,  or  seek  it  for  the  pleasure,  profit,  or  honor  of  it, 
so,  on  the  other,  I  shall  never  consent  to  avoid  it,  but  upon 
honorable  terms. 

Very  far  am  I  from  thinidng  your  determination  desperate, 
to  risk  your  lives  and  fortunes  in  support  of  your  constitutional 
rights  and  privileges.  I  perceive  no  disposition  in  the  American 
people  to  go  to  war  with  each  other ;  and  no  foreign  hostilities 


236  OFFICIAL. 

that  can  be  apprehended  in  a  just  and  necessary  cause,  have 
any  terrors  for  you  or  me. 

Your  fervent  prayer  for  the  long  continuance  of  my  days, 
shall  be  accompanied  by  mine,  for  the  much  longer  continuance 
of  your  laws,  liberties,  prosperity,  and  felicity. 

John  Adams. 


to  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of 

massachusetts. 

26  March,  1801. 

The  very  respectful,  affectionate,  and  obliging  address,  which 
has  been  presented  to  me  by  the  President  of  the  Senate  and 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  by  your  order,  has 
awakened  all  my  sensibility,  and  demands  iny  most  grateful 
acknowledgments. 

As  the  various  testimonials  of  the  approbation  and  affection 
of  my  fellow-citizens  of  Massachusetts,  which  have  been  in- 
dulged to  me  from  my  earliest  youth,  have  ever  been  esteemed 
the  choicest  blessings  of  my  life,  so  this  final  applause  of  the 
legislature,  so  generously  given  after  the  close  of  the  last  scene 
of  the  last  act  of  my  political  drama,  is  more  precious  than  any 
which  preceded  it.  There  is  now  no  greater  felicity  remaining 
for  me  to  hope  or  desire,  than  to  pass  the  remainder  of  my  days 
in  repose,  in  an  undisturbed  participation  of  the  common  privi- 
leges of  our  fellow-citizens  under  your  protection. 

The  satisfaction  you  have  found  in  the  administration  of  the 
general  government  from  its  commencement,  is  highly  agreeable 
to  me;  and  I  sincerely  hope  that  the  twelve  years  to  come  will 
not  be  less  prosperous  or  happy  for  our  country. 

With  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  reciprocate  your  devout  suppli- 
cations, for  the  happiness  of  yourselves,  your  families,  consti- 
tuents, and  posterity. 

John  Adams. 


COREESPONDENCE. 


> 


COERESPONDENCE 


ORIGINALLY  PUBLISHED   IN 


THE    BOSTON    PATRIOT. 


PKELBONARY    NOTE. 

The  antipathy  secretly  entertained  by  Alexander  Hamilton  to  John  Adams, 
dating  its  origin  so  far  back  as  the  first  years  of  the  revolutionary  war,  inter- 
mitted but  once,  and  ending  in  three  successive  attempts  to  undermine  his  posi- 
tion as  a  candidate  for  the  chief  official  posts  of  the  country,  only  the  last  of 
which  proved  effective,  is  now  rendered  apparent  even  by  the  incomplete  publi- 
cation that  has  been  lately  made  of  Hamilton's  papers.  It  was  not,  however, 
until  the  death  of  General  Washington,  that  the  avowed  disinclination  of  Mr. 
Adams  further  to  pursue  the  war  policy  with  France,  and  to  intrust  to  that 
gentleman  the  chief  command  of  the  army,  led  to  an  open  declaration  of  enmity. 
The  pamphlet  then  composed  by  him,  entitled,  "  The  public  conduct  and  cha- 
racter of  John  Adams,  Esquire,  President  of  the  United  States,"  was  unques- 
tionably intended  to  destroj^Mr.  Adams's  chance  of  reelection,  at  all  hazards, 
although  it  was  found  necessary  to  apologize  for  the  act  to  the  great  body  of 
the  federal  party,  whom  it  was  sure  simultaneously  to  destroy,  by  giving  it  the 
shape  of  a  secret  effort  to  turn  the  scale  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  in  favor 
of  Mr.  C.  C.  Pinckney,  Ukewise  a  federalist,  over  Mr.  Adams,  which  two  gentle- 
men were  to  be  brought  there  upon  an  electoral  majority  exactly  equal.  Any 
other  construction  than  this  Impeaches  Mr.  Hamilton's  political  sagacity  and 
foresight  too  much  to  be  admissible.  It  is  scarcely  to  be  imagined  that  such  a 
document,  once .  put  into  a  printer's  hands,  could  fail  to  escape  the  lynx  eyes  of 
the  hostile  politicians  of  New  York,  headed  by  a  man  so  acute  as  Aaron  Burr. 
In  addition,  it  may  be  shown  that  Mr.  Hamilton  had  taken  the  trouble  personally 
to  reconnoitre  beforehand  the  ground  In  New  England,  whereby  he  became 
convinced  that  the  scheme  of  an  equal  vote  for  Mr.  Pinckney  was  not  likely  to 
succeed,  and  that  Immediately  upon  his  return  he  avowed  publication  as  a  part 
of  his  design.^  That  he  did  not  persevere  In  this,  was  owing  to  the  suggestions 
of  his  political  friends  rather  than  to  his  own  Inchnatlon. 

1  Hamilton  to  Wolcott.  3d  August.  WorJcs,  vol.  vi.  p.  450.  The  same  to  Bayard, 
p.  452. 


x/ 


240  CORRESPONDENCE. 

As  it  was,  the  pamphlet  appeared  surreptitiously,  whilst  Mr.  Adams  Avas  Pre- 
sident, and  when  he  could  take  no  notice  of  it  without  materially  compromising 
the  dignity  of  his  position.  But  after  his  tei'm  expired  in  March,  1801,  it  seems 
that  he  addressed  himself  to  the  labor  of  a  reply,  and  j>repared  the  materials 
which  he  designed  to  use.  The  reason  why  he  did  not  perfect  his  design,  is 
nowhere  explained.  Possibly  it  might  have  grown  out  of  the  condition  of 
things  consequent  upon  Mr.  JefFel-son's  accession  to  the  Presidency,  which  fur- 
nished little  chance  for  a  favorable  hearing  in  any  quarter.  Perhaps  it  may 
have  been  owing  to  the  fall  of  Mr.  Hamilton.  A  large  portion  of  the  federal 
party,  which  he  had  represented,  was  giving  in  its  adhesion  to  Mr.  Jefferson, 
whilst  the  rest  was  dwindling  down  to  a  fragment  in  the  northern  and  eastern 
States,  exclusively  under  the  guidance  of  those  individuals  with  whom  he  had 
come  to  a  rupture,  in  sentiment  if  not  in  action,  during  his  own  administration. 
The  new  policy  these  persons  were  pursuing  was  one  with  which  he  could  as 
little  sympathize  as  with  the  old  one.  Yet  he  preserved  total  silence  until  a,t- 
tacks  were  revived  upon  him,  and  upon  his  son  John  Quincy  Adams,  on  account 
of  opinions  expressed  upon  later  questions.  It  happened  that  in  1809^  an 
extract  from  the  Baltimore  Federal  Republican,  met  his  eye,  in  which,  among 
I  other  things,  the  old  charges  were  repeated  against  him  for  instituting  the  mls- 
^  I  sion  of  1799  to  France,  the  gravest  article  in  the  pamphlet  of  Mi*.  Hamilton; 
'  and  this  led  to  an  extended  pubUcation  of  documents  and  reasonings  in  the 
columns  of  the  Boston  Patriot,  touching  a  large  part  of  his  public  career,  but  a 
portion  of  which  is  to  be  found  collected  in  the  volume,  entitled  "  Correspond- 
'        ence  of  the  late  President  Adams,"  published  in  Boston  the  same  year. 

For  reasons  already  given,  it  has  been  deemed  unadvisable  to  reprint  these 
materials  as  they  appear  in  the  Patriot.  Two  separate  extracts,  complete  in 
themselves,  are  now  given.  The  first  is  confined  to  Mr.  Adams's  defence  of 
himself  against  Mr.  Hamilton's  attack,  This  step  is  made  necessary  by  the 
republication  of  that  pamphlet  in  the  works  of  that  gentleman.  It  is  proper  to 
state  that,  although  written  in  1809,  the  substantial  facts  were  drawn  from  the 
'^  fragments  prepared  in  1801.  This  is  to  be  kept  in  mind,  the  more  because 
Mr.  GibbSj^in  his  late  work,  has  endeavored  to  do,  what  none  of  the  persons 
alluded  to  ever  attempted  in  their  lifetime,  —  dispute  the  accuracy  of  the  narra- 
tive, as  if  composed  merely  from  the  impaired  recollection  of  a  later  period. 

It  is  true  that,  in  a  few  particulars,  incidental  additions  are  made,  which  show 
haste  in  the  preparation  of  the  later  production,  as  well  as  inattention  to  the 
exact  order  of  the  details;  but  these  errors  will  not  be  found  to  affect  the 
force  of  the  facts,  or  of  the  argument,  in  any  essential  point.  Whatever  they 
are,  it  is  believed  they  are  all  mentioned  and  corrected  in  the  notes.  Such  por- 
tions of  the  materials  prepared  in  1801,  as  are  deemed  useful  to  compare  with 
the  text,  are  also  appended,  together  with  references  to  any  passages  elsewhere 
in  this  work,  and  in  other  works,  that  appear  to  furnish  light  upon  this  obscure 
and  disputed  portion  of  American  history.  An  endeavor  has  been  made  to 
sti'ip  the  consideration  of  the  questions  involved  of  all  the  acrimony  that  origin- 
ally attached  to  them,  and  to  confine  the  comments  as  much  as  possible  to  a 
simple  elucidation  of  the  facts. 

The  second  extract  embraces  an  examination  of  a  question  of  a  different 
nature,  and  connected  with  a  later  period  of  American  politics. 


TO  THE  PRINTERS  OF  THE  BOSTON  PATRIOT. 

LETTER  I. 

I  was  glad  to  see  in  your  paper  of  the  7th  of  this  month  the 
extract  from  the  Baltimore  Federal  Republican,  for  many  reasons, 
which  may  be  explained  in  due  time.  One  or  two  may  be 
stated  now. 

1.  I  was  pleased  with  the  candid  acknowledgment,  that  "  Mr. 
Adams  never  was  a  favorite  with  the  leading'  men  of  the  federal 
party."  The  \vords  leading-  men  will  require  some  explanation, 
and  some  limitations  and  restrictions  which  may  hereafter  ap- 
pear. But,  in  general,  this  is  a  truth  which  I  have  known  for 
twenty  years,  though  it  has  never  been  publicly  avowed,  to  my 
knowledge,  till  now. 

2.  I  am  happy  to  see,  what  I  consider  as  an  acknowledgment, 
that  my  unpardonable  sin  against  the  federal  party,  or  rather 
against  those  leading  men,  was  the  peace  with  France  in  1800  — 
an  event  which  has  given  this  country  eight  years  of  its  most 
splendid  prosperity.  The  writer  mentions  the  mission  to  France 
in  1799,  as  a  measure  which  brought  odium  and  ridicule  on  my, 
administration.  If  you  will  allow  me  a  little  room  in  your 
Patriot,  I  may  hereafter  produce  proofs  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  public,  that  this  measure  was  neither  odious  nor  ridiculous. 
At  this  time  I  will  only  send  you  a  communication  from  Gene- 
ral Washington,  by  which  it  will  appear  that  the  subject  was 
not  seen  by  that  great  ornament  of  his  country  in  the  same  light 
in  which  this  writer  sees  it.^ 

•  ••••••••• 

The  letter  from  Mr.  Barlow^,  inclosed  in  General  Washing- 
ton's, is  in  these  words.^ 

Neither  Mr.  Barlow's  letter  nor  General  Washington's  opinion 
would  have  influenced  me  to  nominate  a  minister,  if  I  had  not 
received  abundant  assurances  to  the  same  effect  from  regular 

1  Here  follows  a  letter  of  General  Washington,  wliicli  Is  now  omitted,  as  it 
can  be  readily  found  in  Mr.  Sparks's  edition  of  his  writings.     Vol.  xi.  p.  399. 

2  Mr.  Bai'low's  letter  is  printed  in  Sparks's  Washington,  vol.  xi.  Appendix, 
p.  560. 

VOL.   IX.  21  p 


242  CORRESPONDENCE. 

diplomatic  sources.^  I,  however,  considered  General  Washing- 
ton's question,  whether  Mr.  Barlow's  was  written  with  a  very 
good  or  a  very  bad  design ;  and  as,  with  all  my  jealousy,  I  had 
not  sagacity  enough  to  discover  the  smallest  room  for  suspicion 
of  any  ill  design,  I  frankly  concluded  that  it  was  written  with  a 
very  good  one. 

From  General  Washington's  letter  it  appears,  1st.  That  it 
was  his  opinion  that  the  restoration  of  peace  upon  just,  honor- 
able, and  dignified  terms  was  the  ardent  desire  of  all  the  friends 
of  this  rising  empire.  2d.  That  he  thought  negotiation  might 
be  brought  on  upon  open,  fair,  and  honorable  ground.  3d.  That 
he  was  so  desirous  of  peace,  that  he  was  willing  to  enter  into 
correspondence  with  Mr.  Barlow,  a  private  gentleman,  without 
any  visible  credentials  or  public  character,  or  responsibility  to 
either  government,  in  order  to  bring  on  a  public  negotiation. 
General  Washington,  therefore,  could  not  consider  the  negotia- 
tion odious. 


11. 

The  institution  of  an  embassy  to  France,  in  1799,  was  made 
upon  principle,  and  in  conformity  to  a  system  of  foreign  affairs, 
formed  upon  long  deliberation,  established  in  my  mind,  and 
amply  opened,  explained,  and  supported  in  Congress,  —  that  is, 
a  system  of  eternal  neutrality,  if  possible,  in  all  the  wars  of  Eu- 
rope,—  at  least  eighteen  years  before  President  Washington's 
Proclamation  of  Neutrality,  in  1794.  For  the  truth  of  the  an- 
tiquity of  this  system,  I  appeal  to  Judge  Chase,  who  made  the 
first  motion  in  Congress  for  entering  into  foreign  relations. 
This  motion  was  made  in  concert  with  me,  and  was  seconded 
by  me.  If  I  am  incorrect  in  any  circumstance,  that  gentleman 
can  set  me  right.  And  here  I  feel  a  pride  in  acknowledging 
that  perhaps  no  two  members  of  Congress  were  at  that  time 
upon  more  intimate  terms.  We  flickered,  disputed,  and  wrangled 
in  public  and  private,  but  always  with  a  species  of  good  humor 
that  never  was  suffered  to  diminish  the  confidence,  esteem,  or 
affection  of  either  in  the  other.  I  have  long  wished  for  a  fair 
opportunity  of  transmitting  to  posterity  my  humble  testimony 

^  Mr.  Adams's  answer  to  General  Washington  is  printed  in  this  work.  Vol.  viii. 
p.  624. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  243 

to  the  virtues  and  talents  of  that  able  and  upright  magistrate 
and  statesman. 

Our  system  was,  to  form  treaties  of  commerce  with  France, 
Spain,  Holland,  and  all  the  other  nations  of  Europe,  even  with 
England  herself,  upon  a  footing  of  entire  equality ;  but  by  no 
means  to  form  any  political  or  military  connections  with  any 
power  in  Europe,  or  engage  in  any  hostilities  against  any, 
unless  driven  to  them  by  necessity  to  support  our  independence 
and  honor,  or  our  just  and  necessary  interests.  In  what  man- 
ner and  by  whose  means  this  plan  has  ever  been  abandoned  in 
any  degree,  I  could  detail  from  step  to  step,  but  it  would  require 
a  volume,  and  is  not  necessary  here.  It  has  never  been  forgot- 
ten by  me  ;  but  the  rectitude  and  wisdom  of  it  has  been  con- 
firmed by  every  year's  and  day's  experience  from  1776  to  1799, 
and  indeed  to  1809. 

This  introduction  will  be  called  pompous,  no  doubt,  and  it 
will  be  thought  an  astonishing  instance  of  the  bathos  to  descend 
from  Judge  Chase  to  Mr.  Logan;  but  my  plan  requires  it. 

With  this  system  clear  in  my  head,  and  deeply  impressed 
upon  my  heart,  it  was  with  the  utmost  reluctance  that  I  found 
myself  under  a  necessity,  in  1798,  of  having  recourse  to  hostili- 
ties against  France.  But  the  conduct  of  that  government  had 
been  so  unjust,  arbitrary,  and  insolent,  as  to  become  intolerable. 
I  therefore  animated  this^nation  to  war,  determined,  however^ 
to  listen  to  every  proposal,  and  embrace  the  first  opportunity  to 
restore  peace,  whenever  it  could  be  done  consistently  with  the 
honor  and  interest  of  the  country.  In  this  spirit  I  gave  all  due 
attention  and  consideration  to  General  Washington's  and  Mr. 
Barlow's  letters ;  nor  was  I  wholly  inattentive  to  a  multitude 
of  other  circumstances,  some  of  which  shall  be  mentioned. 

Perhaps  at  no  period  of  our  connection  with  France  has  there 
ever  been  such  a  flood  of  private  letters  from  that  country  to 
this  as  in  the  winter  of  1798  and  1799.  The  contents  of  many 
of  them  were  directly  or  indirectly  communicated  to  me.  They 
w^ere  all  in  a  similar  strain  with  that  of  Mr.  Barlow,  that  the 
French  government  had  changed  their  ground,  and  were  sincerely 
disposed  to  negotiation  and  accommodation.  I  will  instance 
only  two.  Mr.  Codman,  of  Boston,  wrote  largely  and  explicitly 
to  his  friends  to  the  same  purpose ;  and  his  worthy  brother,  the 
late  Mr.  John  Codman,  of  Boston,  not  only  communicated  to 


244  CORRESPONDENCE. 

me  the  substance  of  his  brother's  letters,  but  thanked  me,  in 
warm  terms,  for  opening  a  negotiation ;  and  added,  that  every 
true  friend  of  this  country,  who  was  not  poisoned  with  party 
spirit,  would  thank  me  for  it  and  support  me  in  it.  Mr.  Natha- 
niel Cutting,  a  consul  in  France  under  President  Washington's 
appointment,  and  a  sensible  man,  wrote  almost  as  largely  as 
Mr.  Barlow,  and  to  the  same  effect. 

I  shall  conclude  this  letter  with  another  anecdote.  Mr.  Lo- 
gan, of  Philadelphia,  a  gentleman  of  fortune  and  education,  and 
certainly  not  destitute  of  abilities,  who  had  for  several  years 
been  a  member  of  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  and  has 
since  been  a  senator  of  the  United  States,  though  I  knew  he 
had  been  one  of  the  old  constitutional  party  in  that  State,  and 
a  zealous  disciple  of  that  democratical  school,  which  has  propa- 
gated many  errors  in  America,  and,  perhaps,  many  tragical 
catastrophes  in  Europe,  went  to  France,  either  with  the  pretext 
or  the  real  design  of  improving  his  knowledge  in  agiicultui-e, 
and  seeing  the  practice  of  it  in  that  country.  I  had  no  reason 
to  believe  him  a  corrupt  character,  or  deficient  in  memory  or 
veracity.  After  his  return  he  called  upon  me,  and  in  a  polite 
and  respectful  manner  informed  me  that  he  had  been  honored 
with  conversations  with  Talleyrand,  who  had  been  well  ac- 
quainted with  me,  and  repeatedly  entertained  at  my  house,  and 
now  visited  me  at  his  request  to  express  to  me  the  desire  of  the 
Directory  as  well  as  his  own,  to  accommodate  all  disputes  with 
America,  and  to  forget  all  that  was  past ;  to  request  me  to 
send  a  minister  from  America,  or  to  give  credentials  to  some 
one  already  in  Europe,  to  treat;  and  to  assure  me  that  my 
minister  should  be  received,  and  all  disputes  accommodated,  in 
a  manner  that  would  be  satisfactory  to  me  and  my  country. 
I  knew  the  magical  words.  Democrat  and  Jacobin^  were  enough 
to  destroy  the  credibility  of  any  witness  with  some  people. 
But  not  so  with  me,  I  saw  marks  of  candor  and  sincerity  in 
this  relation,  that  convinced  me  of  its  truth. 

But  the  testimonies  of  Mr.  Codman,  Mr.  Cutting,  Mr.  Bar- 
low, and  Mr.  Logan,  and  all  other  private  communications, 
though  they  might  convince  my  own  mind,  would  have  had 
no  influence  to  dispose  me  to  nominate  a  minister,  if  I  had  not 
received  authentic,  regular,  official,  diplomatic  assurances,  which 
may  be  sent  you  in  another  letter. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  245 


III. 

From  Mr.  Murray,  the  American  minister  at  the  Hague,  who 
had  been  appointed  by  President  Washington,  I  received  assur- 
ances from  the  French  government  similar  to  those  in  Mr.  Bar- 
low's letter  and  so  many  others.  They  were  conveyed  from  the 
French  Directory  to  Mr.  Pichon,  secretary  of  the  legation  and 
charge  des  affaires  of  the  French  republic  near  the  Batavian 
republic,  in  the  absence  of  the  French  ambassador,  by  him 
officially  communicated  to  Mr.  Murray,  and  by  him  to  the  Exe- 
cutive of  the  United  States.  The  communication  was  in  these 
words.i 

This  letter  was  transmitted  by  Mr.  Murray  to  the  American 
government,  and  I  own  I  am  not  acquainted  with  any  words, 
either  in  the  French  or  English  language,  which  could  have 
expressed  in  a  more  solemn,  a  more  explicit,  or  a  more  decided 
manner,  assurances  of  all  that  I  had  demanded  as  conditions 
of  negotiation.  How  could  I  get  rid  of  it  with  honor,  or  even 
without  infamy?  If  ever  there  was  a  regular  diplomatic  com- 
munication, this  was  one.  The  diplomatic  organs  were  all 
perfect  and  complete.  Mr.  Pichon  was  well  known  at  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  had  resided  some  years  in  a  public  employ- 
ment in  the  family  of  the  French  ambassador,  as  a  respectable 
man  and  a  man  of  letters.  He  was  now  secretary  of  legation, 
held  a  commission  from  his  sovereign  as  much  as  a  minister 
plenipotentiary ;  and  every  secretary  of  legation  in  the  absence 
of  his  principal  minister,  is,  of  course,  charge  des  affaires;  and 
the  acts  of  a  charge  des  affaires  are  as  official,  as  legal,  and 
authentic,  as  those  of  an  ambassador  extraordinary. 

In  what  other  manner  could  Mr.  Talleyrand  have  transmitted 
the  assurances  demanded  ?  He  had  communicated  them  to 
Mr.  Gerry,  but  was  desirous  of  sending  them  by  another  way, 
that  he  might  increase  the  chances  of  their  arrival.  At  war 
with  England,  he  could  not  send  them  to  Mr.  King.  If  he  had 
sent  them  to  Madrid,  to  Colonel  Humphreys,  there  was  no  pro- 
bability of  their  arriving  in  America  so  soon  as  through  Holland. 

^  This  communication  has  been  already  printed  in  this  work,  in  its  connection 
with  the  letters  of  Mr  Murray.     Vol.  viii.  Appendix,  p.  690. 

21* 


246  CORRESPONDENCE. 

If  he  had  sent  them  to  Berlin,  to  Mr.  Adams,  the  course  would 
have  been  still  more  circuitous,  and  the  probability  much  greater 
of  long  delay  and  uncertain  arrival.  If  he  had  sent  them  to 
Mr.  Smith,  at  Lisbon,  there  would  have  been  the  same  difficul- 
ties. Of  all  the  diplomatic  organs,  therefore,  in  Europe,  he 
chose  the  best,  the  shortest,  the  safest,  and  the  most  certain. 

Mr.  Gerry's  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  Nantasket 
Road,  October  the  1st,  1798,  confirmed  these  assurances  beyond 
all  doubt,  in  my  mind,  and  his  conversations  with  me  at  my  own 
house,  in  Quincy,  if  any  thing  further  had  been  wanting,  would 
have  corroborated  the  whole.  As  I  have  not  a  copy  of  that  gen- 
tleman's letter,  if  he  should  chance  to  read  this  papei*,  I  ask  the 
favor  of  him  to  publish  copies  of  his  letter  and  of  Mr.  Talley- 
rand's letters  to  him,  and,  if  he  pleases,  to  repeat  the  assurances 
he  gave  me  in  conversation.^  This  gentleman's  merit  in  this 
transaction  was  very  great.  It  has  been  treated  like  all  his 
other  sacrifices,  services,  and  sufferings  in  the  cause  of  his 
country. 

If,  with  all  this  information,  I  had  refused  to  institute  a  nego- 
tiation, or  had  not  persevered  in  it  after  it  was  instituted,  I  should 
have  been  degraded  in  my  own  estimation  as  a  man  of  honor; 
I  should  have  disgraced  the  nation  I  represented,  in  their  own 
opinion  and  in  the  judgment  of  all  Europe. 

1  Note  by  Mr.  Gerry :  "  The  '  assurances '  to  wliich  ]\Ir.  Adams  lias  referred 
as  Laving  been  imparted  to  him  in  conversation  by  Mr.  Gerry,  are  presumed  by 
the  latter  to  have  reference  to  those  which  the  French  Directory  made  to  him 
by  their  minister,  Mr.  Talleyrand,  and  by  confidential  persons,  after  the  depart- 
ure of  the  other  envoys.  They  were  expressed  in  the  strongest  terms  to  evince 
the  disposition  of  the  Directory  for  accommodating  all  subjects  of  difference 
between  the  two  republics  ;  for  accrediting  any  minister  or  ministers  which 
should  thereafter  have  been  sent  by  the  United  States,  immediately  on  the  pre- 
sentment of  their  letters  of  credence ;  for  adopting  a  commercial  treaty  that 
should  be  liberal  and  beneficial  to  the  said  States ;  and  for  making  effectual  ar- 
rangements to  discharge  the  numerous  and  just  demands  of  American  citizens 
on  the  French  republic.  Indeed,  the  '  assurances '  were  such  as  that  any  depart- 
ure from  them  must  have  forfeited  any  subsequent  claim  of  credit  on  the  part 
of  the  French  republic." 

Mr.  Gerry  further  published  in  the  Boston  Patriot,  extracts  from  his  papers, 
which  make  a  part  of  the  volume  from  which  the  text  is  taken.  At  that  time 
they  were  not  readily  accessible  elsewhere.  But  they  are  now  omitted,  on 
account  of  the  space  they  would  occupy.  They  may  be  found  in  Wait's  State 
Papers,  as  follows ;  viz. : 

1.  E.  Gerry  to  C.  M.  Talleyrand,  1  October,  1798,  vol.  iv.  pp.  154-1G9. 

2.  C.  M.  Talleyrand  to  E.  Gerry,  22  July,  1798,  pp.  220-221. 

3.  The  same  to  the  same,  3  August,  1798,  p.  222. 

4.  Substance  of  a  conference  with  the  Dutch  minister,  25  July,  1798,  p.  228. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  247 

IV. 

When  I  had  received  that  authentic  act  of  the  sovereign 
authority  of  France,  a  copy  of  which  is  inserted  in  my  last  letter 
to  you,  communicated  by  their  Secretary  of  State,  through  their 
secretary  of  legation  and  charge  des  affaires,  and  our  minister 
at  the  Hague,  fully  complying  with  all  my  requisitions,  upon 
mature  deliberation  I  determined  to  nominate  a  minister  to 
France.  Some  of  the  communications  from  France  had  been 
accompanied  with  intimations  concerning  the  characters  proper 
to  be  employed,  which  I  thought  exceptionable,  and  that  they 
might  be  made  a  pretext  for  again  rejecting  a  minister.  I  con- 
sidered, moreover,  that  France  was  an  undulating  ocean  in  a 
violent  storm ;  party  had  exterminated  party,  and  constitution 
had  succeeded  constitution,  as  billow  rolls  and  roars,  froths  and 
foams  after  billow  in  the  Gulf  Stream.  I  knew  that  in  the 
nature  of  things  an  executive  authority  in  five  persons  could 
not  last  long  in  France  or  anywhere  else ;  and  we  were  already 
informed  that  the  Directory  was  divided  into  parties,  three 
against  two,  and  that  the  majority  in  the  legislative  assembly 
adhered  to  the  two,  and  the  minority  to  the  three.  A  revolution 
then  was  to  be  expected,  and  the  new  government  might  not 
feel  themselves  bound  by  the  assurances  given  by  their  prede- 
cessors. To  avoid  the  possibility  of  these  inconveniences,  I 
provided  as  cautiously  and  effectually  against  them  as  I  could, 
in  my  message  to  the  Senate,  which  never  has  been  published. 
If  this  message  had  been  made  public,  with  its  contents  —  the 
public  despatch  from  France — I  have  confidence  enough  in  the 
candor  of  the  nation  to  believe  that  it  would  have  obviated 
many  a  silly  and  many  a  malicious  criticism.  It  was  in  these 
words.i 

In  this  manner  effectual  provision  was  made  against  any  and 
every  possible  insidious  use  of  the  insinuations  concerning  cha- 
racters proper  to  be  employed,  and  who  would  be  likely  to 
succeed.  In  this  manner,  also,  provision  was  made  against  the 
po'^sible,  and  indeed  highly  probable  and  fully  expected  revolu- 
tion, in  the  French  government.    Mr.  Murray  was  not  to  advance 

1  For  this  message,  see  p.  162  of  this  volume. 


248  CORRESPONDENCE. 

a  step  towards  Paris  from  the  Hague,  until  after  he  should  have 
received  from  the  French  government,  whatever  it  might  be,  a 
repetition  of  assurances,  officially  communicated,  that  he  in 
person  should  be  received. 

When  this  message  was  received  in  the  Senate,  it  was  post- 
poned, as  the  greatest  part  of  the  executive  business  usually 
was,  for  consideration.^  A  great  clamor  was  raised  among  the 
members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  out  of  doors,  and 
an  abundance  of  squibs,  scoffs,  and  sarcasms,  in  what  were  then 
called  the  federal  newspapers,  particularly  Cobbett's  Porcupine 
and  John  Ward  Fenno's  United  States  Gazette.  And  by  whom 
were  these  written  ?  As  I  was  informed,  by  Macdonald,  the 
Scottish  British  commissioner  for  adjusting  the  claims  of  British 
creditors,  and  by  William  Smith,  the  British  agent  for  claimants 
before  that  board  of  commissioners,  of  whom  Macdonald  was 
one.  There  were  other  writers  besides  these ;  but  I  will  not 
condescend  to  name  any  others  at  present.  It  was  given  out 
that  John  Ward  Fen  no  was  the  writer  of  the  most  important 
of  them,  and  he  was  represented  as  a  masterly  writer,  possessed 
of  a  most  eloquent  pen.     But  the  pen  tvas  not  his. 

This  was  not  all.  Something  much  more  serious  to  me  soon 
took  place.  A  committee  of  the  Senate  called  upon  me,  whether 
appointed  on  record  or  whether  by  private  concert,  I  know  not. 
I  was  distressed,  because  I  thought  the  procedure  unconstitu- 
tional. However,  I  was  determined  that  not  one  disrespectful 
word  should  escape  me  concerning  the  Senate  or  any  member 
of  it,  and  to  that  resolution  I  carefully  adhered;  and  in  relating 
the  conference  with  those  honorable  gentlemen,  which  shall 
appear  in  my  next  letter,  the  same  decorum  shall  be  observed. 


V. 

The  gentlemen  of  the  Senate  informed  me,  that  they  came 
to  confer  with  me  on  the  subject  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Mur- 
ray to  France ;  that  there  was  a  considerable  dissatisfaction 
with  it,  and  they  desired  to  know  for  what  reasons  I  had  pre- 

1  It  was  postponed  partly  to  gain  time  to  write  to  Mr.  Hamilton.  See  the 
letters  that  passed  between  Mr.  Sedgwick  and  Mr.  Hamilton.  The  latter  sug- 
gesting the  enlargement  of  the  mission.     Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  vi.  pp.  396  -  397. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  249 

ferred  Mr.  Murray  to  yo  many  others  abroad  and  at  home.  My 
answer  to  the  gentlemen  was,  that  I  thought  Mr.  Murray  a 
gentleman  of  talents,  address,  and  literature,  as  well  as  of  great 
worth  and  honor,  every  way  well  qualified  for  the  service,  and 
fully  adequate  to  all  that  I  should  require  of  him,  which  would 
be  a  strict  compliance  with  his  instructions,  which  I  should  take 
care  to  provide  for  him,  on  all  points,  in  terms  that  he  could  not 
misunderstand.  That  my  motives  for  nominating  him  in  pre- 
ference to  others,  were  simply  because  the  invitation  from  the 
French  government  had  been  transmitted  through  him,  and 
because  he  was  so  near  to  Paris  that  he  might  be  there  in  three 
or  four  days,  and  because  his  appointment  would  cause  a  very 
trifling  additional  expense. 

They  then  inquired,  why  I  had  not  nominated  Mr.  King.  I 
answered  that,  if  Mr.  King  had  been  in  Holland,  I  certainly 
should  not  have  thought  of  any  other  character.  But  he  was 
our  ambassador  in  England,  then  at  Avar  with  France,  and  it 
would  be  considered  by  France  as  an  insult  to  send  them  an 
ambassador,  who,  as  soon  as  he  had  accomplished  his  business, 
was  to  return  to  England  and  carry  with  him  all  the  information 
he  might  have  collected  in  Paris.  That  the  French  government 
would  suspect  me  of  a  design  to  send  them  a  spy  for  the  Court 
of  St.  James.  That  I  presumed  Mr.  King  at  that  time  would 
not  be  pleased  to  be  removed  from  England  to  France  for 
perpetuity  or  permanence.  Besides,  that  the  difficulty  of  com- 
munication between  England  and  France  would  necessarily 
occasion  an  indefinite  delay  in  procuring  the  necessary  pass- 
ports, and  that  much  depended  upon  the  promptitude  and 
despatch  with  which  the  negotiation  should  be  conducted. 

The  gentlemen  asked,  why  I  had  not  nominated  our  minister 
plenipotentiary  at  Berlin.  Neither  the  remarks  with  which 
they  accompanied  this  question,  nor  the  reasons  which  I  gave 
them  in  answer,  need  to  be  detailed  to  the  public. 

I  added,  "  Gentlemen,  I  maturely  considered  all  these  things 
before  I  nominated  Mr.  Murray ;  and  I  considered  another 
gentleman,  whom  you  have  not  mentioned,  Mr.  Humphreys,  at 
Madrid ;  but  the  same  objections  of  distance  and  delay  account 
in  his  case  as  well  as  that  of  Mr.  Adams."  The  gentlemen  all 
agreed  that  there  would  have  been  no  advantage  in  nominating 
him,  more  than  Mr.  Murray. 


250  CORRESPONDENCE. 

The  gentlemen  then  inquired,  why  I  had  not  nominated  a 
commission  of  three  or  five,  in  preference  to  a  single  gentleman. 
The  answer  was,  that  I  had  had  a  long  experience  of  ten  years 
in  this  kind  of  business,  had  often  acted  in  commissions  with 
various  other  gentlemen,  and  I  had  three  times  been  commis- 
sioned alone ;  that  I  had  found  in  general  that  business  could 
be  better  done  by  one  than  by  many,  in  much  less  time  and 
with  much  less  perplexity ;  that  the  business  to  be  done  by  Mr. 
Murray  would  be  nothing  more  than  obedience  to  his  instruc- 
tions, and  that  would  be  performed  as  well  by  one  as  by  three; 
that  the  delay  must  be  great  in  sending  gentlemen  from  Ame- 
rica, and  the  expense  greatly  augmented;  that  very  much 
depended  upon  the  celerity  of  the  enterprise. 

The  gentlemen  thought  that  a  commission  would  be  more 
satisfactory  to  the  Senate  and  to  the  public.  I  said,  although 
this  was  not  perfectly  consonant  to  my  own  opinion,  I  could  in 
such  a  case  easily  give  up  my  own  to  the  public;  and  if  they 
advised  it,  I  would  send  another  message,  and  nominate  a 
commission  of  three ;  but  Mr.  Murray  would  be  one,  for  after 
having  brought  his  name  before  the  public,  I  never  would  dis- 
grace him  by  leaving  him  out.  The  gentlemen  acquiesced,  and 
one  of  them,  whom  I  took  to  be  their  chairman,  was  pleased 
to  say,  "after  this  very  enlightened  explanation  of  the  whole 
business,  I  am  perfectly  satisfied."  ^  The  others  appeared  to 
acquiesce,  and  took  their  leave.  The  next  morning  I  sent 
another  message,  which  shall  appear  in  my  next  letter. 


V. 

The  message  mentioned  in  my  last  letter  was  in  these  words.^ 

'  The  committee  consisted  of  Messrs.  Sedgwick,  Bingham,  Ross,  Read,  and 
Stockton,  all  federalists.  If  the  first  named  is  the  one  alluded  to  in  the  text,  his 
own  account,  written  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  of  this  conference,  which  took  place  on 
Saturday  evening,  varies  in  regard  to  his  expression  of  satisfaction,  as  well  as 
in  other  particulars.  He  says,  that  Mr.  Adams  felt  it  his  duty  to  insist  upon  the 
Senate's  action  on  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Murray.  And  in  case  of  a  rejection, 
he  would  then  propose  the  commission  of  three.  In  consequence  of  this,  a  meet- 
ing of  federal  senators  was  held  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Bingham,  probably  on 
Sunday  evening,  the  24th  of  February,  at  which  it  was  determined  to  reject  the 
nomination.  The  commission  of  three  was  nominated  in  a  message  sent  on  Mon- 
day morning.     Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  399. 

2  See  page  163  of  this  volume  for  this  message. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  251 

To  these  nominations  the  Senate  advised  and  consented,  and 
commissions  were  prepared.  My  friend,  Mr.  Henry,  declined 
on  account  of  his  age,  and  Governor  Davie,  of  North  Carolina, 
was  appointed  in  his  place.  Dmlng  all  this  transaction,  no 
motion  was  made  in  the  Senate  to  pass  a  resolution  that  a 
mission  to  France  was  inexpedient.  With  the  despatches  from 
Talleyrand  before  his  eyes,  I  believe  no  member  of  the  Senate 
would  have  been  willing  to  record  his  name  in  favor  of  such  a 
resolution,  among  the  yeas  and  nays.  The  deputation  of  sena- 
tors made  no  remonstrances  to  me  against  the  mission,  or  the 
diplomatic  communications  on  which  it  was  founded,  but  only 
against  the  missionary,  Mr.  Murray .^ 

I  sent  an  invitation  to  the  heads  of  departments  to  assemble 
in  my  chamber,  to  consult  upon  the  instructions  to  be  given  to 
our  envoys.  They  all  met  me  accordingly,  and,  in  several  long 
evenings,^  entered  into  a  very  serious  and  deliberate  discussion 
of  every  article  that  was  to  be  demanded  and  insisted  on  in  the 
proposed  treaty.  They  were  all  unanimously  agreed  upon  to 
my  entire  satisfaction,  and  reduced  to  writing.  I  committed 
them  to  the  Secretary  of  State  to  be  reduced  into  proper  form, 
to  have  a  fair  copy  made  and  transmitted  to  me  for  revision, 
correction,  or  signature,  as  there  might  be  occasion. 

The  yellow  fever  was  expected,  and  we  were  all  obliged  to 
fly  for  our  lives :  myself  and  all  my  family  to  Quincy,  and  the 
heads,  of  departments,  with  the  public  offices,  to  Trenton.^ 

I  had  repeatedly  endeavored  to  impress  upon  the  mind  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  the  necessity  of  transmitting  to  me  as  soon 
as  possible  his  draught  of  the  instructions,  that  they  might  be 
finished  and  signed,  and  every  thing  prepared  for  the  departure 
of  the  envoys.  I  waited  with  much  concern,  expecting  from 
day   to   day  to   receive  the   instructions;    but    no  instructions 

1  Mr.  Sedgwick's  first  letter  is  a  curious  specimen  of  the  perplexity  into  which 
a  political  partisan  will  sometimes  be  thrown,  by  a  measure,  the  bearings  of 
which  he  has  not  taken  time  to  understand.      Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  396. 

'■2  A  slight  error.  The  fact  is  correctly  stated  in  the  original  fragment.  There 
was  one  evening  and  one  morning  consultation.  On  the  10th  of  March  the 
points  were  fully  discussed.  They  were  reduced  to  writing,  and  finally  agreed 
upon  the  next  day  —  the  11th  —  the  same  day  on  which  Mr.  Adams  left  Phila- 
delphia.    See  the  points  as  finally  transmitted,  in  vol.  viii.  p.  627. 

3  The  offices  were  moved  to  Trenton  in  the  latter  part  of  August.  The  differ- 
ence is  slight,  but  Mr.  Gibbs  seems  to  think  it  material.  Mr.  Pickering  assigns 
it  as  a  cause  of  the  delay  of  the  instructions.  See  page  23  of  tliis  volume. 
Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  272. 


252  CORRESPONDENCE. 

appeared.  At  length,  instead  of  them  I  received  a  letter  signed 
by  all  five  of  the  heads  of  departments,  earnestly  entreating  me 
to  suspend  the  mission  I  ^ 

I  was  astonished  at  this  unexpected,  this  obstinate  and  perse- 
vering opposition  to  a  measure  that  appeared  so  clearly  to  me 
to  be  so  essential  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  nation,  and 
the  honor  of  the  goverimient,  at  home  and  abroad.  I  was  not  a 
little  surprised  at  the  unanimity  of  the  heads  of  departments,  for 
two  of  them  had  always  appeared  moderate  and  candid  in  rela- 
tion to  this  mission.  My  instantaneous  determination  was  to 
go  to  Trenton,  meet  the  gentlemen  face  to  face,  to  confer  with 
them  coolly  on  the  subject,  and  convince  them,  or  be  convinced 
by  them,  if  I  could.  On  my  way,  I  called  upon  Chief  Justice 
Ellsworth,  at  his  seat  in  Windsor,  and  had  a  conversation  of 
perhaps  two  hours  ^  with  him.  He  was  perfectly  candid.  What- 
ever should  be  the  determination,  he  was  ready  at  an  hour's 
warning  to  comply.  If  it  was  thought  best  to  embark  imme- 
diately, he  was  ready.  If  it  was  judged  more  expedient  to  post- 
pone it  for  a  little  time,  though  that  might  subject  him  to  a 
winter  voyage,  that  danger  had  no  "weight  with  him.  If  it  was 
concluded  to  defer  it  till  the  spring,  he  was  willing  to  wait.  In 
this  disposition  I  took  leave  of  him.  He  gave  me  no  intimation 
that  he  had  any  thought  of  a  journey  to  Trenton.^  I  lodged  at 
Hartford,  not  yet  purified  of  the  yellow  fever,  and  there  I  caught 
something  very  like  it,  or  at  least  almost  as  bad,  a  most  violent 
cold,  attended  with  a  constant  fever,  which  rendered  me  for  six 
weeks  more  fit  for  a  chamber  and  bed  of  sickness  than  for 


uncomfortable  journeys,  or  much  labor  of  the  head  or  hands. 
However,  I  would  not  consent  to  be  retarded  on  my  journey, 

1  This  is  not  quite  accurate.  The  instructions  were  sent  on  the  10th  of  Sep- 
tember and  received  on  the  14th.  The  letter  referred  to  was  dated  the  11th, 
and  signed  by  Mr.  Pickering  only,  but  it  had  been  approved  by  Messrs.  Wolcott 
and  McHenry,  and  concurred  in  by  Mr.  Stoddert.  It  was  received  on  the  1 7th 
at  night.  Mr.  Lee,  as  is  stated  a  few  lines  below,  was  not  at  Trenton  at  the 
time  ;  and  he  did  not  agree  to  the  sentiments.  It  is  curious  that  Mr.  Hamilton, 
in  his  pamphlet,  likewise  calls  the  letter  a  joint  letter  of  the  ministers.  It  cer- 
tainly was  so  regarded  by  those  of  them  from  whom  he  had  his  information, 
pp.  23  and  31  of  this  volume. 

2  This  was  on  October  3d.  Mr.  Ellsworth,  in  a  letter  written,  probably  to 
Mr.  Pickering,  on  the  5th  October,  says  half  an  hour,  according  to  Mr.  Gibbs, 
but  the  letter  is  not  given.  The  original  draught  says,  "  a  long  conversation." 
Gibbs's  Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  p.  267. 

3  See  his  own  letter,  written  the  same  day,  5th  October,  p.  3  7  of  this  volume. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  253 

and  reacned  Trenton,  where  Mr.  Hamilton  had  arrived  a  few 
hours  before  me.  Governor  Davie  had  been  there  some  time. 
Ill  as  I  was,  I  sent  for  the  heads  of  departments.  Four  of  them 
were  there.  The  Attorney- General  was  gone  to  Virginia.  Many 
days  ^  were  employed  in  conferences  with  them,  sometimes  at 
my  own  apartments,  and  sometimes  at  their  offices. 

The  inhabitants  of  Trenton  had  been  wrought  up  to  a  pitch  of 
political  enthusiasm  that  surprised  me.  The  universal  opinion 
appeared  to  be,  that  the  first  arrivals  from  Europe  would  bring 
the  glorious  news  that  Louis  the  XVIII.  w"as  restored  to  the 
throne  of  France,  and  reigning  triumphantly  at  Versailles.  Su- 
warrow,  at  the  head  of  his  victorious  Russian  army,  was  to 
have  marched  from  Italy  to  Paris  on  one  side,  and  Prince 
Charles,  at  the  head  of  an  Austrian  army,  was  to  have  marched 
from  Germany  to  Paris  on  the  other,  and  detachments  from 
both  armies  were  to  march  down  to  Havre  to  receive  the  king, 
who  was  to  be  brought  over  by  a  British  fleet  and  escorted  with 
flying  colors  to  Versailles.  I  could  scarcely  believe  my  own 
senses,  when  I  heard  such  reveries.  Yet  the  heads  of  depart- 
ments appeared  to  believe  them,  and  urge  them  as  decisive 
arguments  for  suspending  the  embarkation  of  our  envoys  till 
the  spring.  In  vain  did  I  urge  the  immense  distances  the  two 
imperial  armies  had  to  march,  the  great  number  of  towns  and 
cities  in  the  route  of  both,  in  positions  chosen  with  great  skill, 
fortified  with  exquisite  art,  defended  by  vast  trains  of  heavy 
ordnance,  garrisoned  by  numerous  troops  of  soldiers  perfectly 
disciplined,  and  animated  with  all  the  obstinacy  and  ardor  of 
the  revolutionary  spirit.  In  vain  did  I  allege  the  military 
maxim,  which  would  certainly  govern  both  Prince  Charles  and 
Suwarrow,  that  is,  never  to  leave  a  fortified  city  in  the  rear  of 
your  army,  in  possession  of  your  enemy;  that  the  siege  of  one 
town  would  consume  the  whole  season ;  that  neither  the  Rus- 
sians nor  Austrians  were,  probably,  provided  with  the  mor- 
tars and  heavy  cannon  necessary  for  sieges.  Nothing  would 
do —  Louis  XVIII.  must  be  upon  the  throne  of  France.  "  Well, 
suppose  he  is,  what  harm  will  there  be  in  embarking  our  envoys  ? 
They  will  congratulate  his  Majesty,  and  if  his  Majesty  cannot 
receive  them  under  their  credentials  to  the  French  republic,  he 

'  Six  days.     From  the  10th  to  the  15th  October,  inclusive. 
VOL.  IX.  22 


254  CORRESPONDENCE. 

will  be  glad  to  see  them  in  his  kingdom,  and  assure  them  of  his 
royal  protection  till  they  can  write  home  for  fresh  commissions, 
and  such  shall  be  ready  for  them  at  a  minute's  warning."  In 
vain  did  I  urge  the  entire  change  of  property  in  France,  and  the 
necessity  the  present  possessors  were  under  to  defend  themselves 
at  every  sacrifice  and  every  risk.  Mr.  Ellsworth  had  arrived 
in  two  or  three  days  after  me.  I  invited  him  and  Governor 
Davie  to  dine  with  me  alone,  that  we  might  converse  with  entire 
freedom.  At  table,  Mr.  Ellsworth  expressed  an  opinion  some- 
what similar  to  that  of  the  heads  of  departments  and  the  public 
opinion  at  Trenton.  "  Is  it  possible.  Chief  Justice,"  said  I,  "that 
you  can  seriously  believe  that  the  Bourbons  are,  or  will  be  soon, 
restored  to  the  throne  of  France  ?  "  "  Why,"  said  Mr.  Ells- 
worth, smiling,  "  it  looks  a  good  deal  so."  "  I  should  not  be  afraid 
to  stake  my  life  upon  it,  that  they  will  not  be  restored  in  seven 
years,  if  they  ever  are,"  was  my  reply.  And  then  I  entered  into 
a  long  detail  of  my  reasons  for  this  opinion.  They  would  be 
too  tedious  to  enumerate  here,  and  time  has  superseded  the 
necessity  of  them. 

The  result  of  the  conversation  was,  that  Mr.  Davie  was 
decidedly  for  embarking  immediately,  as  he  always  had  been 
from  his  first  arrival,  and  Mr.  Ellsworth  declared  himself  satis- 
fied, and  willing  to  embark  as  soon  as  I  pleased.^ 

Mr.  Hamilton,  who  had  been  some  time  in  town,  and  had 
visited  me  several  times,  came  at  last  to  remonstrate  against 
the  mission  to  France.  I  received  him  with  great  civility,  as  I 
always  had  done  from  my  first  knowledge  of  him.  I  was  for- 
tunately in  a  very  happy  temper,  and  very  good  humor.  He 
went  over  the  whole  ground  of  the  victories  of  Suwarrow  and 
Prince  Charles,  and  the  inflexible  determination  of  the  two 
imperial  courts,  in  concert  with  Great  Britain,  to  restore  the 
house  of  Bourbon  to  their  kingdom.  That  there  was  no  doubt 
the  enterprise  was  already  accomplished,  or  at  least  would  be, 
before  the  end  of  the  campaign.  That  Mr.  Pitt  was  determined 
to  restore  the  Bourbons.     That  the  confidence  of  the  nation  in 

1  Mr.  Ellsworth  seems  to  have  immediately  reported  this  conversation  to  Mr. 
Pickerinji  and  Mr.  Wolcott.  Mr.  Pickering  gives  a  tiketch  of  it  in  a  letter  to 
General  Washington,  of  the  24th  October,  published  in  Mr.  Gibbs's  Work,  vol.  ii. 
p.  280.  He  says  that  he  "  desired  Mr.  Wolcott  to  commit  the  whole  recital  to 
writing,  which  he  promised  to  do."  No  such  paper  appears  in  that  work.  Cer- 
tainly it  was  a  singular  occupation  for  cabinet  ministers. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  255 

Mr.  Pitt  was  unbounded.  That  the  nation  was  never  so  united 
and  determined  to  support  Mr.  Pitt  and  his  resolution  to  restore 
the  monarchy  of  France.  His  eloquence  and  vehemence  wrought 
the  little  man  up  to  a  degree  of  heat  and  effervescence  like  that 
which  General  Knox  used  to  describe  of  his  conduct  in  the 
battle  of  Monmouth,  and  which  General  Lee  used  to  call  his 
paroxysms  of  bravery,  but  which  he  said  would  never  be  of  any 
service  to  his  country.  I  answered  him  in  general,  as  I  had 
answered  the  heads  of  departments  and  Judge  Ellsworth,  but 
to  no  purpose.  He  repeated  over  and  over  again  the  unalterable 
resolution  of  Mr.  Pitt  and  the  two  imperial  courts,  the  invincible 
heroism  of  Suwarrow  and  Prince  Charles,  and  the  unbounded 
confidence  of  the  British  empire  in  Mr.  Pitt,  with  such  agitation 
and  violent  action  that  I  really  pitied  him,  instead  of  being  dis- 
pleased. I  only  added,  that  I  differed  with  him  in  opinion  on 
every  point;  and  that  instead  of  restoring  the  Bourbons,  it  would 
not  be  long  before  England  would  make  peace.  I  treated  him 
throughout  with  great  mildness  and  civility ;  but,  after  he  took 
leave,  I  could  not  help  reflecting  in  my  own  mind  on  the  total 
ignorance  he  had  betrayed  of  every  thing  in  Europe,  in  France, 
England,  and  elsewhere.  Instead  of  that  unbounded  confidence 
in  Mr.  Pitt,  I  knew  that  the  nation  had  been  long  working  up 
almost  to  a  ripeness  for  rebellion  against  Mr.  Pitt,  for  continuing 
the  war.  Accordingly,  it  was  not  long  before  Mr.  Pitt  was 
obliged  to  resign,  peace  at  Amiens  was  made,  and  Napoleon 
acknowledged.  Mr.  Hamilton,  in  his  most  famous  pamphlet, 
has  hinted  at  this  conversation,  and  squinted  at  my  simplicity 
for  expecting  peace. 

Under  the  whole,  I  directed  the  instructions  to  be  prepared, 
the  heads  of  departments  were  assembled,  and  the  instructions 
deliberately  considered,  paragraph  by  paragraph,  and  unani- 
mously approved  by  me  and  by  them.  Indeed,  there  had  never 
been  any  difference  of  opinion  among  us  on  any  article  of  the 
instructions.^ 


1  Mr.  Gibbs,  in  his  work,  afBrms  that  the  dinner,  and  the  conversation  with 
]\Ir.  Hamilton,  took  place  after  the  prepai-ation  of  the  instructions,  and  after  the 
order  to  embark  was  given.  Perhaps  it  may  be  as  well  to  compare  with  this 
account  the  fuller  one  given  in  1801. 

"At  Trenton,  the  form  of  instructions  was  adjusted  with  Mr.  Adams's  ministers, 
and,  had  he  wavered  and  been  in  doubt  about  the  expediency  of  sending  on  his 
ministers,  he  would  probably  have  asked  advice ;  but  he  was  not  in  doubt.    On  his 


256  CORRESPONDENCE. 

The  instructions  were  presented  to  the  envoys,  and  they  were 
requested  to  embark  in  the  United  States  frigate  as  soon  as 
possible.  For  some  cause  or  other  in  the  state  of  the  ship,  they 
landed  in  Spain,  and  went  by  land  from  Corunna  to  Paris,  on 
the  same  route  which  Mr.  Dana  and  I  had  travelled  twenty 
years  before,  that  is,  in  1780.  Before  their  arrival,  a  revolution 
had  occurred,  and  the  consular  government  succeeded  the  Di- 
rectory. 

Had  Mr.  Murray's  nomination  been  approved,  he  would  pro- 
bably have  finished  the  business  long  before,  and  obtained  com- 
pensation for  all  spoliations. 

In  my  next  letter  you  will  have  the  evidence  of  the  com- 
pliance of  the  French  government  with  the  conditions  and 
requisitions  in  my  message  to  the  Senate,  nominating  Mr. 
Murray  and  others,  ministers  and  envoys  to  France. 

journey  he  had  called  on  Mr.  Ellsworth  at  his  seat  in  Windsor,  and  had  a  long 
conversation  with  him  upon  the  subject,  and  heard,  as  he  believed,  all  the  reasons 
for  the  suspending  the  sailing  of  the  envoys  for  a  few  weeks.  To  do  justice, 
however,  to  Mr.  Ellsworth,  he  did  not  appear  decided  In  his  opinion  against 
proceeding.  When  at  Trenton,  Mr.  Adams  had  opportunities  of  knowing  from 
one  and  another  of  his  ministers  all  the  reasons  they  ever  suggested  against  the 
mission  proceeding.  He  thought  them  Insufficient.  He  conversed  with  Mr. 
Davie,  who  had  been  and  continued  steady  in  the  opinion  that  they  ought  to 
proceed,  and  declared  that,  in  his  opinion,  the  nation,  and  that  part  of  It,  espe- 
cially, with  which  he  was  best  acquainted,  expected  they  Avould  proceed,  and  would 
be  greatly  disappointed  If  they  did  not.  The  change  in  the  Directory  appeared 
to  the  President  to  be  a  mere  quibble,  too  much  like  an  attorney's  plea  in 
abatement,  when  gravely  alleged  as  a  reason  for  suspending  the  mission.  The 
expected  annihilation  of  the  republic,  and  restoration  of  the  royal  family,  appeared 
extravagant,  visionary,  and  in  the  highest  degree  Improbable  ;  but.  if  It  had  been 
certain,  it  was  no  reason  for  suspending  the  mission,  for  the  mission  was  to 
France,  not  to  individuals  or  forms  of  government.  The  reasons  he  urged  in 
conversation  with  some,  if  not  all  his  ministers,  and  with  Messrs.  Ellsworth  and 
Davie,  in  support  of  his  opinion  that  the  republic  would  last  several  years,  at 
least,  and  that  the  restoration  of  the  royal  family  could  not  be  soon  effected, 
would  take  up  too  much  time  to  detail.  It  appeared  to  him,  that  his  ministers, 
three  of  them  at  least,  had  not  sufficiently  considered  the  state  of  Europe,  the 
instability  of  coalitions  among  jealous  rival  powers,  and,  above  all,  the  nature  of 
twenty-five  millions  of  people  In  a  mass,  whose  deepest  passions  were  thoroughly 
aroused  and  become  wholly  desperr^te.  Nothing  shall  be  said  of  the  temper  in 
which  three  of  his  ministers  were,  nor  of  the  conduct  of  one  or  two  of  them,  at 
least,  from  the  first  nomination  of  Mr.  Murray,  in  endeavoring  by  conversations 
and  letters  to  make  the  measure  unpopular,  and  to  Injure  the  character  of  the 
President.  There  are  persons  who  might  say  more.  No  step  was  ever  more 
deliberately  taken,  after  a  full  and  dispassionate  consideration  of  the  whole  sub- 
ject, than  the  request  to  the  envoys  to  sail  by  the  1st  of  November." 


CORRESPONDENCE.  257 

VII. 

On  the  6th  of  March,  a  letter  was  written  by  the  Secretary  of 
State  by  my  order,  in  the  following  words,  to  Mr.  Murray : 

No.  22.  rhiladelpbia,  C  March,  1799. 

Sir,  —  "I  inclose  a  commission  constituting  you,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth  and  Patrick  Henry,  Esq., 
of  Virginia,  envoys  extraordinary  and  ministers  plenipotentiary 
to  the  French  republic.  By  the  President's  direction,  I  inclose 
for  your  information  copies  of  his  messages  to  the  Senate,  of 
the  18th  and  2oth  of  March"  (it  should  have  been  the  18th  and 
25th  of  February),  "by  the  latter  of  which  you  will  see  the  mo- 
tives inducing  the  nomination  of  a  commission  for  the  purpose 
of  negotiating  with  France,  instead  of  resting  the  business 
wholly  with  you.  This  will,  doubtless,  be  agreeable,  by  reliev- 
ing you  from  the  weight  of  a  sole  responsibility  in  an  affair  of 
such  magnitude. 

It  is  the  President's  desire,  that  you,  by  letter  to  the  French 
minister  of  foreign  relations,  inform  him,  "  that  Oliver  Ellsworth, 
Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  Patrick  Henry,  late  Governor 
of  Virginia,  and  yourself,  are  appointed  envoys  extraordinary 
and  ministers  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to  the  French 
republic,  with  full  powers  to  discuss  and  settle  by  a  treaty  all 
controversies  between  the  United  States  and  France."  But, 
"  that  the  two  former  will  not  embark  for  Europe  until  they 
shall  have  received  from  the  Executive  Dnectory  direct  and  un- 
equivocal assurances,  signified  by  their  secretary  of  foreign 
relations,  that  the  envoys  shall  be  received  in  character,  to  an 
audience  of  the  Directory,  and  that  they  shall  enjoy  all  the  pre- 
rogatives attached  to  that  character  by  the  law  of  nations,  and 
that  a  minister  or  ministers  of  equal  powers  shall  be  appointed 
and  commissioned  to  treat  with  them." 

The  answer  you  shall  receive  to  your  letter,  you  will  be 
pleased  to  transmit  to  this  office. 

You  will  also  be  pleased  to  understand  it  to  be  the  President's 
opinion,  that  no  more  indirect  and  inofficial  communications, 
written  or  verbal,  should  be  held  with  any  persons  whatever, 
agents  on  behalf  of  France,  on  the  subjects  of  difference  between 
the   United   States  and  the  French  republic.      If  the  French 

22*  Q 


258  CORRESPONDENCE. 

government  really  desire  a  settlement  of  the  existing  differences, 
it  must  take  the  course  pointed  out,  unless  the  Executive  Di- 
rectory should  prefer  sending  a  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the 
United  States. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  Sir,  your  obedient 

servant." 

Timothy  Pickering. 

Mr.   Murray  obeyed  these  instructions  by  a  letter  in  these 
words :  — 

W^.    V.    MURRAY    TO    C.    M.    TALLEYRAND. 

The  Hague,  5  May,  1799. 
Citizen  Minister, 
It  is  with  the  greatest  pleasure  that  I  hasten  to  fulfil  the 
instructions,  which  I  have  just  had  the  honor  to  receive  from  the 
government  of  the  United  States  of  America,  by  informing  you 
that  the  President  has  appointed  Oliver  Ellsworth,  Chief  .Justice 
of  the  United  States,  Patrick  Henry,  late  Governor  of  Virginia, 
and  William  Vans  Murray,  minister  resident  of  the  United 
States  at  the  Hague,  to  be  envoys  extraordinary  and  ministers 
plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to  the  French  republic, 
with  full  powers  to  discuss  and  settle  by  a  treaty  all  controver- 
sies between  the  United  States  and  France;  but  that  the  two 
former,  Mr.  Ellsworth  and  Mr.  Henry,  will  not  embark  for 
Europe  until  they  shall  have  received  from  the  Executive  Di- 
rectory direct  and  unequivocal  assurances,  signified  by  their 
minister  of  foreign  relations,  that  the  envoys  shall  be  received 
in  character  to  an  audience  of  the  Directory,  and  that  they  shall 
enjoy  all  the  prerogatives  attached  to  that  character  by  the  law 
of  nations,  and  that  a  minister  or  ministers  of  equal  powers 
shall  be  appointed  and  commissioned  to  treat  with  them. 

I  request  you.  Citizen  Minister,  to  lay  this  subject  before 
your  government,  and  as  the  distance  is  so  great  and  the  ob- 
stacles so  numerous  in  an  Atlantic  voyage,  that  you  will  favor 
me,  as  speedily  as  possible,  with  the  answer  which  is  to  lead  to 
such  happy  and  important  consequences. 

Accept,  Citizen  Minister,  the  assurances  of  my  perfect  high 

esteem. 

W.  V.  Murray. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  259 

When  Mr.  Murray  received  the  answer  of  the  French  minis- 
ter, he  inclosed  it,  with  the  following  letter  from  himself,  to  the 
Secretary  of  State :  — 
No.  75.  The  Hague,  7  May,  1799. 

Dear  Sir, 

On  the  4th  instant,  late  in  the  evening,  I  had  the  honor  to 
receive  your  No.  22,  containing  the  commission  of  envoys. 

On  the  5th,  I  addressed,  precisely  agreeably  to  your  instruc- 
tions, as  I  conceived,  the  inclosed  letter  to  Mr.  Talleyrand,  the 
minister  of  exterior  relations.  You  will  perceive.  Sir,  that  I  did 
not  think  myself  at  liberty  to  go,  not  only  not  out  of  the  com- 
mas, but  beyond  them.  In  one  word  alone  I  deviated,  in  the 
word  minister,  instead  of  Secretary  of  foreign  relations.  No 
direct  nor  indirect  and  inofficial  communications,  written  or 
verbal,  will  be  held  by  me  with  the  French  agents  on  American 
affairs. 

I  accept  the  appointment  which  it  has  pleased  the  President 
to  clothe  me  with,  under  a  grateful  sense  of  the  high  honor 
conferred  upon  me,  so  unexpectedly,  by  this  mark  of  his  con- 
fidence. I  may  be  allowed  to  say,  that  though  I  was  deeply 
sensible  of  the  honor  conferred  by  the  first  nomination,  and  shall 
always,  I  hope,  retain  a  most  grateful  recollection  of  it,  yet, 
Sir,  the  new  modification  of  that  nomination  gave  me  great 
pleasure,  always  conceiving,  as  I  thought  I  did,  that  any  nego- 
tiation with  France  would  be  full  of  anxieties  and  political 
perils  to  the  envoys  that  should  be  employed  by  our  govern- 
ment. I  had  no  wishes  to  be  engaged  in  it,  and  no  expectation 
that  I  should  be.  To  have  a  share  in  it,  was  by  me  unsought. 
You  will  excuse  this  declaration,  because  I  was  instrumental 
in  certain  preliminary  steps  relative  to  the  advances  of  France, 
which  produced  the  basis  of  the  appointment. 

I  sent  the  original  of  the  inclosed  to  Mr.  Talleyrand  by  post ; 
another,  a  copy,  to  Major  Mountflorence,  to  be  handed  to  him  ; 
a  third  to  a  Mr.  Griffith  for  Major  M.  in  case  the  other  failed, 
to  be  opened  by  Mr.  G.,  if  Major  M.  should  have  been  out  of 
Paris,  and  directed  Mr.  G.  to  follow  the  instructions  which  he 
would  find  in  the  letter  to  Major  M.,  which  were,  to  deliver  the 
inclosed  to  Mr.  Talleyrand,  and  take  his  letter  in  answer  for 
me,  and  send  it  to  me. 


260  CORRESPONDENCE. 

As  soon  as  I  have  the  answer  of  the  Directory,  1  shall  have 
the  honor  of  transmitting  copies  to  you,  Sir,  by  different  ways. 

T  am,  with  the  greatest  respect  and  sincere  esteem,  dear  Sir, 
faithfully  your  most  obedient  servant. 

W.  V.  Murray. 


THE    IVIINISTF:R    of    exterior    relations    to    W.    vans    MURRAY. 

(  Translation.') 

Paris,  23  Florfeal,  (12  May,  1799,) 
7tli  year  of  the  French  republic,  one  and  indivisible. 

I  augur  too  well.  Sir,  from  the  eagerness  you  display  in  ful- 
filling the  instructions  of  your  government,  not  to  hasten  to 
answer  the  letter  I  receive  from  you,  dated  the  16th  of  this 
month. 

The  Executive  Directory  being  informed  of  the  nomination 
of  Mr.  Oliver  Ellsworth,  of  Mr.  Patrick  Henry,  and  of  yourself, 
as  envoys  extraordinary  and  ministers  plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  States  to  the  French  republic,  to  discuss  and  terminate 
all  differences  which  subsist  between  the  two  countries,  sees 
with  pleasure  that  its  perseverance  in  pacific  sentiments  has 
kept  open  the  way  to  an  approaching  reconciliation.  It  has  a 
long  time  ago  manifested  its  intentions  with  respect  to  this 
subject.  Be  pleased  to  transmit  to  your  colleagues  and  accept 
yourself  the  frank  and  explicit  assurance  that  it  will  receive  the 
envoys  of  the  United  States  in  the  oflicial  character  with  which 
they  are  invested,  that  they  shall  enjoy  all  the  prerogatives 
which  are  attached  to  them  by  the  law  of  nations,  and  that  one 
or  more  ministers  shall  be  authorized  to  treat  with  them. 

It  was  certainly  unnecessary  to  suffer  so  many  months  to 
elapse  for  the  mere  confirmation  of  what  I  have  already  declared 
to  Mr.  Gerry,  and  which,  after  his  departure,  I  caused  to  be 
declared  to  you  at  the  Hague.  I  sincerely  regret  that  your  two 
colleagues  await  this  answer  at  such  a  distance.  As  to  you. 
Sir,  whom  it  will  reach  in  a  few  days,  and  who  understand  so 
well  the  value  of  time,  when  the  restoration  of  harmony  between 
two  republics,  whom  every  thing  invites  to  friendship,  is  in  ques- 
tion, be  assured  that  as  soon  as  you  can  take  in  hand  the  object 


CORRESPONDENCE.  261 

of  youv  mission,  I  shall  have  the  honor  immediately  to  send  you 
passports. 

Accept,  Sir,  the  assurances  of  my  very  sincere  consideration. 

Ch.  Mau.  Talleyrand. 

The  foregoing  documents  were  not  published  till  they  were 
communicated  to  Congress,  with  my  message  of  December  5th, 
1799.  The  messages  to  the  Senate,  nominating  the  minister 
and  the  envoys,  were  never  published  till  now,  as  I  remember. 
I  may  be,  however,  mistaken.  These  papers  were  not  published 
till  the  mischief  was  done  that  they  might  have  prevented,  and 
innumerable  prejudices  and  errors  propagated  all  over  the  na- 
tion. 

I  have  omitted  two  facts,  which  ought  to  have  been  inserted 
in  a  former  letter : 

1.  One  is,  that  one  of  the  heads  of  departments ^  at  Trenton 
was  more  diffident  than  the  rest.  He  said  he  was  far  from 
being  sanguine.  He  had  signed  the  letter  to  me,  urging  a  post- 
ponement of  the  mission,  because  he  did  not  like  to  be  singular; 
but  he  wished  me  to  decide  the  question  according  to  my  own 
judgment  and  sentiments.  He  also  showed  me  a  letter  from 
the  Attorney-General  in  Virginia,^  saying  that  the  people  ex- 
pected that  the  envoys  should  proceed,  and  would  be  disap- 
pointed if  they  did  not. 

2.  Another  fact  is,  that  I  transiently  asked  one  of  the  heads 
of  departments, whether  Ellsworth  and  Hamilton  came  all  the 
way  from  Windsor  and  Newark  to  Trenton,  to  convince  me 
that  I  ought  to  suspend  the  mission. 


VHI. 

At  first  I  intended  to  encumber  your  paper  with  no  docu- 
ments but  such  as  were  absolutely  necessary  for  my  own  vindi- 
cation. But  as  the  peace  with  France  in  1800,  was  not  only 
an  event  of  great  importance  in  itself,  but  produced  demonstra- 
tions of  the  prejudices,  passions,  views,  designs,  and  systems  of 
parties,  more,  perhaps,  than   any  other,  I  hope  you  will  allow 

1  Mr.  Stoddert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

2  Mr.  Lee.     The  letter  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Adams  himself.     See  page  38. 


262  CORRESPONDENCE. 

me  room  for  such  other  papers  as  may  serve  to  throw  light  upon 
this  subject.  At  present  it  may  not  be  very  interesting ;  but 
the  cause  of  truth  and  justice  may  hereafter  be  promoted  by 
having  the  facts  and  evidences  laid  together  in  a  series.  The 
future  policy  of  the  nation  will  not  be  injured  by  it. 

Besides  the  communications  already  published  from  the  sove- 
reign of  the  French  nation,  through  their  minister  of  foreign  rela- 
tions, their  diplomatic  organ  at  the  Hague,  and  our  minister 
there,  another  was  communicated  through  the  same  channels  in 
these  words :  — 

C.    M.    TALLEYRAND    TO    M.    PICHON. 

Paris,  11  Fructldor,  an  6.  (28  August,  1798.) 

(  Translation.) 

I  see  with  pleasure,  citizen,  that  the  intercourse  of  society  has 
procured  you  some  political  conversations  with  Mr.  Murray.  I 
entertain  an  esteem  for  that  minister.  Like  all  the  men  at 
the  head  of  the  affairs  of  the  United  States,  he  has  received 
the  impressions  which  the  British  cabinet  has  known  how  to 
give  against  us.  He  thinks  the  measures  of  his  government 
just,  and  supports  them ;  but  he  possesses  reason,  understand- 
ing, and  a  true  attachment  to  his  country.  He  is  neither 
French  nor  English ;  he  is  ingenuously  an  American.  I  am 
not  at  all  surprised  that  he  has  appeared  to  you  to  wish  sincerely 
for  the  reconciliation  of  the  two  republics.  I  will,  therefore, 
cheerfully  answer  the  questions  you  put  to  me  on  different 
points,  which  appeared  to  you  not  to  be  well  established  in  his 
mind.  I  do  not  see  between  France  and  the  United  States  any 
clashing  of  interest,  any  cause  of  jealousy.  The  Americans 
wish  to  be  fishermen,  sailors,  manufacturers,  and  especially 
husbandmen.  In  all  these  points  of  view  their  success  is  more 
at  the  expense  of  England  than  us.  Why  should  we  be  uneasy 
about  them?  They  aspire  to  the  consolidation  of  their  national 
existence,  and  it  is  to  our  purpose  that  they  should  succeed.  In 
fact,  we  should  have  decided  upon  very  superficial  views,  to 
sustain  their  independence,  if  the  matter  was  to  separate  them 
from  England  merely  to  leave  them  finally  insulated  among 
themselves,  on  an  extensive  sea-coast,  weak,  rivalling,  and  im- 
poverished by  each  other,  and  torn  by  foreign  intrigues.     We 


CORRESPONDENCE.  263 

know  that  Great  Britain  would  soon  have  put  together,  piece 
by  piece,  those  scattered  shreds,  and  we  should  have  done  no- 
thing useful  for  ourselves,  if  so  miserable  a  chance  of  it  were 
not  daily  rendered  more  remote. 

What,  therefore,  is  the  cause  of  the  misunderstanding  which, 
if  France  did  not  manifest  herself  more  wise,  would  henceforth 
induce  a  violent  rupture  between  the  two  republics  ?  Neither 
incompatible  interests  nor  projects  of  aggrandizement  divide 
them.  After  all,  distrust  alone  has  done  the  whole.  The  go- 
vernment of  the  United  States  has  thought  that  France  wanted 
to  revolutionize  it.  France  has  thought  that  the  government 
of  the  United  States  wanted  to  throw  itself  into  the  arms  of 
England.  It  does  not  require  much  skill  to  divine  which  is  the 
cabinet  interested  in  the  two  events  producing  each  other,  and 
which  invisibly  puts  in  motion  all  the  expedients  calculated  to 
make  them  take  effect.  Let  us  open  our  eyes  on  both  sides.  I 
am  disposed  to  admit  that  the  conduct  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States  may  be  explained  by  other  causes  than  those 
heretofore  presumed.  But  let  it  on  its  part  understand  that  the 
French  government,  wounded  as  it  may  be,  is  too  wise  to  enter- 
tain the  views  of  disturbance,  which  the  other  supposes.  It 
concerns  a  republic,  founded  on  the  system  of  representation,  to 
support  and  not  to  weaken  similar  establishments.  The  stabi- 
lity of  this  system  abroad  is  a  necessary  example  at  home. 
France,  in  fine,  has  a  double  motive  as  a  nation  and  as  a  repub- 
lic, not  to  expose  to  any  hazard  the  present  existence  of  the 
United  States.  Therefore  it  never  thought  of  making  war 
against  them,  nor  exciting  civil  commotions  among  them  ;  and 
every  contrary  supposition  is  an  insult  to  common  sense. 

These  fundamental  principles  being  established,  it  is  natural 
to  ask  by  what  fatality  a  good  understanding  was  not  long 
since  restored.  It  was  because  irritation  being  mingled  with 
distrust  neither  party  yielded  to  real  conciliatory  inclinations. 
In  the  United  States  it  was  supposed  that  the  French  govern- 
ment was  temporizing,  in  order  to  strike  the  blow  with  greater 
certainty,  whence  resulted  a  crowd  of  measures  more  and  more 
aggravating.  In  France  it  was  supposed  that  the  government 
of  the  United  States  wished  only  the  appearances  of  a  negotia- 
tion, whence  resulted  a  certain  demand  for  pledges  of  good  faith. 

Let  us  substitute  calmness  for  passion,  confidence  for  suspi- 


264  CORRESPONDENCE. 

cions,  and  we  shall  soon  agree.  I  used  my  endeavors  to  enter 
upon  a  negotiation  in  this  spirit  with  Mr.  Gerry.  My  corres- 
pondence with  him  until  the  day  of  his  departure  is  a  curious 
monument  of  advances  on  my  part,  and  of  evasions  on  hi^.  It 
is  wrong  to  think  that  I  confined  myself  to  vague  protestations. 
Among  that  series  of  official  letters,  which  will  doubtless  be 
published  at  Philadelphia,  I  select  one  of  the  30th  Prairial, 
wherein  you  will  see  that  I  make  very  positive  propositions, 
without  any  mixture  of  preliminary  conditions.  This  letter 
was  followed  by  three  notes  upon  the  articles  to  be  discussed, 
and  I  intended  to  complete  the  others  in  this  manner,  if  Mr. 
Gerry  had  not  refused  to  answer  thereto. 

When  it  became  necessary  to  abandon  the  idea  of  treating 
with  that  envoy,  who  thought  it  important  only  to  know  how  a 
negotiation  might  thereafter  be  resumed,  I  gave  him  the  most 
solemn  assurances  concerning  the  reception  that  a  new^  pleni- 
potentiary would  receive.  It  was  far  from  my  thoughts  to 
insinuate  that  the  President  should  send  one  from  the  United 
States,  instead  of  investing  with  his  powers  some  one  who  was 
in  Europe  ;  far  less  that  the  envoy  should  land  directly  in  France, 
instead  of  announcing  it  in  a  neighboring  country.  I  wished 
merely  to  say,  that  the  Executive  Directory  was  so  decided 
for  a  reconciliation,  that  all  tampering  would  be  superfluous; 
that  an  act  of  confidence  in  it  would  excite  its  own.  1  should 
be  very  badly  understood,  if  there  should  be  found  in  my  ex- 
pressions a  restriction  on  the  nature  of  the  choice  which  the 
President  might  make.  I  wished  to  encourage  Mr.  Gerry,  by 
testimonies  of  regard  that  his  good  intentions  merited.  Al- 
though I  could  not  dissemble  that  he  wanted  decision  at  a 
moment  when  he  might  have  easily  adjusted  every  thing,  it  does 
not  thence  follow  that  I  designated  him.  I  will  even  avow 
that  I  think  him  too  irresolute  to  be  fit  to  hasten  the  conclusion 
of  an  affair  of  this  kind.  The  advantages  that  I  prized  in  him 
are  common  to  all  Americans,  who  have  not  manifested  a  pre- 
dilection for  England.  Can  it  be  believed  that  a  man  who 
should  profess  a  hatred  or  contempt  of  the  French  republic,  or 
should  manifest  himself  the  advocate  of  royalty,  can  inspire  the 
Directory  with  a  favorable  opinion  of  the  dispositions  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States  ?  I  should  have  disguised  the 
truth,  if  I  had  left  this  matter  ambiguous.     It  is  not  Avounding 


CORRESPONDENCE.  265 

the  independence  of  that  government,  to  point  out  to  a  sincere 
friend  of  peace  the  shoals  he  ought  to  avoid. 

As  to  the  mediation  of  the  Batavian  republic  and  of  Spain, 
I  do  not  know  that  there  is  any  serious  question  about  it,  and 
it  appears  to  me  absolutely  useless.  The  United  States  might 
hesitate,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  to  refer  themselves  to 
their  impartiality;  and,  besides,  I  see  no  subject  which  may  not 
be  arranged  directly. 

I  know  that  the  distance  which  separates  France  and  the 
United  States  opens  a  vast  field  for  incidents,  and  there  have 
been  but  too  many  of  them.  But  the  Executive  Directory  is 
unshaken  in  the  conduct  which  may  best  obviate  them.  The 
excess  even  of  provocations  has  deadened  their  effect.  The 
government  of  the  United  States  surrounds  itself  with  precau- 
tions against  an  imaginary  attack.  To  stretch  the  hand  to 
deluded  friends,  is  what  one  republic  owes  to  another,  and  I 
cannot  doubt  that  the  dignity  of  that  attitude  will  convince  the 
President  of  our  pacific  dispositions. 

The  two  governments  ought  above  all  to  be  attentive  to  indi- 
rect attempts  to  alienate  them  still  more.  Their  prudence  will 
secure  this  object,  and  I  shall  cite  but  one  example  of  it.  You 
have  told  Mr.  Murray  the  truth  respecting  Dr.  Logan.  But  I 
perceive  that  on  all  hands  it  is  attempted  to  produce  a  belief  in 
America  that  we  are  negotiating  with  him.  On  the  7th  of  this 
month  a  very  insidious  paragraph  was  inserted  in  the  "  Biert 
Informer  It  is  therein  intimated,  that,  guided  by  the  citizen 
Thomas  Paine,  Dr.  Logan  has  made  application  to  the  Execu- 
tive Directory  in  the  character  of  secret  agent.  The  Doctor  has 
complained  of  it  bitterly  to  me.  He  has  no  need  of  justifying 
himself  concerning  a  matter,  the  falsity  of  which  I  know  better 
than  anybody ;  but  he  assured  me  that  having  once  met  Tho- 
mas  Paine,  at  the  house  of  a  third  person,  he  found  him  so 
^ejudiced  againsj;  the  United  States,  and  so  opinionative  with 
respect  to  an  influence  he  neither  possesses  among  them  nor  us, 
that  he  abstained  from  conversing  any  more  with  him.  More- 
over, to  cut  short  all  misunderstanding,  I  engaged  Dr.  Logan 
to  postpone  till  another  time  the  experiments  he  proposes  to 
make  on  agriculture,  and  to  return  home.  As  to  Mr.  Hichborn, 
of  Massachusetts,  I  was  even  ignorant  till  now  that  he  was  in 
Europe.     A  single  word  will  suffice  for  the  rest. 

VOL.  IX.  23 


266  CORRESPONDENCE. 

We  want  nothing  but  justice  on  the  part  of  the  United  States. 
We  ask  it,  we  offer  it  to  their  government.  It  may  depend 
upon  the  candor  of  the  Executive  Directory. 

You  will  not  doubt,  citizen,  that  I  approve  of  the  communi- 
cation which  your  zeal  has  caused  you  to  seek  with  Mr.  Murray, 
since  I  enable  you  to  resume  it  with  official  elucidations,  &c., 
&c.,  &c. 

Ch.   Mau.  Talleyrand. 

This  and  all  the  other  communications  from  the  French 
minister,  heretofore  published  in  my  letter  to  you,  were  pro- 
duced by  my  message  to  Congress  of  the  21st  of  June,  1798, 
which  was  in  these  words  :  ^ 


IX. 

Mr.  Hamilton,  in  his  famous  pamphlet,  says,  "the  conduct 
pursued  bore  sufficiently  the  marks  of  courage  and  elevation 
to  raise  the  national  character  to  an  exalted  height  throughout 
Europe. 

"  Much  is  it  to  be  deplored  that  we  should  have  been  preci- 
pitated from  this  proud  eminence  without  necessity,  without 
temptation." 

It  is  the  habitual  practice  of  our  parties  to  affirm  or  deny,  as 
they  find  it  to  their  purpose,  the  honor  or  the  disgrace  that  is 
produced  in  Europe  by  our  measures.  But  neither  party  know 
any  thing  about  the  matter.  The  truth  is,  that  our  affairs  are 
much  less  spoken  or  thought  of  in  Europe  than  we  imagine. 
In  all  parts  of  Europe,  but  especially  in  France  and  England, 
they  are  constantly  misrepresented  and  misunderstood ;  most 
of  all  in  England.  I  will  venture  to  say,  that  Mr.  Hamilton 
wrote  entirely  at  random,  and  without  a  glimmering  of  genuine 
information,  when  he  mentioned  both  the  exaltation  and  preci- 
pitation of  our  national  character.  To  ap{>eal  to  the  courtiers 
or  cabinet,  or  to  the  diplomatic  corps  in  Europe,  would  be  idle, 
because  none  of  them  will  ever  read  Hamilton's  pamphlet  or 

'  See  page  159  for  this  message,  ending  with  the  following  words  : 
"  I  ivill  never  send  another  minister  to  France  toithout  assurances  that  he  loill 
he  received,  respected,  aiid  honored  as  the  representative  of  a  great,  free,  power- 
ful, and  independent  nation." 


CORRESPONDENCE.  267 

these  papers;  but  I  would  not  hesitate  to  submit  the  whole 
subject  to  any  of  them.  I  shall  take  another  course.  Chief 
Justice  Ellsworth  is  no  more.  I  can  no  longer  appeal  to  him. 
If  1  could,  1  would  say  no  more  than  the  truth,  but  it  would  be 
more  than  I  shall  now  say ;  and  I  aver  that  his  representation 
to  me  was  the  direct  reverse  of  Hamilton's  dogmatical  asser- 
tions. Governor  Davie  still  lives,  and  to  him  I  appeal  with 
confidence.  He  declared  to  me  that,  to  judge  of  the  conduct 
of  the  American  government,  both  in  their  naval  and  other 
preparations  for  war,  and  in  their  political  and  diplomatic  nego- 
tiations upon  that  occasion,  a  man  must  go  to  Europe,  where  it 
was  considered  as  the  greatest  demonstration  of  genius,  firm- 
ness, and  wisdom.  If  I  represent  the  governor's  expressions  in 
stronger  terms  than  those  he  used,  I  request  him  to  correct 
them. 

In  England,  I  know  the  Anti-Jacobin  journal  abused  us,  and 
so  did  ]\Iacdonald,  Cobbett,  Smith,  and  every  Briton  in  Europe 
and  America,  who  wished  us  at  war  with  France  and  in  alliance 
with  England.  But  even  in  England  all  the  sober  part  of  the 
nation  applauded  us,  and  that  to  such  a  degree,  that  it  soon 
became  a  popular  cry,  "  We  must  imitate  the  United  States  of 
America,  change  our  ministers,  and  make  peace."  Accordingly, 
they  did  soon  change  their  ministers,  and  make  peace  at  Amiens. 

Mr.  Liston,  whose  character  I  respect,  had  run  through  a  long 
course  of  diplomatic  experience  in  various  courts  and  countries 
in  Europe,  from  a  secretary  of  legation  and  charge,  des  affaires 
to  the  grade  of  minister  plenipotentiary,  and  thence  to  that  of 
ambassador  at  Constantinople,  was  probably  a  better  judge 
than  Mr.  Hamilton,  who  had  no  experience  at  all  in  any  diplo- 
matic station,  and  who,  I  dare  to  say,  had  read  very  little  on 
the  subject  of  diplomatic  functions,  and  still  less  of  the  history 
of  embassies,  or  of  the  printed  despatches  of  ambassadors.  Mr. 
Liston,  if  anybody,  knew  what  would  procure  honor  to  a  nation 
or  government,  and  what  disgrace,  what  was  triumph,  and  what 
humiliation. 

Now  I  affirm,  that  the  first  time  Mr.  Liston  saw  me,  after  he 
had  been  informed  of  the  communications  of  the  French  Di- 
rectory through  Talleyrand,  Mr.  Pichon,  and  Mr.  Murray,  he 
said  to  me  these  words :  "  To  ivhat  hu7niliations  ivill  not  these 
Frenchmen  stoop  to  appease  you?    I  am  very  sorry  for  it;  I  own, 


268  CORRESPONDENCE. 

I  did  hope  they  ivoidd  have  g-one  to  ivar  until  you^  I  smiled, 
but  made  no  answer.  I  wanted  no  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  this 
declaration.  I  doubted  not  the  sincerity  of  his  wish  more  than 
I  did  that  of  Mr.  Canning  and  his  associates  in  the  Anti-Jacobin, 
who,  upon  receiving  the  news  of  Mr.  Murray's  nomination, 
proclaimed  that  jacobinism  was  triumphant  and  carrying  all 
before  it  in  America.  They  could  not,  or  would  not,  distinguish 
between  jacobinism  and  neutrality.  Every  thing  with  them 
was  jacobinism,  except  a  war  with  France  and  an  alliance  with 
Great  Britain.  They  all  panted  for  a  war  between  the  United 
States  and  France  as  sincerely,  though  not  so  ardently,  as 
Alexander  Hamilton. 

There  were  not  wanting  insinuations  and  instigations  to  me 
to  confer  with  Mr.  Liston  on  the  subject  of  an  alliance  with 
Great  Britain.  And  Mr.  Liston  himself  repeatedly  suggested 
to  me,  in  very  modest  and  delicate  terms,  however,  his  readi- 
ness to  enter  into  any  explanations  on  that  head.  I  always 
waved  it  with  as  easy  a  politeness  as  I  could.  But  my  system 
was  determined,  and  had  been  so  for  more  than  twenty  years; 
that  is,  to  enter  into  no  alliance  with  any  power  in  Europe.  In 
case  of  war  with  England,  I  would  not  enter  into  any  alliance 
with  France.  In  case  of  war  with  France,  I  would  not  form  any 
alliance  with  England.  We  want  no  alliance  ;  we  are  equal  to 
all  our  own  necessary  wars. 

"  Non  tali  auxilio,  nee  defensorihus  istis, 
Tempus  eget." 

We  might  aid  and  be  aided  by  a  power  at  war  with  our  ene- 
my, and  might  concert  operations  from  time  to  time;  but  I  would 
make  no  engagement  that  should  tie  up  our  hands  from  making 
peace  whenever  we  pleased.  Had  the  war  with  France  con- 
tinued, I  might  have  been  drawn  by  the  force  of  public  opinion, 
or  the  influence  of  the  legislature,  into  an  alliance  with  England ; 
but  it  would  have  been  against  my  own  judgment  and  inclina- 
tion. 

Let  me  conclude  this  letter  with  an  anecdote.  Dr.  Franklin 
told  me,  that  before  his  return  to  America  from  England,  in 
1775,  he  was  in  company,  I  believe  at  Lord  Spencer's,  with  a 
number  of  English  noblemen,  when  the  conversation  turned 
upon  fables,  those  of  ^sop.  La  Fontaine,  Gay,  Moore,  &c.,  &c. 
Some  one  of  the  company  observed  that  he  thought  the  subject 


CORRESPONDENCE.  269 

was  exhausted.  He  did  not  believe  that  any  man  could  now 
find  an  animal,  beast,  bird,  or  fish,  that  he  could  work  into  a 
new  fable  with  any  success  ;  and  the  whole  company  appeared 
to  applaud  the  idea,  except  Franklin,  who  was  silent.  The 
gentleman  insisted  on  his  opinion.  He  said,  with  submission 
to  their  lordships,  he  believed  the  subject  was  inexhaustible, 
and  that  many  new  and  instructive  fables  might  be  made  out 
of  such  materials.  Can  you  think  of  any  one  at  present?  K 
your  lordship  will  furnish  me  a  pen,  ink,  and  paper,  I  believe  I 
can  furnish  your  lordship  with  one  in  a  few  minutes.  The 
paper  was  brought,  and  he  sat  down  and  wrote  :  — 

"  Once  upon  a  time,  an  eagle  scaling  round  a  farmer's  barn, 
and  espying  a  hare,  darted  down  upon  him  like  a  sunbeam, 
seized  him  in  his  claws,  and  remounted  with  him  in  the  air. 
He  soon  found  that  he  had  a  creature  of  more  courage  and 
strength  than  a  hare,  for  which,  notwithstanding  the  keenness 
of  his  eyesight,  he  had  mistaken  a  cat.  The  snarling  and 
scrambling  of  the  prey  was  very  inconvenient,  and,  what  was 
worse,  she  had  disengaged  herself  from  his  talons,  grasped  his 
body  with  her  four  limbs,  so  as  to  stop  his  breath,  and  seized 
fast  hold  of  his  throat  with  her  teeth.  Pray,  said  the  eagle, 
let  go  your  hold,  and  I  will  release  you.  Very  fine,  said  the  cat, 
I  have  no  fancy  to  fall  from  this  height  and  be  crushed  to  death. 
You  have  taken  me  up,  and  you  shall  stoop  and  let  me  down. 
The  eagle  thought  it  necessary  to  stoop  accordingly." 

The  moral  was  so  applicable  to  England  and  America,  that 
the  fable  was  allowed  to  be  original,  and  highly  applauded. 

Let  Hamilton  say  what  he  will,  the  French  Directory  found 
it  convenient  to  stoop  and  set  us  down  on  our  honest  ground 
of  neutrality  and  impartiality,  as  the  English  eagle  did  formerly, 
and  now  does  a  second  time. 


X. 

Another  of  my  crimes,  according  to  my  great  accuser,  was 
nominating  Mr.  Murray  without  previous  consultation  with  any 
of  my  ministers.  To  this  charge  I  shall  say  but  little  at  pre- 
sent. 

Tn  England,  the  first  magistrate  is  responsible  for  nothing, 
23* 


270  CORRESPONDENCE. 

his  ministers  for  every  thing.  Here,  according  to  the  practice, 
if  not  the  Constitution,  the  ministers  are  responsible  for  nothing, 
the  President  for  every  thing.  He  is  made  to  answer  before  the 
people,  not  only  for  every  thing  done  by  his  ministers,  but  even 
for  all  the  acts  of  the  legislature.  Witness  the  alien  and  sedi-^_ 
tion  laws.  In  all  great  and  essential  measures  he  is  bound  by 
"his  honor  and  his  conscience,  by  his  oath  to  the  Constitution, 
as  well  as  his  responsibility  to  the  public  opinion  of  the  nation, 
to  act  his  own  mature  and  unbiased  judgment,  though  unfor- 
tunately, it  may  be  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  advice  of  all  his 
ministers.  This  was  my  situation  in  more  than  one  instance. 
It  had  been  so  in  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Gerry ;  it  was  afterwards 
so  in  the  pardon  of  Fries ;  two  measures  that  I  recollect  with 
infinite  satisfaction,  and  which  will  console  me  in  my  last  hour. 

In  the  case  now  in  question  I  perfectly  knew  the  sentiments 
of  all  my  ministers.  I  knew  every  argument  they  could  allege, 
and  moreover,  I  knew  the  secret  motives  that  governed  them 
better  than  they  did  themselves.  I  knew  them  then  and  I  know 
them  now,  believe  it  or  disbelieve  it  who  will,  at  the  present 
time ;    hereafter,  the  world  will  be  convinced  of  it. 

I  knew  that  if  I  called  the  heads  of  departments  together  and 
asked  their  advice,  three  of  them  would  very  laconically  protest 
against  the  measure.  The  other  two  would  be  loath  to  dissent 
from  their  brethren,  and  would  more  modestly  and  mildly  con- 
cur with  them.  The  consequence  would  be,  that  the  whole 
would  be  instantaneously  communicated  to  A,  B,  C,  D,  E,  F, 
&c.,  in  the  Senate,  and  G,  H,  I,  &c.,  in  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives ;  the  public  and  the  presses  would  have  it  at  once,  and  a 
clamor  raised  and  a  prejudice  propagated  against  the  measure, 
that  would  probably  excite  the  Senate  to  put  their  negative  on 
the  whole  plan.  If  I  had  called  the  heads  of  department  to- 
gether, and  asked  their  advice,   I  knew  from  past  experience  i 

1  Compare  with  tliis  the  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  of  20th  October, 
1798,  vol.  viii.  p.  612,  which  seems  never  to  have  been  answered.  Also  the 
directions  to  the  same  officer,  15th  January,  1799,  to  prepare  a  plan  of  a  treaty, 
vol.  viii.  p.  621,  of  which  no  notice  whatever  was  taken.  Likewise  the  draught 
of  a  passage  to  be  put  into  the  message  of  December,  1798,  which  was  not 
adopted,  p.  131,  of  this  volume. 

In  a  private  letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Stoddert  protested  against  benig  in- 
cluded within  the  scope  of  this  charge.     He  says  : 

"  You  had  reason  to  believe  that  I  did  not  hold,  and  never  had  held  myself 
at  liberty  to  oppose  a  measure  of  yours,  and  retain  my  office ;  and  I  strongly 


CORRESPONDENCE.  271 

that  their  answers  would  have  been  flat  negatives.  If  I  had 
asked  their  reasons,  they  would  be  such  arguments  as  Hamilton 
has  recorded;  for  he^it  seerns,  was  their  recording  sccrotary. 

1.  The  etiquette  which  required,  according  to  them,  that 
France  should  send  a  minister  to  us. 

2.  That  a  negotiation  with  France  would  give  offence  to 
Great  Britain  and  to  Russia,  and  probably  involve  us  in  a  war 
with  these  powers. 

I  had  twenty  times  answered  these  arguments  by  saying,  that 
there  was  no  such  etiquette.  It  was  true  that  in  ancient  and 
more  barbarous  times,  when  nations  had  been  inflamed  by  long 
wars,  and  the  people  wrought  up  to  a  degree  of  fury  on  both 
sides,  so  as  to  excite  apprehensions  that  ambassadors  would  be 
insulted  or  massacred  by  the  populace,  or  even  imprisoned,  as 
in  Turkey,  sovereigns  had  insisted  that  ambassadors  should  be 
exchanged,  and  that  one  should  be  held  as  a  hostage  for  the 
other.  It  had  even  been  insisted  that  a  French  ambassador 
should  embark  at  Calais  at  the  same  hour  that  an  English 
ambassador  embarked  at  Dover.  But  these  times  were  passed. 
Nations  sent  ambassadors  now  as  they  pleased.  Franklin  and 
his  associates  had  been  sent  to  France  ;  Mr.  Jay  had  been  sent 
to  Spain ;  I  had  been  sent  to  Holland ;  Mr.  Izard  had  been 
commissioned  to  Tuscany ;  Mr.  W.  Lee  to  Vienna  and  Berlin, 
without  any  stipulation  for  sending  ministers  in  return.  We 
had  a  minister  in  London  three  years,  "without  any  minister 
from  England  in  return.  We  have  had  a  minister  at  Berlin, 
without  any  from  Prussia. 

As  to  the  offence  that  would  be  taken  by  Great  Britain,  I 
asked,  shall  we  propose  any  thing  to  France,  or  agree  to  any 
thing  inconsistent  with  our  treaties  and  pledged  faith  with 
England  ?  Certainly  not.  What  right  has  England,  then,  to 
be  offended  ?  Have  we  not  as  clear  a  right  to  make  peace  as 
she  has  ?  We  are  at  war  with  France,  at  least  in  part.  If 
Britain   should   make   peace  with  France,  what  right  have  we 

advised  you,  since  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Murray  was  made,  to  adhere  to  it, 
expressing  my  conviction  that  the  Senate  would  acquiesce.  You  were  then 
determined  to  adhere ;  but  afterwards,  and  perhaps  more  wisely,  though  I  think 
at  the  expense  of  some  personal  dignity,  made  a  modification  of  your  mes- 
sage." 

Mr.  Adams,  though  well  disposed  to  correct  other  things  pointed  out  in  the 
same  letter,  declined  to  modify  this  passage. 


272  CORRESPONDENCE. 

to  complain,  provided  she  stipulates  nothing  inconsistent  with 
her  treaty  with  us  ? 

As  to  Russia,  what  has  she  to  do  with  us,  or  we  with  her? 
I  had  confidence  enough  in  the  assurances  given,  firmly  to  be- 
lieve that  our  envoys  would  be  received  and  respected.  Candi- 
dates enough  were  ready  to  run  the  risk,  and  Hamilton  himself 
would  have  been  very  proud  to  have  been  one  of  them,  if  he 
had  not  been  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army. 

I  will  acknowledge,  that  when  the  terror  of  the  power  and 
anger  of  Great  Britain  have  been  held  up  to  me  in  a  manner 
that  appears  to  me  to  be  base  and  servile,  I  sometimes  was 
provoked  to  say,  that  in  a  just  cause,  when  the  essential  cha- 
racter and  interests  of  the  United  States  should  be  wronged  by 
Great  Britain,  I  should  hold  her  power  in  total  contempt.  It  may 
be  said,  for  it  has  been  said,  that  this  was  imprudent,  and  that 
[  was  fretted.  Let  it  be  said  by  whom  it  will,  I  now  repeat 
the  same  sentiment  after  the  coolest  reflection  of  ten  years. 

On  the  other  hand,  by  making  the  nomination  on  my  own 
authority,  I  believed  that  the  heads  of  departments  would  have 
some  discretion ;  and  although  I  knew  that  the  British  faction 
would  excite  a  clamor,  and  that  some  of  the  senators,  represent- 
atives, and  heads  of  departments  would  make  no  exertions  to 
discountenance  it,  if  they  did  not  secretly  or  openly  encourage 
it,  yet  I  was  so  perfectly  convinced  of  the  national  sense,  and 
that  the  Senate  felt  it  so  strongly,  that  they  would  not  dare  to 
negative  it,  even  if  the  majority  had  disliked  it,  which  I  very 
well  knew  they  did  not.  I  thought  a  clamor  after  the  fact 
would  be  much  less  dangerous  than  a  clamor  before  it.  And 
so  it  proved  in  experience.  A  clamor  there  was,  as  I  always 
knew  there  would  be,  and  Alexander  Hamilton  had  a  principal 
underhand  in  exciting  it. 

It  is  well  known  that  there  are  continued  interviews  between 
the  members  of  the  Senate  and  the  members  of  the  House,  and 
the  heads  of  departments.  Eternal  solicitations  for  nominations 
to  office  are  made  in  this  manner.  There  is  not  an  executive 
measure,  that  members  of  Congress  are  not  almost  constantly 
employed  in  pumping  from  the  heads  of  departments.  There 
is  not  a  legislative  measure,  that  the  heads  of  departments  do 
not  intermeddle  in.  It  really  deserves  consideration,  whether  it 
would  not  be  better  that  heads  of  departments  should  be  mem- 


CORRESPONDENCE.  273 

bers  of  the  legislature.  There  they  would  be  confronted  in  all 
things.  Now,  all  is  secrecy  and  darkness.  Washington,  I 
know,  was  nearly  as  much  vexed  and  tortured  by  these  things 
as  I  was,  and  resigned  his  office  to  get  rid  of  them.  And  so 
would  I  have  done  with  great  joy,  if  I  could  have  been  sure  of 
a  successor  whose  sentiments  were  as  conformable  to  mine,  as 
he  knew  mine  were  to  his. 


XL 

Mr.  Hamilton,  in  his  pamphlet,  speaking  of  Talleyrand's  des- 
patches, says,  "  overtures  so  circuitous  and  informal,  through  a 
person  who  was  not  the  regular  organ  of  the  French  govern- 
ment for  making  them,  to  a  person  who  was  not  the  regular 
organ  of  the  American  government  for  receiving  them,  &c.,  were 
a  very  inadequate  basis  for  the  institution  of  a  new  mission." 

Here,  again,  Mr.  Hamilton's  total  ignorance  or  oblivion  of  the 
practice  of  our  own  government,  as  well  as  the  constant  usage 
of  other  nations  in  diplomatic  proceedings,  appears  in  all  its 
lustre.  In  1784,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  the  then 
sovereign  of  our  country,  issued  fifteen  commissions,  as  I  re- 
member. If  I  mistake  the  number,  Colonel  Humphreys  can 
correct  me,  for  he  was  the  secretary  of  legation  to  them  all,  and 
possesses,  as  I  suppose,  the  original  parchments,  to  John  Adams, 
Benjamin  Franklin,  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  to  form  commercial 
treaties  with  all  the  commercial  powers  of  Europe  and  the  Bar- 
bary  States.  Our  instructions  were  to  communicate  these 
credentials  to  the  ambassadors  of  these  powers  at  Versailles, 
not  to  go  to  those  courts.  And  we  did  communicate  them  in 
this  informal  and  circuitous  manner,  and  received  very  civil 
answers.  We  were  not  told,  "  If  Congress  wishes  any  connec- 
tions with  us,  commercial  or  political,  let  them  send  ambassa- 
dors directly  to  our  courts.  It  is  inconsistent  with  our  dignity 
to  receive  or  pay  any  attention  to  such  indirect,  circuitous,  and 
informal  overtures." 

These  indirect  and  circuitous  communications,  as  Hamilton 
calls  them,  are  of  established  usage  and  daily  practice  all  over 
the  world.  Instances  of  them  without  number  might  be  quoted ; 
I  shall  only  recite  two  or  three. 

R 


274  CORRESPONDENCE. 

The  Baron  de  Thulemeier,  ambassador  from  Frederick  the 
Great,  King  of  Prussia,  whose  name  and  character  Mr.  Hamilton 
affects  to  admire,  wrote  me  a  letter  when  I  was  minister  pleni- 
potentiary in  Holland,  informing  me  that  he  had  received  the 
commands  of  the  king,  his  master,  to  make  me  a  visit,  and 
communicate  somethins:  to  me  as  minister  from  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  desired  to  know  at  what  hour  I  would 
receive  him.^  I  wrote  him  in  answer,  that  I  would  have  the 
honor  of  receiving  him  at  twelve  o'clock  of  the  next  day,  or,  if 
he  wished  an  earlier  interview,  I  would  call  on  him  at  his  hotel, 
at  any  hour  he  should  be  pleased  to  indicate.  To  this  I  received 
no  answer,  but  at  the  hour  I  had  mentioned  his  Excellency 
appeared  at  my  house  in  the  habiliments,  and  with  the  equipage 
of  his  ministerial  character.  He  said  that  the  king,  his  master, 
had  ordered  him  to  visit  me  and  ask  my  opinion  of  a  connection 
and  treaty  between  Prussia  and  the  United  States  of  America. 
What  a  figure  should  I  have  made,  if  I  had  said,  "  This  is  all 
circuitous  and  informal ;  your  master,  if  he  wishes  a  con- 
nection, commercial  or  political,  with  America,  must  send  an 
ambassador  to  Philadelphia,  and  propose  it  to  Congress"  !  Yet 
Mr.  Hamilton's  doctrine  and  reasoning  would  have  required  this. 
The  king,  however,  would  have  expected  more  sense  of  pro- 
priety, more  knowledge  of  the  intercourse  of  nations,  and  a  more 
rational  answer,  from  a  deputy  of  one  of  our  savage  tribes,  or 
one  of  the  migratory  hordes  of  Africa  or  Tartary.  My  ansv^er 
was,  "  Be  pleased.  Sir,  to  present  my  most  profound  respects  to 
his  Majesty,  and  inform  him,  that  though  I  have  no  commission 
or  instructions  to  enter  into  official  conferences  upon  the  subject, 
I  am  very  sensible  of  the  high  honor  done  me  by  this  communi- 
cation, and  have  no  hesitation  in  expressing  my  private  opinion, 
that  such  a  connection  between  the  United  States  and  his  Ma- 
jesty's dominions  would  be  highly  honorable  and  advantageous, 
and  I  have  no  doubt  Congress  would  be  unanimous  in  the  same 
sentiments."  That  without  loss  of  time  I  would  transmit  to 
them  an  account  of  this  conversation,  and  had  no  doubt  they 
would  authorize  a  minister  to  treat  with  his  Majesty's  minister. 
The  Baron  then  said,  he  was  farther  directed  to  ask  my  opinion 
of  a  proper  basis  of  a  treaty.  I  answered,  our  treaty  lately  con- 
cluded with  Holland  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  such  a  basis. 

1  See  vohmie  viii.  p.  189. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  275 

Congress,  when  they  received  this  information  from  me,  did 
not  say,  "  This  is  all  informal  and  indirect,  from  obscure  and 
unauthorized  agents.  The  King  of  Prussia  must  send  us  an 
ambassador."  Yet  I  sent  them  no  official  act  of  the  king;  no 
official  letter  under  hand  and  seal  from  his  prime  minister,  as 
Mr.  Mun-ay  did  to  me.  All  was  mere  parol  evidence,  mere  verbal 
conversation.  Yet  Congress  immediately  sent  a  commission 
to  Adams,  Franklin,  and  Jefferson,  to  treat  with  the  king's 
minister.  The  king  sent  a  commission  to  his  minister;  and 
a  treaty  was  negotiated,  concluded,  and  ratified,  which  now 
remains  among  the  archives  and  printed  documents  of  our 
country,  not  at  all  to  her  disgrace. 

The  king  had  previously  ordered  his  ambassador  to  express 
to  me  his  entire  satisfaction  with  the  interview  between  his 
ambassador  and  me ;  that  he  had  maturely  examined  our  treaty 
with  Holland,  and  approved  it  as  a  basis  of  negotiation  with 
him. 

Another  instance.  Mr.  Weems,  a  young  gentleman  of  liberal 
education,  from  Virginia  or  Maryland,  went  to  England  in 
hopes  of  obtaining  holy  orders  in  the  church.  He  wrote  a  letter 
to  me,  as  American  minister  in  Holland,  though  he  had  never 
seen  me,  and  indeed  has  never  seen  me  since,  bitterly  complain- 
ing not  only  of  the  stern  refusal,  but  even  of  the  rough  treatment 
he  had  received  from  the  English  bishops,  and  even  from  the 
great  Hurd.^  He  desired  to  know,  if  he  could  receive  ordination 
from  the  bishops  in  Holland.  There  were  no  bishops  in  Hol- 
land ;  but  there  were  Protestant  bishops  in  Denmark.  At  the 
first  meeting  of  the  ambassadors,  I  asked  M.  de  Saint  Saphorin, 
the  ambassador  from  Denmark,  whether  an  American  candidate 
for  the  ministry  could  receive  from  the  bishops  in  his  country 
Episcopal  ordination ;  and  whether  any  oaths,  subscriptions,  or 
professions  of  faith  would  be  required ;  and  whether  the  arti- 
cles of  the  Church  of  England  were  sufficiently  conformable  to 
the  faith  of  Denmark.  ^'- Man  Dieul  Je  rCen  sais  rien^'  —  "My 
God ! "  said  Saint  Saphorin,  "  I  know  nothing  of  the  matter ; 
but  if  you  desire  it,  I  will  soon  inform  myself."  I  thanked  him, 
and  should  be  much  obliged  to  him.  In  a  shorter  time  than  I 
could  imagine,  he  came  to  inform  me  that  he  had  written  our 
conversation  to  the  prime  minister  of  his  court,  who  had  laid  it 

1  See  his  letter,  vol.  viii.  p.  184. 


276  CORRESPONDENCE. 

before  the  king,  who  had  taken  it  into  consideration  in  his 
council,  and  had  ordered  it  to  be  laid  before  the  convocation, 
who  had  unanimously  determined  that  any  American  candidate 
of  proper  qualifications  and  good  moral  character  should  at  any 
time  receive  ordination  from  any  bishop  in  Denmark,  without 
taking  any  oath  or  professing  any  other  faith,  but  merely  sub- 
scribing the  articles  of  the  Church  of  England.  He  even  went 
so  far  as  to  say  that  the  king,  if  we  desired  it,  would  appoint  a 
bishop  in  one  of  his  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  to  accommodate 
American  candidates.  I  wrote  this  to  Mr.  Weems,  and  it  soon 
procured  him  a  more  polite  reception  from  the  English  clergy. 
Indeed,  it  laid  the  first  foundation  not  only  of  Mr.  Weems's 
ordination,  but  of  the  whole  system  of  Episcopacy  in  the 
United  States. 

I  also  wrote  a  history  of  it  to  Congress,  who,  instead  of 
reprimanding  me,  ordered  me  to  transmit  their  thanks  to  the 
King  of  Denmark,  which  I  did  afterwards,  through  another 
indirect  and  informal  channel,  that  of  his  ambassador  at  the 
court  of  London. 

It  seems  that  neither  St.  Saphorin,  nor  his  prime  minister, 
nor  the  king,  their  master,  nor  his  council,  nor  the  whole  con- 
vocation of  bishops,  nor  our  American  Congress,  were  such 
profound  adepts  in  the  law  of  nations  and  the  diplomatic  inter- 
course of  sovereigns,  as  Mr.  Hamilton.  None  of  them  discovered 
that  it  was  inconsistent  with  their  dignity  to  take  notice  of  any 
thing  less  formal  and  direct  than  immediate  communications 
from  a  resident  ambassador. 

Let  me  add  another  example.  At  the  instigation  of  the 
Count  de  Vergennes,  the  Swedish  ambassador  at  Versailles 
had  written  to  his  court  to  know  whether  it  would  be  agreeable 
to  them  to  form  a  treaty  with  the  United  States.  Receiving  an 
answer  in  the  affirmative,  he  suggested  this  to  Dr.  Franklin, 
who,  upon  this  simple  verbal  insinuation,  wrote  an  account  of 
it  to  Congress,  who  immediately  sent  him  a  commission.  The 
King  of  Sweden  sent  a  commission  to  his  ambassador  at  Ver- 
sailles. The  treaty  was  concluded  at  Paris,  and  afterwards 
ratified  by  both  powers.  Yet  no  ambassador  from  Sweden  to 
the  United  States  has  ever  appeared,  and  no  minister  from  the 
United  States  has  ever  gone  to  Sweden,  to  this  day. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  277 

XII. 

In  the  pamphlet  it  is  said,  that  "the  great  alteration  in  public 
opinion  had  put  it  completely  in  the  power  of  our  executive  to 
control  the  machinations  of  any  future  public  agent  of  France." 
Therefore  Philadelphia  was  a  safer  scene  of  negotiation  than 
Paris. 

Mr.  Hamilton's  erroneous  conceptions  of  the  public  opinion 
may  be  excused  by  the  considerations  that  he  was  not  a  native 
of  the  United  States ;  that  he  was  born  and  bred  in  the  West 
Indies  till  he  went  to  Scotland  for  education,  where  he  spent 
his  time  in  a  seminary  of  learning  till  seventeen  years  of  age, 
after  which  no  man  ever_perfectly  acquired  a  national  character; 
then  entered  a  college  at  New  York,  from  whence  he  issued 
into  the  army  as  an  aid-de-camp.  In  these  situations  he  could 
scarcely  acquire  the  opinions,  feelings,  or  principles  of  the  Ame- 
rican people.  His  error  may  be  excused  by  the  further  con- 
sideration, that  his  time  was  chiefly  spent  in  his  pleasures,  in 
his  electioneering  visits,  conferences,  and  correspondences,  in 
propagating  prejudices  against  every  man  whom  he  thought  his 
superior  in  the  public  estimation,  and  in  composing  ambitious 
reports  upon  finance,  while  the  real  business  of  the  treasury 
was  done  by  Duer,  by  Wolcott,  and  even,  for  some  time  and  in 
part,  by  Tench  Coxe. 

His  observation,  that  "  France  will  never  be  without  secret 
agents,"  is  true,  and  it  is  equally  true  that  England  wall  always 
have  secret  agents  and  emissaries  too.  That  her  "  partisans 
among  our  own  citizens  can  much  better  promote  her  cause  than 
any  agents  she  can  send,"  is  also  true ;  but  it  is  at  least  equally 
true  of  the  partisans  of  Great  Britain.  We  have  seen,  in  the 
foregoing  papers,  glaring  and  atrocious  instances  of  the  exertions 
of  her  public  agents,  secret  emissaries,  and  partisans,  among  our 
citizens.  But  none  have  yet  been  mentioned  that  bear  any 
comparison,  in  point  of  guilt  and  arrogance,  with  those  of  all 
kinds  that  have  been  exhibited  within  the  last  two  or  three 
years. 

My  worthy  fellow-citizens !  Our  form  of  government,  inesti- 
mable as  it  is,  exposes  us,  more  than  any  other,  to  the  insidious 
intrigues  and  pestilent  influence  of  foreign  nations.  Nothing 
but  our  inflexible  neutrality  can  preserve  us.     The  public  nego- 

VOL.    IX.  2-i 


278  CORRESPONDENCE. 

tiations  and  secret  intrigues  of  the  English  and  the  French  have 
been  employed  for  centuries  in  every  court  and  country  of 
Europe.  Look  back  to  the  history  of  Spain,  Holland,  Germany, 
Russia,  Sweden,  Denmark,  Prussia,  Italy,  and  Turkey,  for  the 
last  hundred  years.  How  many  revolutions  have  been  caused ! 
How  many  emperors  and  kings  have  fallen  victims  to  the  alter- 
nate triumphs  of  parties,  excited  by  Englishmen  or  Frenchmen! 
And  can  we  expect  to  escape  the  vigilant  attention  of  politi- 
cians so  experienced,  so  keen-sighted,  and  so  rich?  If  we 
convince  them  that  our  attachment  to  neutrality  is  unchange- 
able, they  will  let  us  alone ;  but  as  long  as  a  hope  remains,  in 
either  power,  of  seducing  us  to  engage  in  war  on  his  side  and 
against  his  enemy,  we  shall  be  torn  and  convulsed  by  their 
manoeuvres. 

Never  was  there  a  grosser  mistake  of  public  opinion  than 
that  of  Mr.  Hamilton.  The  great  alteration  in  public  opinion 
had  not  then,  nor  has  it  yet,  taken  place.  The  French  republic 
still  existed.  The  French  people  were  still  considered  as  strug- 
gling for  liberty,  amidst  all  their  internal  revolutions,  their  con- 
flicts of  parties,  and  their  bloody  wars  against  the  coalitions  of 
European  powers.  Monarchy,  empire,  had  not  been  suggested. 
Bonaparte  had  appeared  only  as  a  soldier;  had  acted  on  the 
public  stage  in  no  civil  or  political  employment.  A  sense  of 
gratitude  for  services  rendered  us  in  our  revolution,  by  far  more 
sincere  and  ardent  than  reason  or  justice  could  warrant,  still 
remained  on  the  minds,  not  only  of  our  republicans,  but  of  great 
numbers  of  our  soundest  federalists.  Did  Mr.  Hamilton  recol- 
lect the  state  of  our  presses ;  recollect  the  names  and  popular 
eloquence  of  the  editors  of  the  opposition  papers;  that  scoff- 
ing, scorning  wit,  and  that  caustic  malignity  of  soul,  which 
appeared  so  remarkably  in  all  the  writings  of  Thomas  Paine 
and  Callender,  which  to  the  disgrace  of  human  nature  never 
fails  to  command  attention  and  applause ;  the  members  of 
the  Senate  and  House  who  were  decided  against  the  adminis- 
tration, their  continual  intercourse  and  communications  with 
French  emissaries ;  the  hideous  clamor  against  the  alien  law 
and  sedition  law,  both  considered  as  levelled  entirely  against 
the  French  and  their  friends ;  and  the  surrender,  according  to 
the  British  treaty,  of  the  Irish  murderer  Nash,  imposed  upon 
the  public  for  Jonathan  Robins  ?     Did  he  recollect  the  insurrec- 


CORRESPONDENCE.  279 

tion  in  Pennsylvania,  the  universal  and  perpetual  inflammatory 
publications  against  the  land  tax,  stamp  tax,  coach  tax,  excise 
law,  and  eight  per  cent,  loan  ?  Did  he  never  see  nor  hear  of  the 
circular  letters  of  members  of- Congress  from  the  middle  and 
southern  States  ?  Did  he  know  nothing  of  the  biting  sarcasms, 
the  burning  rage  against  himself  and  his  own  army  ?  Did  he 
know  nothing  of  a  kind  of  journal  that  was  published,  of  every 
irregular  act  of  any  officer  or  soldier,  of  every  military  punish- 
ment that  was  inflicted,  under  the  appellation  of  the  Cannibal's 
Progress  ?  Did  he  see  nothing  of  the  French  cockades,  osten- 
tatiously  exhibited  against  the  American  cockades  ?_ 

Had  a  French  minister  been  seen  here  with  his  suite,  he  would 
have  been  instantly  informed  of  every  source  and  symptom  of 
discontent.  Almost  every  Frenchman  upon  the  continent,  and 
they  were  then  numerous  in  all  the  States,  would  have  been 
employed  in  criminating  the  American  Government,  in  applaud- 
ing the  condescension  of  the  French  Directory,  and  the  friendly, 
conciliating  disposition  of  the  French  nation.  Nothing  could 
have  been  kept  secret.  The  popular  clamor  for  peace  on  any 
terms  would  have  been  very  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  resist. 
The  multitude  in  Philadelphia,  as  it  was,  were  almost  as  ripe 
to  pull  me  out  of  my  house  as  they  had  been  to  dethrone 
Washington  in  the  time  of  Genet.  Even  the  night  of  the  fast- 
day,  the  streets  were  crowded  with  multitudinous  assemblies 
of  the  people,  especially  that  before  my  door,  and  kept  in  order 
only,  as  many  people  thought,  by  a  military  patrol,  ordered,  I 
believe,  by  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania. 

In  these  circumstances  it  was  my  opinion,  and  it  is  so  still,  it 
was  infinitely  better  to  conduct  the  negotiation  at  Paris  than  in 
Philadelphia.  But  if  this  was  and  is  an  error,  it  was  certainly 
not  of  such  consequence  as  Hamilton  thought  fit  to  represent 
it.  If  it  was  an  error,  I  humbly  conceive  it  would  have  better 
become  Mr.  Hamilton  to  have  been  silent  than  to  endeavor  to 
make  it  unpopular,  since  the  step  was  taken  and  irrevocable 
when  he  wrote. 

But  the  real  truth  is,  he  was  in  hopes,  as  well  as  Mr.  Liston, 
that  the  French  government  would  neither  send  a  minister  here 
nor  receive  one  there  —  in  short,  that  they  would  have  gone  to 
war  with  us.  If  we  had  waited  for  a  minister  here,  much  time 
would  have  been  lost.      Our  little  naval  force  under  Talbot, 


^80  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Truxtun,  Decatur,  Little,  &c.,  was  doing  wonders  in  protecting 
our  commerce,  and  in  fighting  and  capturing  French  ships  of 
war.  Some  of  our  citizens  were  not  wanting  in  irritating  ex- 
pressions of  exultation  and  triumph,  particularly  in  parading  a 
French  national  ship  that  had  been  captured  by  Decatur,  up  the 
Delaware,  in  sight  of  all  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  with  the 
French  national  colors  reversed  under  our  American  flag.  Ha- 
milton hoped  that  such  provocations  would  produce  an  irrecon- 
cilable breach  and  a  declaration  of  war.  He  was  disappointed, 
and  lost  the  command  of  his  army.     Hinc  illce  lacrimce  ! 

There  were  other  circumstances  of  more  serious  and  solid 
importance,  indicative  of  public  opinion,  which  Mr.  Hamilton, 
if  he  had  been  a  vigilant  and  sagacious  statesman,  could  not 
have  overlooked.  The  venerable  patriarchs,  Pendleton  and 
Wythe,  of  Virginia,  openly  declaimed  for  peace;  the  former 
came  out  in  print  with  his  name,  protesting  against  a  war  with 
our  sister  republic  of  France.  General  Heath  came  out  with 
an  address  to  the  public  in  Massachusetts,  declaring  that  every 
man  he  met  was  decidedly  for  peace.  When  the  election  was 
coming  on,  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  dare  not  trust  the 
people,  either  at  large  or  in  districts,  to  choose  electors,  but 
assumed  that  office  to  themselves.  In  New  York,  the  great 
interest  and  vast  bodies  of  the  people,  who  are  supposed  to 
follow  or  direct  the  two  great  families  of  Clintons  and  Living- 
stons, aided  by  all  the  address  and  dexterity  of  Aaron  Burr, 
was  decidedly  for  peace  with  France.  In  Pennsylvania,  Gover- 
nor M'Kean,  with  his  majority  of  thirty  thousand  votes,  or  in 
other  words,  at  the  head  of  the  two  vast  bodies  of  Germans 
and  Irish,  reenforced  by  great  numbers  of  English  Presbyterians, 
Quakers  and  Anabaptists,  Avere  decidedly  against  a  war  with 
France. 

After  enumerating  all  these  symptoms  of  the  popular  bias,  it 
would  be  frivolous  to  enlarge  upon  the  conversations,  of  which 
I  was  informed,  at  taverns  and  insurance  offices,  threatening 
violence  to  the  President  by  pulling  him  out  of  his  chair;  upon 
the  French  cockades  that  were  everywhere  paraded  before  my 
eyes,  in  opposition  to  the  black  cockade ;  or  upon  the  declara- 
tions and  oaths,  which  I  know  were  made  by  no  small  numbers, 
that  if  we  went  to  war  with  France,  and  the  French  should 
come  here,  they  would  join  them  against  the  federalists  and  the 


CORRESPONDENCE.  281 

English.  These  things  I  recollect  with  grief,  because  they  do 
no  honor  to  our  country ;  but  I  must  say  they  disgrace  it  no 
more  than  many  more  solemn  actions  and  declarations  of  the 
opposite  party,  against  France  and  in  favor  of  England,  have 
done  within  the  last  twelve  months. 

In  these  circumstances,  it  was  the  height  of  folly  to  say,  as 
Hamilton  says,  that  it  would  have  been  safer  to  negotiate  at 
Philadelphia  than  at  Paris.  As  to  our  ambassadors'  being 
overawed  in  Paris,  by  any  finesse  of  politicians,  or  triumphs  of 
the  French  arms,  we  must  take  care  to  send  men  who  are  equal 
to  such  trials.  The  French  have  not,  as  yet,  gained  any  great 
and  unjust  advantages  of  us  by  all  their  policy.  Our  envoys 
were  precisely  instructed.  Every  article  w^as  prescribed  that 
was  to  be  insisted  on  as  an  ultimatum.  In  a  treaty  they  could 
not  depart  from  a  punctilio.  A  convention  they  might  make, 
as  they  did,  at  their  own  risk.  But  the  President  and  Senate 
were  under  no  obligation  to  ratify  it.  Had  it  betrayed  a 
single  point  of  essential  honor  or  interest,  I  would  have  sent 
it  back,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  did  the  treaty  with  England,  without 
laying  it  before  the  Senate.  If  I  had  been  doubtful,  the  Senate 
would  have  decided. 

Where,  then,  was  the  danger  of  this  negotiation  ?  Nowhere 
but  in  the  disturbed  imagination  of  Alexander  Hamilton.  To 
me  only  it  was  dangerous.  To  me,  as  a  public  man,  it  was 
fatal,  and  that  only  because  Alexander  Hamilton  was  pleased 
to  wield  it  as  a  poisoned  weapon  with  the  express  purpose  of 
destroyiiTg.  Though  I  owe  him  no  thanks  for  this,  I  most 
heartily  rejoice  in  it,  because  it  has  given  me  eight  years,  in- 
comparably  the  happiest  of  my  life,  whereas,  had  I  been  chosen 
President  again,  I  am  certain  I  could  not  have  lived  another 
year.  It  was  utterly  impossible  that  I  could  have  lived  through 
one  year  more  of  such  labors  and  cares  as  were  studiously  and 
maliciously  accumulated  upon  me  by  the  French  faction  and 
the  British  faction,  the  former  aided  by  the  republicans,  and  the 
latter  by  Alexander  Hamilton  and  his  satellites. 


21' 


282  CORRESPONDENCE. 

XIII. 

Mr.  Hamilton,  in  his  pamphlet,  speaks  of  the  anterior  mission 
of  Messrs.  Pinckney,  Marshall,  and  Gerry,  and  says,  "it  was 
resolved  to  make  another  and  a  more  solemn  experiment  in  the 
form  of  a  commission  of  three." 

When  I  first  read  this  sentence,  I  am  not  certain  whether  it 
excited  most  of  astonishment,  indignation,  contempt,  or  ridicule. 
By  whom  was  this  measure  resolved  ?  By  President  Washing- 
ton ?  Certainly  not.  If  it  had  been,  he  would  have  nominated 
the  ministers.  By  the  President  elect,  Mr.  Adams  ?  Certainly 
not.  He  had  not  been  consulted.  His  resolutions  were  not 
known.  By  whom,  then,  was  this  important  resolution  taken? 
By  Mr.  Hamilton  and  his  privy  counsellors.  And  what  had 
Mr.  Hamilton  and  his  privy  counsellors  to  do  with  the  business? 
And  who  were  his  privy  counsellors  ?  ^ 

Page  22,  he  says,  "  the  expediency  of  the  step  was  suggested 
to  Mr.  Adams,  through  a  federal  channel,  a  considerable  time 
before  he  determined  to  take  it.  He  hesitated  whether  it  could 
be  done,  after  the  rejection  of  General  Pinckney,  without  na- 
tional debasement.  The  doubt  was  an  honorable  one."  I 
disclaim  and  renounce  all  the  honor  of  this  doubt.  I  never 
entertained  such  a  doubt  for  a  moment.  I  might  ask  the 
opinion  of  twenty  persons  (for  I,  too,  "consulted  much"),  in 
order  to  discover  whether  there  was  any  doubt  in  the  public 
mind,  or  any  party  who  were  averse  to  such  a  measure,  or  had 
any  doubt  about  it.  But  I  never  had  any  hesitation  myself. 
This  passage,  like  all  the  rest  of  this  pamphlet,  shows  that  it 
was  written  from  his  mere  imagination,  from  confused  rumors, 
or  downright  false  information. 

It  is  true,  "  the  expediency  of  the  step  was  suggested  to.  Mr. 
Adams,"  before  he  took  the  step,  and  before  he  had  time  to  take 
it,  but  long  after  he  had  determined  to  take  it.  The  mystery 
may  be  revealed.  I  have  no  motive,  whatever  others  may  have, 
to  conceal  or  dissemble  it. 

The  morning  after  my  inauguration, ^  Mr.  Fisher  Ames  made 

1  These  questions,  in  process  of  time,  find  their  solution.  See  the  letter 
of  Mr.  Hamilton  to  T.  Sedgwick,  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  26th  February, 
1797.     Hamiltoiis  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  209. 

2  This  conversation  occurred  the  day  before  the  inauguration ;  which  is  con- 


CORRESPONDENCE.  283 

me  a  visit  to  take  leave.  His  period  in  Congress  had  expired, 
and  the  delicacy  of  his  health,  the  despondency  of  his  disposi- 
tion, and  despair  of  a  reelection  from  the  increase  of  the  opposite 
party  in  his  district,  had  induced  him  to  decline  to  stand  a  can- 
didate. I  was  no  longer  to  have  the  assistance  of  his  counsel 
and  eloquence,  though  Mr.  Hamilton  continued  to  enjoy  both 
till  his  death.  Mr.  Ames  was  no  doubt  one  of  Mr.  Hamilton's 
privy  council,  when  he  resolved  to  send  a  new  commission  of 
three.  Mr.  Ames,  with  much  gravity  and  solemnity,  advised 
me  to  institute  a  new  mission  to  France.  Our  affairs  with  that 
republic  were  in  an  unpleasant  and  dangerous  situation,  and 
the  people,  in  a  long  recess  of  Congress,  must  have  some  object 
on  which  to  fix  their  contemplation  and  their  hopes.  And  he 
recommended  Mr.  George  Cabot,  for  the  northern  States,  to  be 
one  of  the  three,  if  a  commission  was  to  be  sent,  or  alone,  if 
but  one  was  to  go. 

I  answered  Mr.  Ames,  that  the  subject  had  almost  engrossed 
my  attention  for  a  long  time.  That  I  should  take  every  thing 
into  serious  consideration,  and  determine  nothing  suddenly; 
that  I  should  make  deliberate  inquiries  concerning  characters, 
and  maturely  consider  the  qualities  and  qualifications  of  candi- 
dates, before  any  thing  was  finally  determined.  Mr.  Ames 
departed  for  Massachusetts.^ 

firmed  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  bis  account  of  the  interview  that  followed;  also 
by  a  letter  to  Mr.  Gerry,  vol.  vili.  p.  539. 

1  This  is  an  abridoment  of  the  following  account  originally  drawn  up  in  1801  : 
"  On  the  3d  or  4th  of  March,  1797,  ]VIr.  Fisher  Ames,  of  Massachusetts,  made 
a  visit  to  Mr.  Adams  at  his  lodgings  before  he  took  possession  of  the  President's 
house.  He  did  not  inform  Mr.  Adams,  that  he  came  at  the  instigation  of  Mr. 
Hamilton ;  but  he  said  '  he  waited  on  Mr.  Adams  to  propose  to  him  something 
which  labored  much  in  his  mind.  Congress  was  about  to  rise.  The  recess 
Avould  be  long.  The  people,  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  felt  like  sheep  without 
a  shepherd.  They  had  no  object  to  which  they  could  look  up.  The  children 
of  Israel  must  have  a  pillar  of  fire  to  go  before  them  by  niojht,  as  well  as  a  cloud 
by  day.  All  were  anxious  about  the  state  of  our  affairs  with  France.  General 
Pinckney,  although  no  doubt  a  worthy  man,  and  of  high  character  in  the  south- 
ern States,  was  not  known  in  the  northern,  and  very  little  known  in  the  middle 
States.  The  whole  American  people  were  too  little  acquainted  with  his  person 
and  character,  to  rest  upon  it  with  entire  confidence  and  satisfaction,  and  he  had 
too  little  experience  in  the  political  affairs  of  the  United  States  to  be  able,  pro- 
bably, to  form  a  perfect  estimate  of  the  present  views  and  temper  of  the  whole 
continent.  He  thought  it  expedient,  therefore,  to  send  some  gentleman  from 
the  northern  States,  who  knew  the  present  state  of  America,  and  in  whom  the 
northern  and  middle  States  could  fully  confide ;  and  he  named  Mr.  George 
Cabot,  of  Massachusetts,  as  the  candidate.'  ]Mr.  Hamilton  says,  '  Mr.  Adams 
hesitated  whether  it  could  be  done  after  the  rejection  of  General  Pinckney, 


284  CORRESPONDENCE. 

I  had  rolled  all  these  things  in  my  own  mind  long  before. 
The  French  nation  and  their  government  were  in  a  very  um- 
brageous and  inflammable  disposition.  Much  delicacy  and 
deliberation  were  necessary  in  the  choice  of  characters.  Most 
of  the  prominent  characters  in  America  were  as  well  known  at 
Paris  as  they  were  at  Philadelphia.  I  had  sometimes  thought 
of  sending  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Hamilton,  to  join  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney,  in  a  new  commission.  I  had  thought  of  Mr.  Ames  himself, 
as  well  as  Mr.  Cabot,  Judge  Dana,  Mr.  Gerry,  and  many  others 
in  the  northern,  middle,  and  southern  States.  I  thought  much 
of  Mr.  Jefferson,  but  had  great  doubt  whether  the  Constitution 
would  allow  me  to  send  the  Vice-President  abroad.  The  nation 
at  large  had  assigned  him  a  station,  which  I  doubted  whether 
he  had  a  right  to  abandon,  or  I  a  right  to  invite  him  to  relin- 
quish, though  but  for  a  time. 

I  had  great  doubts  about  reappointing  Mr.  Pinckney.  He 
might  have  been  so  affected  with  the  horrors  he  had  seen  ox 
heard  in  France,  as  to  have  uttered  some  expressions,  which, 
reported  by  spies  to  the  ruling  powers,  might  have  excited  pre- 
judices against  him,  which  would  insure  his  second  rejection, 
and  that  of  his  colleagues  too.  But  as  I  knew  of  no  sach  accu- 
sation, I  could  not  bear  the  thought  of  abandoning  him.  I  had 
not  time  to  communicate  all  these  reflections  to  Mr.  Ames,  and, 
moreover,  I  had  business  of  more  importance  to  do.  I  had  long 
wished  to  avail  myself  and  the  public  of  the  fine  talents  and 
amiable  qualities  and  manners  of  Mr.  Madison.  Soon  after  Mr. 
"Ames  left  me,  I  sought  and  obtained  an  interview  with  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son. /  With  this  gentleman   I  had  lived  on  terms  of  intimate 

without  national  debasement.'  Here  is  the  anachronism  and  confusion  of  ideas. 
The  news  of  the  rejection  of  General  Pinckney  had  not  then  arrived  in  any 
part  of  America,  and  it  was  not  till  several  weeks  afterwards  that  it  did  arrive. 
So  that  it  is  impossible  that  Mr.  Adams  could  then  have  hesitated  for  that 
reason.  The  truth  is,  he  hesitated  not  a  moment,  for  the  idea  had  been  familiar 
to  him  for  several  weeks.  He  answered  Mr.  Ames  in  this  manner ;  '  He  was 
much  obliged  to  Mr.  Ames  for  his  visit  and  advice;  was  very  happy  to  find, 
that  the  measure  of  sending  a  new  minister  or  ministers  to  join  General  Pinck- 
ney, had  occurred  to  Mr.  Ames,  and  had  his  approbation.  That  it  was  a  thought 
wliich  he  had  revolved  in  his  own  mind  for  some  time  ;  that  he  should  think  of 
it  very  seriously,  and,  if  he  should  ultimately  resolve  upon  it,  after  he  should 
have  considei-ed  the  questions  whether  one  or  two  should  be  sent,  and  also  con- 
sidered who  were  the  persons  m.ost  likely  to  give  satisfaction  everywhere,  Mr. 
Ames  might  hear  more  of  it,  and  possibly  before  the  Senate  should  adjourn ; 
that  he  thought  very  well  of  Mr.  Cabot,  but  could  determine  nothing  at  present.' 
Mr.  Ames  returned  to  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Adams  set  himself  to  consider 
the  whole  subject" 


CORRESPONDENCE.  285 

friendship  foiV_Jive-and-twenty  years,  had  acted  with  him  in  / 
dangerous  times  and  arduous  conflicts,  and  always  found  him 
assiduous,  laborious,  and  as  far  as  I  could  judge,  upright  and 
faithful.  Though  by  this  time  I  diftered  from  him  in  opinion  by 
the  whole  horizon  concerning  the  practicability  and  success  of 
the  French  revolution,  and  some  other  points,  I  had  no  reason 
to  think  that  he  differed  materially  from  me  with  regard  to  our 
national  Constitution.  I  did  not  think  that  the  rumbling  noise 
of  party  calumny  ought  to  discourage  me  from  consulting  men 
whom  I  knew  to  be  attached  to  the  interest  of  the  nation,  and 
whose  experience^  genius,  learning,  and  travels  had  eminently 
qualified  them  to  give  advice.  I  asked  Mr.  Jefferson  what  he 
thought  of  another  trip  to  Paris,  and  whether  he  thought  the 
Constitution  and  the  people  would  be  willing  to  spare  him  for  a 
-  short  time.  "Are  you  determined  to  send  to  France?"  "  Yes." 
"  That  is  right,"  said  Mr.  Jefferson ;  "  but  without  considering 
whether  the  Constitution  wnll  allow  it  or  not,  I  am  so  sick  of 
residing  in  Europe,  that  I  believe  1  shall  never  go  there  again." 
I  replied,  "  I  own  I  have  strong  doubts  whether  it  would  be  legal 
to  appoint  you;  but  I  believe  no  man  could  do  the  business  so 
well.  What  do  you  think  of  sending  Mr.  Madison  ?  Do  you 
think  he  would  accept  o^  an  appointment?  "  "  I  do  not  know," 
said  Mr.  Jefferson.  "  Washington  wanted  to  appoint  him  some 
time  ago,  and  kept  the  place  open  for  him  a  long  time ;  but  he 
never  could  get  him  to  say  that  he  would  go."  Other  characters 
were  considered,  and  other  conversation  ensued.     We  parted  as 

good  friends  as  we  had  always  lived ;  butwe  consulted  very 

liTtle  together  afterwards.  Party  violence  soon  rendered  it 
impracticable,  or  at  least  useless,  and  this  party  violence  was 
excited  by  Hamilton  more  than  any  other  man.^ 

I  will  not  take  leave  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  this  place,  without  f 
declaring  my  opinion  that  the  accusations  against  him  of  blind  ,       / 
devotion  to  France,  of  hostility  to  England,  of  hatred  to  com-  i     / 
merce,  of  partiality  and  duplicity  in  his  late  negotiations  with  j 
the  belligerent  powers,  are  without  foundatioUy/ 

From  Mr.  Jefferson  F  went  to  one  of  the  breads  of  depart- 
ments,^ whom  Mr.  Washington  had   appointed,  and   I  had  no 

1  Compare  ]\Ir.  Jefferson's  account  of  this  conference,  vol.  iv.  of  his  works, 
p.  501.     Also  pp.  538  -  539  of  volume  viii.  of  this  work. 

2  O.  Wolcott,  Jr.,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 


286  CORRESPONDENCE. 

thoughts  of  removing.  Indeed,  I  had  then  no  objection  to  any 
of  the  secretaries.  I  asked  him  what  he  thought  of  sending 
Mr.  Madison  to  France,  with  or  without  others.  "  Is  it  deter- 
mined to  send  to  France  at  all  ?  "  "  Determined !  Nothing  is 
determined  till  it  is  executed,"  smiling.  "But  why  not?  I 
thought  it  deserved  consideration."  "  So  it  does."  "  But  sup- 
pose it  determined,  what  do  you  think  of  sending  Mr.  Madison  ?  " 
"  Is  it  determined  to  send  Mr.  Madison  ? "  "  No ;  but  it  de- 
serves consideration."  "  Sending  Mr.  Madison  will  make  dire 
work  among  the  passions  of  our  parties  in  Congress,  and  out 
of  doors,  through  the  States ! "  "Are  we  forever  to  be  overawed 
and  directed  by  party  passions  ?  "  All  this  conversation  on  my 
part  Avas  with  the  most  perfect  civility,  good  humor,  and  indeed 
familiarity  ;  but  I  found  it  excited  a  profound  gloom  and  solemn 
countenance  in  my  companion,  which  after  some  time  broke 
out  in,  "  Mr.  President,  we  are  willing  to  resign."  Nothing 
could  have  been  more  unexpected  to  me  than  this  observation ; 
nothing  was  farther  from  my  thoughts  than  to  give  any  pain  or 
uneasiness.  I  had  said  nothing  that  could  possibly  displease, 
except  pronouncing  the  name  of  Madison.  I  restrained  my 
surprise,  however,  and  only  said,  I  hope  nobody  will  resign ;  I 
am  satisfied  with  all  the  public  officers. 

Upon  further  inquiries  of  the  other  heads  of  departments  and 
of  other  persons,  I  found  that  party  passions  had  so  deep  and 
extensive  roots,  that  I  seriously  doubted  whether  the  Senate 
would  not  negative  Mr.  Madison,  if  I  should  name  him.  Rather 
than  to  expose  him  to  a  negative,  or  a  doubtful  contest  in  the 
Senate,  I  concluded  to  omit  him.  If  I  had  nominated  Madison, 
I  should  have  nominated  Hamilton  with  him.^  The  former,  I 
knew,  was  much  esteemed  in  France ;  the  latter  was  rather  an 
object  of  jealousy.  But  I  thought  the  French  would  tolerate 
one  for  the  sake  of  the  other.  And  I  thought,  too,  that  the 
manners  of  the  one  would  soon  wear  off  the  prejudices  against 
him,  and  probably  make  him  a  greater  favorite  than  the  other. 
But  having  given  up  Madison,  I  ought  to  give  up  Hamilton 
too.  Whom  then  should  I  name  ?     I  mentioned  Mr.  Dana  and 

1  In  the  early  draught,  Mr.  Adams  says,  he  "  •would  A-ery  Avlllingly  have  ap- 
pointed Mr.  Hamilton  and  Mr.  Madison,  with  one  other,  if  he  had  thought  it 
probable  Mr.  Madison  would  accept,  and  that  the  Senate  would  consent,  and  if 
he  had  thought  it  compatible  with  the  sjiirit  wliich  America  ought  to  display  at 
that  time." 


CORRESPONDENCE.  287 

Mr.  Gerry  to  the  heads  of  departments,  and  to  many  leading 
men  in  both  houses.  They  all  preferred  Mr.  Dana.  But  it  was 
evident  enough  to  me  that  neither  Dana  nor  Gerry  was  their 
man.  Dana  was  appointed,  but  refused.  I  then  called  the 
heads  of  departments  together,  and  proposed  Mr.  Gerry.  All 
the  five  1  voices  unanimously  were  against  him.  Such  invete- 
rate prejudice  shocked  me.  I  said  nothing,  but  was  determined 
I  would  not  be  the  slave  of  it.  I  knew  the  man  infinitely  bet- 
ter than  all  of  them.  He  was  nominated  and  approved,  and 
finally  saved  the  peace  of  the  nation ;  for  he  alone  discovered 
and  furnished  the  evidence  that  X.  Y.  and  Z.  were  employed 


by  Tajleyrand ;  and  he  alone  brought  home  the  direct,  formal, 
and  official  assurances  upon  which  the  subsequent  commission 
proceeded,  and  peace  was  made. 

I  considered  Mr.  Ames's  candidate,  Mr.  Cabot,^  as  deliberately 
as  any  of  the  others,  and  with  as  favorable  and  friendly  a  dis- 
position towards  him  as  any  other  without  exception.  But  I 
knew  his  character  and  connections  were  as  well  known  in 
France,  particularly  by  Talleyrand,  as  Mr.  Gerry's  were ;  and 
that  there  were  great  objections  against  the  former,  and  none  at 
all  against  the  latter.  It  would  be  therefore  inexcusable  in  me 
to  hazard  the  success  of  the  mission  merely  to  gratify  the  pas- 
sions of  a  party  in  America,  especially  as  I  knew  Mi'.  Gerry,  to 
say  the  least,  to  be  full  as  well  qualified  by  his  studies,  his 
experience,  and  every  quality,  for  the  service,  as  the  other. 

I  afterwards  nominated  Mr.  Cabot  to  be  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  a  station  as  useful,  as  important,  and  as  honorable,  as  the 
other,  and  for  which  he  was  eminently  qualified.  But  this  he 
refused. 

No  man  had  a  greater  share  in  propagating  and  diffusing 
these  prejudices  against  Mr.  Gerry  than  Hamilton.  Whether  he 
had  formerly  conceived  jealousies  against  him  as  a  rival  candi- 
date for  the  secretaryship  of  the  treasury ;  (for  Mr.  Gerry  was  a 
financier,  and  had  been  employed  for  years  on  the  committee 
on  the  treasury  in  the  old  Congress,  and  a  most  indefatigable 

1  A  mistake  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Stoddert,  one  of  tlie  five  ministers  alluded  to, 
but  bis  office  bad  not  been  created  in  Marcb,  1797.  Mr.  Adams  promised  to 
correct  it  in  any  later  publication  of  tbese  papers,  but  none  has  taken  place 
until  now. 

2  Or  rather  nominated  by  Mr.  Hamilton,  not  only  through  Mr.  Ames,  but 
Mr.  Pickering  and  Mr.  Wolcott.     Hamillon's  Works,  vol.  vi.  pp.  214,  218,  230. " 


288  CORRESPONDENCE. 

member  too;  that  committee  had  laid  the  foundation  for  the 
present  system  of  the  treasury,  and  had  organized  it  ahiiost  as 
well,  though  they  had  not  the  assistance  of  clerks  and  other 
conveniences  as  at  present ;  any  man  who  will  look  into  the 
journals  of  the  old  Congress,  may  see  the  organization  and  the 
daily  labors  and  reports  of  that  committee,  and  may  form  some 
judgment  of  the  talents  and  services  of  Mr.  Gerry  in  that  de- 
partment; I  knew  that  the  officers  of  the  treasury,  in  Hamilton's 
time,  dreaded  to  see  him  rise  in  the  House  upon  any  question 
of  finance,  because  they  said  he  was  a  man  of  so  much  influence 
that  they  always  feared  he  would  discover  some  error  or  carry 
some  point  against  them) ;  or  whether  he  feared  that  Mr.  Gerry 
would  be  President  of  the  United  States  before  him,  I  know 
not.^  He  was  not  alone,  however.  His  friends  among  the  heads, 
of  departments,  and  their  correspondents  in  Boston,  New  York, 
and  Philadelphia,  sympathized  with  him  very  cordially  in  his 
hatred  of  Gerry,  and  of  every  other  man  who  had  labored  and 
suffered  early  in  the  revolution. 

This  preference  of  Mr.  Gerry  to  Mr.  Cabot  was  my  first  mor- 
tal offence  against  my  sovereign  heads  of  departments  and  their 
disciples  in  all  the  States.  It  never  was  or  has  been  forgiven 
me  by  those  who  call  themselves,  or  are  called  by  others,  "  the 
leading  men  "  among  the  federalists. 

Mr.  Hamilton  says,  "After  the  rejection  of  Mr.  Pinckney  by 
the  government  of  France,  immediately  after  the  instalment  of 
Mr.  Adams  as  President,^  and  long  before  the  measure  was 
taken,  I  urged  a  member  of  Congress,  then  high  in  the  confi- 
dence of  the  President,  to  propose  to  him  the  immediate  appoint- 
ment of  three  commissioners,  of  whom  Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr. 
Madison  to  be  one,  to  make  another  attempt  to  negotiate." 

I  will  relate  all  that  I  can  recollect  relative  to  this  subject. 
Mr.  Tracy,  of  Connecticut,  who  indeed  was  always  in  my  con- 
fidence, came  to  me,  I  believe,  at  the  opening  of  the  special 
session  of  Congress,  which  I  called  soon  after  my  inauguration, 

^  This  is  regarded  as  very  unjust  bj^^Mr.  Gibbs.  But  it  is  deserving  of  parti- 
cular notice  that  no  leading  public  man  of  the  country,  in  any  way  of  rival 
powers,  receives  aid  to  his  reputation  from  the  publication  that  has  been  made 
of  Mr.  Hamilton's  writings. 

2  The  anaclironism  here,  so  far  as  the  first  event  can  be  supposed  to  have  had 
any  share  in  Mr.  Hamilton's  action  at  the  time  here  specified,  is  evident.  Mr. 
Pinckney's  letter  of  the  1st  of  February,  notifying  his  rejection,  was  not  re- 
ceived in  America  until  the  niontli  of  April, 


CORRESPONDENCE.  289 

and  produced  a  long,  elaborate  letter  from  Mr.  Hamilton,  con- 
taining a  whole  system  of  instruction  for  the  conduct  of  the 
President,  the  Senate,  and  the  House  of  Representatives.  I 
read  it  very  deliberately,  and  really  thought  the  man  was  in  a 
delkium.  It  appeared  to  me  a  very  extraordinary  instance  of 
volunteer  empiricism  thus  to  prescribe  for  a  President,  Senate, 
and  House  of  Representatives,  all  desperately  sick  and  in  a  state 
of  deplorable  debility,  without  being  called.  And  when  I  ma- 
turely considered  the  contents  of  the  letter,  my  surprise  was 
increased.  I  despised  and  detested  the  letter  too  much  to  take 
a  copy  of  it,  which  I  now  regret.  This  letter  is  still  in  being, 
and  I  doubt  not  many  copies  of  it  are  extant.  I  most  earnestly 
request  any  gentleman  who  possesses  one,  to  publish  it.  That 
letter,  though  it  had  no  influence  with  me,  had  so  much  with 
both  houses  of  Congress  as  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the  over- 
throw of  the  federal  party,  and  of  the  revolution  that  followed 
four  years  afterwards.  I  will  endeavor  to  recollect  as  much  of 
the  contents  of  it  as  I  can,  and  if  I  am  incorrect  in  any  point, 
those  who  possess  the  letter  can,  by  the  publication  of  it,  easily 
set  all  right. 

It  began  by  a  dissertation  on  the  extraordinarily  critical  situa- 
tion of  the  United  States. 

It  recommended  a  new  mission  to  France  of  three  commis- 
sioners, Mr.  Jefferson  or  Mr.  Madison  to  be  one. 

It  recommended  the  raising  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men, 
ten  thousand  of  them  to  be  cavahy ;  an  army  of  great  im- 
portance in  so  extensive  a  country,  vulnerable  at  so  many 
points  on  the  frontiers,  and  so  accessible  in  so  many  places  by 
sea. 

It  recommended  an  alien  and  sedition  law. 

It  recommended  an  invigoration  of  the  treasury,  by  seizing 
on  all  the  taxable  articles  not  yet  taxed  by  the  government. 
And  lastly, 

It  recommended  a  national  Fast,  not  only  on  account  of  the 
intrinsic  propriety  of  it,  but  because  we  should  be  very  unskilful 
if  we  neglected  to  avail  ourselves  of  the  religious  feelings  of  the 
people  in  a  crisis  so  difficult  and  dangerous. 

There  might  be  more,  but  these  are  all  that  I  now  recollect. 

Mr.  Hamilton's   imagination  was   always   haunted  by   that 

VOL.  IX.  25  s 


290  CORRESPONDENCE. 

hideous  monster  or  phantom,  so  often  called  a  crisis,  and  which 
so  often  produces  imprudent  measures.^ 

How  it  happened  that  Mr.  Hamilton's  contemplations  coin- 
cided so  exactly  with  mine,  as  to  think  of  Mr.  Jefterson  or  Mr. 
Madison  for  envoy  to  France,  it  may  be  more  difficult  to  ex- 
plain. But  let  it  be  considered  that  this  letter  was  written  long 
after  my  conversation  with  Mr.  Jefterson,  concerning  himself 
and  Ml".  Madison,  which  was  the  morning  after  my  inaugura- 
tion;^ that  I  had  communicated  that  conversation  to  one  or 
more  of  the  heads  of  departments  the  same  morning.  It  is 
probable,  therefore,  that  Mr.  Hamilton  received  hints  from  some 
of  his  correspondents  that  I  had  thought  of  Madison  and  Ha- 
milton, and  that  he  was  not  displeased  with  the  idea.^  I  asked 
one  of  the  heads  of  departments,  how  he  could  account  for 
Hamilton's  recommending  Jefierson  or  Madison.  "  Why,"  said 
the  gentleman,  "  I  suppose  Hamilton  is  weary  of  his  prac- 
tice as  an  attorney,  at  New  York,  and  is  willing  to  enter  into 
some  other  employment."  Mr.  Hamilton,  however,  might 
thank  those  who  had  been  his  warmest  friends  for  his  disap- 
pointment ;  for,  had  it  not  been  for  their  opposition  to  Madison, 
I  should  have  appointed  him  and  Hamilton. 

The  army  of  fifty  thousand  men,  ten  thousand  of  them  to  be 
horse,  appeared  to  me  to  be  one  of  the  wildest  extravagances 
of  a  knight-errant.  It  proved  to  me  that  Mr.  Hamilton  knew 
no  more  of  the  sentiments  and  feelings  of  the  people  of  Ame- 
rica, than  he  did  of  those  of  the  inhabitants  of  one  of  the 
planets.  Such  an  army  without  an  eilemy  to  combat,  would 
have  raised  a  rebellion  in  every  State  in  the  Union.  The  very 
idea  of  the  expense  of  it  would  have  turned  President,  Senate, 
and  House  out  of  doors.  I  adopted  none  of  these  chimeras 
into  my  speech,  and  only  recommended  the  raising  of  a  few 
regiments  of  artillery  to  garrison  the  fortifications  of  the  most 
exposed  places.  Yet  such  was  the  influence  of  Mr.  Hamilton 
in  Congress,  that,  without  any  recommendation  from  the  Presi- 
dent, they  passed  a  bill  to  raise  an  army,  not  a  large  one, 
indeed,  but  enough  to  overturn  the  then  Federal  government. 

1  See  Sparks's  Life  of  Gouverneur  Morris.  G.  Morris  to  Aaron  Ogden,  vol.  ill. 
p.  216-17. 

2  The  morning  before.    Mr.  Wolcott  is  the  head  of  department  alluded  to. 

3  This  is  not  just  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  who  certainly  had  suggested  this  mission 
as  early  as  February,  1797,  to  Mr.  Sedgwick. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  291 

Nor  did  I  adopt  his  idea  of  an  alien  or  sedition  law.  I  re- 
commended no  such  thing  in  my  speech.  Congress,  however, 
adopted  both  these  measures.  I  knew  there  was  need  enough 
of  both,  and  therefore  I  consented  to  them.  But  as  they  were 
then  considered  as  war  measures,  and  intended  altogether 
against  the  advocates  of  the  French  and  peace  with  France,  I 
w^as  apprehensive  that  a  hurricane  of  clamor  would  be  raised 
against  them,  as  in  truth  there  was,  even  more  fierce  and  vio- 
lent than  I  had  anticipated. 

Seizing  on  all  the  taxable  articles  not  yet  taxed,  to  support 
an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men,  at  a  time  when  so  many  tax 
laws,  already  enacted,  were  unexecuted  in  so  many  States,  and 
when  insurrections  and  rebellions  had  already  been  excited  in 
Pennsylvania,  on  account  of  taxes,  appeared  to  me  altogether 
desperate,  altogether  delirious.^ 

I  wanted  no  admonition  from  Mr.  Hamilton  to  institute  a 
national  fast.  I  had  determined  on  this  measure  long  enough 
before  Mr.  Hamilton's  letter  was  written.  And  here  let  me  say, 
with  great  sincerity,  that  1  think  there  is  nothing  upon  this 
earth  more  sublime  and  affecting  than  the  idea  of  a  great  nation 
all  on  their  knees  at  once  before  their  God,  acknowledging  their 
faults  and  imploring  his  blessing  and  protection,  when  the  pros- 
pect before  them  threatens  great  danger  and  calamity.  It  can 
scarcely  fail  to  have  a  favorable  effect  on  their  morals  in  gene- 
ral, or  to  inspire  them  with  warlike  virtues  in  particular.  When 
most,  if  not  all  of  the  religious  sects  in  the  nation,  hold  such  fasts 
among  themselves,  I  never  could  see  the  force  of  the  objections 
against  making  them,  on  great  and  extraordinary  occasions, 
national ;  unless  it  be  the  jealousy  of  the  separate  States,  lest 
the  general  government  should  become  too  national.  Those 
however,  who  differ  from  me  in  opinion  on  this  point,  have  as 
good  a  right  to  their  judgment  as  I  have  to  mine,  and  I  shall 
submit  mine  to  the  general  will. 

In  fine,  Mr.  Hamilton,  in  the  passage  I  have  been  comment- 
ing upon,  in  this  letter,  has  let  out  facts  which,  if  he  had  pos- 
sessed a  grain  of  common  sense,  he  would  have  wished  should 
be  forever  concealed.  I  should  never  have  revealed  or  explained 
them,  if  he  and  his  partisans  had  not  compelled  me. 

^  See  Mr.  Hamilton's  plan,  in  his  letter  to  O.  Wolcott.  Works,  vol.  vi.  pp. 
252-254. 


292  CORRESPONDENCE. 

XIV. 

In  page  26,  is  a  strain  of  Jlimsy  jant,  as  silly  as  it  is  indecent. 
"  The  supplement  to  the  declaration  was  a  blamable  excess. 
It  waved  the  point  of  honor,  which  after  two  rejections  of  our 
ministers  required  that  the  next  mission  should  proceed  from 
France." 

Where  did  he  find  this  point  of  honor?  If  any  such  point 
had  existed,  it  had  its  full  force  against  the  second  mission  ;  and 
its  principal  force  consisted  in  the  formal  declaration  of  the*. 
Directory,  that  it  "  never  would  receive  another  minister  pleni- 
potentiary without  apologies  for  the  President's  speeches  and 
answers  to  addresses."  If  we  had  a  right  to  wave  this  point  of 
honor  in  one  instance,  we  had  in  two^  eiipecially  as  one  member 
of  the  second  mission  was  the  same  man  who  had  been  rejected 
in  the  first.  But  after  the  explicit  retraction  of  the  declaration 
that  they  would  not  receive  a  minister  without  apologies,  the 
point  of  honor  was  completely  done  away.  To  give  them  an 
opportunity  of  retracting  that  declaration,  I  declared,  in  my 
message  to  Congress,  that  I  would  not  send  another  minister  to 
France  till  this  declaration  was  retracted  by  assurances  that  he 
should  be  received  in  character.  They  embraced  the  opportu- 
nity cordially,  when  they  might  have  avoided  the  humiliation 
by  sending  a  minister  here.  And  whatever  Hamilton's  opinion 
might  be,  I  knew  that  they  might  have  negotiated  more  to  their 
advantage  here  than  in  Paris.  Hamilton's  fingers  had  not  the 
tact,  or  tactility,  if  you  like  the  word  better,  of  the  public  pulse. 

He  argues  the  probability  that  France  would  have  sent  a 
minister  here,  from  the  fact  that  she  did  afterwards  "  stifle  her 
resentment,  and  invite  the  renewal  of  negotiation."  I  know 
not  whether  this  is  an  example  of  Mr.  Hamilton's  "analysis 
of  investigation"  or  not.  It  is  an  argument  a  posteriori.  It 
is  reasoning  upward  or  backw^ard. 

These  invitations  were  not  known  nor  made,  when  I  pledged 
myself,  by  implication  at  least,  to  send  a  minister,  when  such 
invitations  should  be  made.  When  they  were  made,  I  con- 
sidered my  own  honor  and  the  honor  of  the  government  com- 
mitted. And  I  have  not  a  doubt  that  Hamilton  thought  so 
too ;  and  that  one  of  his  principal  vexations  was,  that  neither 
himself  nor  his  privy  counsellors  could  have  influence  enough 


CORRESPONDENCE.  293 

with  me  to  persuade  or  intimidate  me  to  disgrace  myself  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people  of  America  and  the  world  by  violating  my 
parole. 

This  he  might  think  would  assist  him  in  his  caucuses  at  New 
York  and  Philadelphia,  where  the  honor,  not  only  of  every  mem- 
ber, but  of  every  State  and  every  elector,  was  to  be  pledged,  to 
give  an  equal  vote  for  Pinckney  and  Adams,  that  the  choice  of 
President  should  be  left  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  whose 
members,  on  the  day  of  election,  or  the  day  before,  were  to  be 
furnished  with  this  pamphlet,  spick  and  span,  to  make  sure  of 
the  sacrifice  of  Adams.     But  more  of  this  hereafter. 

In  the  mean  time,  what  reasons  had  we  to  expect  that  the 
French  government  would  send  a  minister  here  ?  Such  an  idea 
had  been  whispered  in  private  conversation,  perhaps,  by  Dr. 
Logan  and  some  others ;  but  we  had  not  a  color  of  official 
information  to  that  eflect,  that  I  remember.  What  motives  had 
the  French  to  send  a  minister  ?  They  had  committed  depreda- 
jtions  upon  pu,r.. commerce,  to  the  amount,  it  has  been  said,  of 
twenty  millions  of  dollars.  Would  the  Directory  have  been 
animated  with  any  great  zeal  to  send  an  ambassador  to  offer 
us  compensation  for  these  spoliations,  at  a  time  when  they  were 
driven  to  their  wit's  end  to  find  revenues  and  resources  to  carry 
on  the  w^ar  in  Europe,  and  break  the  confederations  against 
them  ? 

We  had  declared  the  treaty  of  alliance,  and  all  treaties  be- 
tween France  and  the  United  States,  null  and  void.  Do  we 
suppose  the  French  government  would  have  been  in  haste  to 
send  an  ambassador  to  offer  us  a  solemn  revocation,  by  treaty, 
of  all  former  treaties  ?  What  urgent  motive  could  the  French 
have  to  be  in  haste  to  send  a  minister?  They  could  not  be 
apprehensive  that  we  should  send  an  army  to  Europe  to  con- 
quer France,  or  assist  her  enemies.  We  had  no  naval  power 
sufficient  to  combat  their  navy  in  Europe,  which  was  then  far 
from  being  reduced  as  it  has  been  since.  They  had  no  com- 
merce or  mercantile  navigation,  upon  which  our  little  navy  or 
privateers  could  have  made  reprisals. 

There  is  but  one  motive  that  I  can  imagine  should  have  sti- 
mulated them  very  much,  and  that  is,  the  apprehension  that  we 
might  enter  into  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive  with  Great 
Britain.     This  they  might  have  considered  as  a  serious   afiair 


•>o' 


S94  CORRESPONDENCE. 

to  them  in  a  course  of  time,  though  they  might  not  fear  any 
very  immediate  harm  from  it.  But  I  doubt  not  the  French  had 
information  from  a  thousand  emissaries,  and  Talleyrand  knew 
from  personal  observation  in  various  parts  of  America,  and  Ha- 
milton must  have  known,  if  he  had  any  feeling  of  the  popular 
pulse,  that  a  vast  majority  of  the  people  of  America  dreaded  an 
alliance  with  Great  Britain  more  than  they  did  a  war  with 
France.  It  would  have  taken  a  long  time,  it  would  have 
required  a  long  and  bloody  war  with  France,  and  a  violent 
exasperation  of  the  public  mind,  to  have  reconciled  the  people 
to  any  such  measure.  No,  Hamilton  and  his  associates  could 
not  have  seriously  believed  that  the  French  would  soon  send  a 
minister  here.  If  they  had  not,  or  if  they  had  delayed  it,  Ha- 
milton would  have  continued  at  the  head  of  his  army.  Con- 
tinual provocations  and  irritations  would  have  taken  place 
between  the  two  nations,  till  one  or  the  other  would  have  de- 
clared war.  In  the  mean  time,  it  was  my  opinion  then,  and  has 
been  ever  since,  that  the  two  parties  in  the  United  States  would 
have  broken  out  into  a  civil  war ;  a  majority  of  all  the  States 
to  the  southward  of  Hudson  River,  united  with  nearly  half  New 
England,  would  have  raised  an  army  under  Aaron  Burr;  a 
majority  of  New  England  might  have  raised  another  under  Ha- 
milton. Burr  would  have  beaten  Hamilton  to  pieces,  and  what 
would  have  followed  next,  let  the  prophets  foretell.  But  such 
would  have  been  the  result  of  Hamilton's  "  enterprises  of  great 
pith  and  moment."  I  say  this  would  probably  have  been  the 
course  and  result  of  things,  had  a  majority  of  New  England 
continued  to  be  attached  to  Hamilton,  his  men  and  measures. 
But  I  am  far  from  believing  this.  On  the  contrary,  had  not 
our  envoys  proceeded,  had  not  the  people  expected  a  peace  with 
France  from  that  negotiation.  New  England  herself,  at  the 
elections  of  1800,  would  have  turned  out  Hamilton's  whole 
party,  and  united  with  the  southern  and  middle  States  in  bring- 
ing in  men  who  might  have  made  peace  on  much  less  advan- 
tageous terms. 

And  now,  let  the  world  judge  who  "consulted  much,"  who 
"  pondered  much,"  who  " resolved  slowly,"  and  who  "resolved 
surely." 


CORRESPONDENCE.  295 

XV. 

Mr.  Hamilton  acknowledges,  that  "the  President  had  pledged 
himself  in  his  speech"  (he  should  have  said  in  his  message)  "to 
send  a  minister,  if  satisfactory  assurances  of  a  proper  reception 
were  given."  Notwithstanding  this,  Mr.  Hamilton,  and  all  his 
confidential  friends,  exerted  their  utmost  art  and  most  strenuous 
endeavors  to  prevail  on  the  President  to  violate  this  pledge. 
What  can  any  man  think  of  the  disposition  of  these  men 
towards  the  personal  or  official  character  of  the  President,  but 
that  they  were  secretly,  if  not  avowedly,  his  most  determined 
and  most  venomous  enemies  ?  When  the  measure  had  been 
solemnly,  irrevocably  determined,  and  could  not  be  recalled  nor 
delayed  without  indelible  dishonor,  I  own  I  was  astonished,  I 
was  grieved,  I  was  afflicted,  to  see  such  artificial  schemes  em- 
ployed, such  delays  studied,  such  embarrassments  thrown  in  the 
way,  by  men  who  were,  or  at  least  ought  to  have  been,  my 
bosom  friends. 

This  was  a  point  of  honor  indeed  ;  not  such  a  stupid,  fantasti- 
cal point  of  honor  as  that  which  Mr.  Hamilton  maintains  with 
so  much  fanaticism  and  so  much  folly ;  but  a  point  of  honor  in 
which  my  moral  character  was  involved  as  well  as  the  public 
faith  of  the  nation.  Hamilton's  point  of  honor  was  such  as  one 
of  those  Irish  duellists,  who  love  fighting  better  than  feasting, 
might  have  made  a  pretext  for  sending  a  challenge;  and  however 
conformable  it  might  be  to  Hamilton's  manner  of  thinking,  it 
was  altogether  inconsistent  with  the  moral,  religious,  and  poli- 
tical character  of  the  people  of  America.  It  was  such  a  point 
of  honor  as  a  Machiavelian  or  a  Jesuit  might  have  made  a 
pretext  for  a  war.  It  was  such  a  point  of  honor  as  a  Roman 
senate,  in  the  most  corrupt  days  of  that  republic,  might  have 
made  a  pretext  for  involving  the  nation  in  a  foreign  war,  when 
patrician  monopolies  of  land,  and  patrician  usury  at  twelve  per 
cent,  a  month,  had  excited  the  plebeian  debtors  to  the  crisis 
of  a  civil  war.  But  the  American  people  were  not  Roman 
plebeians.  They  were  not  to  be  deceived  by  such  thin  dis- 
guises. 

Surely,  those  who  have  lately  censured  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr. 
Madison,  for  insisting  on  knowing  the  satisfaction  which  was 
to  be  given   for  the   outrage   on   the  Chesapeake,  before  they 


296  CORRESPONDENCE. 

revoked  a   certain  proclamation,  can   never  blame  me  for  not 
insisting  on  a  point  that  was  no  point  of  honor  at  all. 

Mr.  Hamilton  says,  "  When  the  President  pledged  himself  in 
his  speech"  (he  should  have  said  his  message)  "to  send  a  minis- 
ter, if  satisfactory  assurances  of  a  proper  reception  were  given, 
he  must  have  been  understood  to  mean  such  as  w^ere  direct  and 
official,  not  such  as  were  both  informal  and  destitute  of  a  compe- 
tent sanction^ 

The  words  "direct  and  indirect,"  "official  and  inofficial," 
"  formal  and  informal,"  "  competent  sanction,"  &c.,  appear  to 
have  seized  this  gentleman's  mind,  and  to  have  rolled  and 
tumbled  in  it  till  they  had  produced  an  entire  confusion  of  his 
understanding. 

He  here  supposes  that  I  did  not  understand  my  own  message, 
and  patriotically  undertakes  to  expound  it  both  for  me  and  the 
public.  According  to  his  metaphysics,  1  meant,  by  assurances 
of  a  proper  reception,  assurances  direct  and  official,  not  such  as 
were  informal.  Let  me  ask,  what  more  formal  or  official  assur- 
ances could  have  been  given  than  Talleyrand's  letters  ?  What 
more  formal,  official,  or  direct,  than  Mr.  Gerry's  letters  ?  If  I 
understand  Mr.  Hamilton,  he  must  have  meant  to  say  that  my 
message  demanded  an  ambassador  to  be  sent  directly  from  the 
Directory  to  me,  for  the  express  purpose  of  assuring  me  that 
they  would  receive  a  minister  plenipotentiary  from  me.  This, 
instead  of  being  my  meaning,  was  directly  the  reverse  of  it. 
From  first  to  last  I  had  refused  to  be  taken  in  this  snare.  I  had 
always  refused  to  demand  that  a  minister  should  be  sent  here 
/^  »  first,  though  I  had  declared  explicitly  enough  in  my  speech,  that 
a  French  minister,  if  sent,  should  be  received.  I  had  always 
insisted  that  both  the  doors  of  negotiation  should  be  held  open. 
And  as  I  have  already  said,  I  now  repeat,  that  I  preferred  to 
send  a  minister  rather  than  to  receive  one ;  not  only  for  the 
reasons  explained  in  a  former  letter,  but  because  I  thought  the 
amende  honorable  ought  to  be  made  at  Paris,  where  the  offence 
was  given ;  where  it  would  be  known  and  observed  by  all  Eu- 
rope ;  whereas,  if  it  had  been  made  at  Philadelphia,  little  notice 
would  have  been  taken  of  it  by  any  part  of  the  world. 

I  am  somewhat  disappointed  in  not  finding  in  this  pamphlet 
the  word  "obscure"  applied  to  Mr.  Pichon,  because  the  news- 
papers in  Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia,  written  by  Mr. 


r 


CORRESPONDENCE.  297 

Hamilton's  coadjutors  and  fellow-laborers  in  the  same  field  of 
scandal,  had  profusely  scattered  their  dull  sarcasms  on  the 
obscurity  of  the  agent  or  agents  at  the  Hague.  Mr.  Pichon 
obscure  I  A  secretary  of  legation  and  charge  des  affaires  ob- 
scure, especially  in  the  absence  of  his  ambassador!  The  office 
of  secretary  of  legation  is  an  object  of  ambition  and  desire  to 
many  of  the  first  scientific  and  literary  characters  in  Europe. 
The  place  is  worth  about  a  thousand  guineas  a  year,  and  aftbrds 
a  fine  opportunity  and  great  advantages  for  travel,  and  is , com- 
monly a  sure  road  to  promotion.  These  secretaries  are  almost 
always  men  of  science,  letters,  and  business.  They  are  often 
more  relied  upon  than  the  ambassadors  themselves  for  the  sub- 
stantial part  of  business.  Ambassadors  are  often  chosen  for 
their  birth,  rank,  title,  riches,  beauty,  eleganc^e  of  manners,  or 
good  humor.  They  are  intended  to  do  honor  to  their  sovereigns 
by  their  appearance  and  representation.  Secretaries  of  legation 
are  selected  for  their  science,  learning,  talents,  industry,  and 
habits  of  business.  I  doubt  not  Mr.  Locke  or  Sir  Isaac  Newton 
in  their  younger  days  would  have  thought  themselves  fortunate 
to  have  been  offered  such  a  place.  Would  these  have  been 
called  obscure  ?  Was  Matthew  Prior  or  David  Hume  obscure  ? 
Yet  both  of  them  were  secretaries  of  legation  I 

Such  reflections  as  these,  which  were  thrown  upon  Mr. 
Pichon,  might  impose  upon  a  people  who  knew  no  better  than 
the  wnriters,  but  must  have  been  despised  by  every  man  who 
knew  any  thing  of  the  world. 

Had  Talleyrand  sent  his  letters  to  General  Washington  to 
be  communicated  to  me,  had  he  sent  them  directly  to  my  Secre- 
tary of  State,  had  he  sent  them  to  the  Spanish  minister  to  be 
by  him  communicated  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  or  to  the 
Dutch  minister  for  the  same  purpose,  I  do  not  say  that  I  would 
have  nominated  a  minister  in  consequence  of  them ;  nor  will  I 
say  that  I  would  not.  There  is  no  need  to  determine  this  ques- 
tion, because,  in  fact,  the  utmost  rigor  of  diplomatic  etiquette 
was  observed.  But  I  will  say,  that  my  message  demanded 
nothing  but  evidence  to  convince  my  own  mind  and  give  satis- 
faction to  the  Senate  and  the  public,  that  a  minister  would  be 
received.  And  if  such  evidence  had  arrived  to  me  in  any  man- 
ner that  would  leave  no  doubt  in  the  public  mind,  I  would  not 
have  sacrificed  the  national  neutrality  to  any  diplomatic  tram- 
mels or  shackles  whatever. 


298  CORRESPONDENCE. 

XVL 

In  page  26,  Mr.  Hamilton  says,  that  the  mission  •'  could 
hardly  fail  to  injure  our  interests  with  other  countries." 

This  is  another  of  those  phantoms  which  he  had  conjured  up 
to  terrify  minds  and  nerves  as  weak  as  his  own.  It  was  a  com- 
monplace theme  of  discourse,  which,  no  doubt,  the  British  fac- 
tion very  efficaciously  assisted  him  in  propagating.  I  know 
it  made  impression  on  some,  from  whose  lips  I  too  often  heard 
it,  and  from  whom  I  expected  more  sense  and  firmness.  It 
appeared  to  me  so  mean,  servile,  and  timorous,  that  I  own  I  did 
not  always  hear  it  with  patience. 

Which  were  those  other  countries  ?  They  could  not  be  Spain, 
Holland,  or  any  countries  in  the  north  or  south  of  Europe  which 
were  in  alliance  with  France  or  under  her  obedience.  They 
could  be  only  England,  Russia,  and  Sweden,  for  we  had  nothing 
to  do  with  any  but  maritime  powers.  And  what  interest  of 
ours  could  be  injured  with  any  of  these  powers  ?  Would  any 
of  these  powers  make  war  upon  us,  and  sacrifice  the  benefits 
they  received  from  our  commerce,  because  we  made  peace  with 
France,  asserted  and  maintained  our  impartial  neutrality,  and 
stipulated  nothing  inconsistent  with  their  rights,  honor,  or  dig- 
nity? If  such  chimerical  fears  as  these  were  to  govern  our 
conduct,  it  was  idle  to  talk  of  our  independence.  We  might  as 
well  petition  the  king  and  parliament  of  Great  Britain  to  take 
us  again  under  their  gracious  protection. 

In  page  36,  he  says,  I  "  might  secretly  and  confidentially  have 
nominated  one  or  more  of  our  ministers  actually  abroad  for  the 
purpose  of  treating  with  France ;  with  eventual  instructions 
predicated  upon  appearances  of  approaching  peace." 

Mr.  Hamilton  had  entirely  forgot  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  All  nominations  must  be  made  to  the  Senate, 
and  if  the  President  requests,  and  the  Senate  enjoins  secrecy, 
secrecy  will  not  be  kept.  Stephens  Thompson  Mason  was 
then  a  member  of  the  Senate ;  and  if  he  had  not  been,  there 
were  twenty  other  means  of  communicating  the  thing  to  the 
public.  Had  secrecy  been  requested  and  enjoined  when  Mr. 
Murray  was  nominated,  every  man  whose  emulation  was  mor- 
tified would  have  had  the  secret  in  three  hours.  But  had  the 
secret  been  kept,  Mr.  Murray  must  have  gone  to  Paris  with  his 


CORRESPONDENCE.  299 

full  powers,  or  must  have  communicated  them  to  Mr.  Pichon  ; 
the  French  government  must  have  appointed  a  minister  to  treat 
with  him;  their  full  powers  must  have  been  exchanged;  neither 
the  French  government  nor  their  ministers  would  have  kept  it 
secret.  And  why  all  this  cunning?  That  we  might  not  give 
umbrage  to  England.  This  very  motive,  if  there  had  been  any 
thing  in  it,  \vould  have  induced  the  French  to  proclaim  it  to  all 
Europe.  In  truth,  such  a  sneaking  idea  never  entered  my  brain, 
and  if  it  had,  I  would  have  spurned  it  as  unworthy  a  moment's 
consideration.  Besides,  this  would  have  been  the  very  indirect, 
circuitous  mode  that  Mr.  Hamilton  so  deeply  deplores. 

In  page  37,  another  instance  is  given  of  my  jealousy  and 
suspicious  disposition.  The  most  open,  unsuspicious  man  alive 
is  accused  of  excessive  suspcionj 


I  transiently  asked  one  of  the  heads  of  departments,  whether 
Ellsworth  and  Hamilton  had  come  all  the  way  from  Windsor 
and  New  York  to  persuade  me  to  countermand  the  mission. 
How  came  Mr.  Hamilton  to  be  informed  of  this  ?  ^ 

I  know  of  no  motive  of  Mr.  Ellsworth's  journey.  However, 
I  have  already  acknowledged  that  Mr.  Ellsw^orth's  conduct  was 
perfectly  proper.^  He  urged  no  influence  or  argument  for 
counteracting  or  postponing  the  mission. 

Unsuspicious  as  I  was,  I  could  not  resist  the  evidence  of  my 
senses.  Hamilton,  unasked,  had  volunteered  his  influence  with 
all  the  arguments  his  genius  could  furnish,  all  the  eloquence 
he  possessed,  and  aU  the  vehemence  of  action  his  feeble  frame 
could  exert.  He  had  only  betrayed  his  want  of  information, 
and  his  ardent  zeal  to  induce  me  to  break  my  word  and  violate 
the  faith  of  the  government.  I  know  of  no  business  he  had  at 
Trenton.  Indeed  I  knew,  that  in  strict  propriety  he  had  no 
right  to  come  to  Trenton  at  all  without  my  leave.  He  was 
stationed  at  Newark,  in  the  command  of  his  division  of  the 
army,  where  he  ought  to  have  been  employed  in  accommodat- 
ing, disciplining,  and  teaching  tactics  to  his  troops,  if  he  had 

'  The  question  is  now  answered.  The  cabinet  member  disclosed  it.  Gibbs's 
Federal  Administrations,  vol.  ii.  pp.  397,  422. 

2  In  the  first  drauj^ht  is  the  following  addition,  — 

"  Mr.  Adams  never  suspected  him  to  be  in  combination  with  Mr.  Hamilton  to 
endeavor  to  inlluence  him  in  the  affair  of  the  mission." 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  was  in  combination  at  least  with  Mr. 
Pickering  and  Mr.  Wolcott,  ii"  not  Mr.  Hamilton. 


300  CORRESPONDENCE. 

been  capable  of  it.  He  wisely  left  these  things  to  another 
officer,  who  understood  them  better,  but  whom  he  hated  for  that 
very  reason. 

I  have  no  more  to  say  upon  this  great  subject.  Indeed,  I  am 
weary  of  exposing  puerilities  that  would  disgrace  the  awkward- 
cst  boy  at  college. 


XVII. 

Mr.  Hamilton  says,  my  "conduct  in  the  office  of  President 
was  a  heterogeneous  compound  of  right  and  wrong,  of  wis- 
dom and  error."  As  at  that  time,  in  my  opinion,  his  principal 
rule  of  right  and  wrong,  of  wisdom  and  error,  was  his  own 
ambition  and  indelicate  pleasures,  I  despise  his  censure,  and 
should  consider  his  approbation  as  a  satire  on  my  administra- 
tion. 

"  The  outset,"  he  says,  "was  distinguished  by  a  speech  which 
his  friends  lamented  as  temporizing.  It  had  the  air  of  a  lure 
for  the  favor  of  his  opponents  at  the  expense  of  his  sincerity." 
Until  I  read  this,  I  never  heard  one  objection  to  that  speech ; 
and  I  have  never  heard  another  since,  except  in  a  letter  from  a 
lady,  who  said  she  did  not  like  it,  because  there  was  but  one 
period  in  it,  and  that  period  was  too  long.  I  fully  agreed  to 
that  lady's  opinion,  and  now  thank  her  for  her  criticism.  Since 
that  time  I  have  never  heard  nor  read,  except  in  Wood's  His- 
tory, any  objection  or  criticism. 

That  address  was  dictated  by  the  same  spirit  which  produced 
my  conference  the  next  day  with  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  which  I  pro- 
posed to  him  the  idea  of  sending  him  to  France,  and  the  more 
serious  thought  of  nominating  Mr.  Madison.  It  sprung  from  a 
very  serious  apprehension  of  danger  to  our  country,  and  a  sense 
of  injustice  to  individuals,  from  that  arbitrary  and  exclusive 
principle  of  faction  which  confines  all  employments  and  promo- 
tions to  its  own  favorites.  There  is  a  distinction  founded  in 
truth  and  nature,  between  party  and  faction.  The  former  is 
founded  in  principle  and  system,  concerning  the  public  good ; 
the  latter  in  private  interest  and  passions.  An  honest  party 
man  will  never  exclude  talents  and  virtues,  and  qualities  emi- 
nently useful  to  the  public,  merely  on  account  of  a  difference  in 


CORRESPONDENCE.  301 

opinion.  A  factious  man  will  exclude  every  man  alike,  saint 
or  sinner,  who  will  not  be  a  blind,  passive  tool.  If  I  had  been 
allowed  to  follow  my  own  ideas,  Hamilton  and  Burr,  in  my 
opinion,  wdth  submission  to  Divine  Providence,  would  have 
been  alive  at  this  hour;  General  Muhlenberg,  of  Pennsylvania, 
would  have  been  a  Brigadier,  under  Hamilton,  in  the  army,  as 
long  as  it  lasted  ;  and  the  great  body  of  Germans  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, instead  of  being  disgraced  with  imputations  of  rebellion, 
would  have  been  good  friends  of  government.  I  have  not 
room  to  develop  all  this  at  present. 

But  I  soon  found  myself  shackled.  The  heads  of  depart- 
ments were  exclusive  patriots.  I  could  not  name  a  man  who 
was  not  devoted  to  Hamilton,  without  kindling  a  fire.^  The 
Senate  was  now  decidedly  federal.  Daring  President  Washing- 
ton's whole  administration  of  eight  years,  his  authority  in  the 
Senate  was  extremely  weak.  The  Senate  was  equally  divided 
in  all  great  constitutional  questions,  and  in  all  great  questions 
of  foreign  relations ;  and  such  as  were  the  most  sharply  con- 
tested were  brought  to  my  decision  as  Vice-President.  When 
I  was  elected,  the  States  had  been  pleased  to  make  an  entire 
change  in  the  Senate.  Two  thirds  of  that  honorable  body  were 
now  decidedly  federal.  And  prosperity  had  its  usual  effect  on 
federal  minds.  It  made  them  confident  and  presumptuous.  I 
soon  found  that  if  I  had  not  the  previous  consent  of  the  heads 
of  departments,  and  the  approbation  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  I  run  the 
utmost  risk  of  a  dead  negative  in  the  Senate.  One  such  nega- 
tive, at  least,  I  had,  after  a  very  formal  and  a  very  uncivil 
remonstrance  of  one  of  their  large,  unconstitutional  committees 
in  secret. 

I  have  great  reason  to  believe,  thai  Mr._JejEferson  came  into 
office  with  the  same  spirit  that  I  did,  that  is,  with  a  sincere 
desire  of  conciliating  parties,  as  far  as  he  possibly  could,  con- 

1  Mr.  Stoddert,  in  a  private  letter,  remonstrated  against  being  classed  in  this 
manner.     He  expresses  himself  thus  respecting  Hamilton : 

"As  to  General  Hamilton,  I  scarcely  knew  him ;  and  perhaps  my  crime  as  to 
him  was,  that  though  believing  highly  of  the  brilliancy  of  his  talents,  and  of  his 
sincere  patriotism  and  honorable  principles,  I  never  entertained  a  very  exalted 
opinion  of  his  discretion  or  the  soUdity  of  his  judgment,  and  always  thought  it 
an  unfortunate  circumstance  for  the  federal  party,  and  of  course,  for  the  country, 
(for  I  believe  the  views  of  that  party  have  always  been  directed  to  tlie  best 
interests  of  the  country)  that  the  opinions  of  this  gentleman  were  deemed  so 
oracular." 

Mr.  Stoddert  did  not  become  Secretary  of  the  Navy  until  June,  1798. 

VOL.  IX.  26 


302  CORRESPONDENCE. 

sistently  with  his  principles.  But  he  soon  found,  as  I  did,  that 
the  Senate  had  a  decided  majority  of  republicans,  five  or  six  to 
one,  a  much  greater  majority  than  there  was  in  my  time  of 
federalists,  which  was  never  more  than  two  to  one. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  Mr.  Washington's  time, 
the  majority  of  federalists  was  very  small.  In  my  time,  it  was 
somewhat  larger,  but  still  small.  In  Mr.  Jefferson's  time,  the 
majority  of  republicans  was  immense,  two  or  three,  or  four,  to 
one.  Consciousness  of  this  strength  had  the  same  effect  upon 
republicans  as  it  had  upon  the  federalists  in  my  time.  It  made 
them  confident,  exclusive,  and  presumptuous.  Mr.  Jefferson 
found  it  impossible,  as  I  did,  to  follow  his  own  inclination  on 
many  occasions. 

It  may  be  thought  presumption  in  me  to  impute  errors  to 
the  nation ;  but,  as  I  have  never  concealed  from  the  people  any 
truth  which  it  was  important  to  them  to  know,  nor  any  opinion 
of  my  own,  which  was  material  in  public  affairs,  I  hope  to  be 
excused  if  I  suggest,  that  the  general  sentiment  in  most  parts 
of  the  continent,  that  all  the  danger  to  liberty  arises  from  the 
executive  power,  and  that  the  President's  office  cannot  be  too 
much  restrained,  is  an  error. 

Corruption  in  almost  all  free  governments  has  begun  and 
been  first  introduced  in  the  legislature.  When  any  portion  of 
executive  power  has  been  lodged  in  popular  or  aristocratical 
assemblies,  it  has  seldom,  if  ever,  failed  to  introduce  intrigue. 
The  executive  powers  lodged  in  the  Senate  are  the  most  dan- 
gerous to  the  Constitution,  and  to  liberty,  of  all  the  powers  in  it.^ 
The  people,  then,  ought  to  consider  the  President's  office  as  the 
indispensable  guardian  of  their  rights.  I  have  ever,  therefore, 
been  of  opinion,  that  the  electors  of  President  ought  to  be 
chosen  by  the  people  at  large.  The  people  cannot  be  too  care- 
ful in  the  choice  of  their  Presidents ;  but  when  they  have  chosen 
them,  they  ought  to  expect  that  they  will  act  their  own  inde- 
pendent judgments,  and  not  be  wheedled  nor  intimidated  by 
factious  combinations  of  senators,  representatives,  heads  of  de- 
partments, or  military  officers. 

The  exclusive  principle  which  has  been  adopted  and  too 
openly  avowed  by  both  our  great  divisions,  when  the  pendulum 

^  The  tendencies  of  the  present  day  render  this  prediction  worthy  to  be  kept 
in  mind. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  303 

has  swung  to  their  side,  is  a  principle  of  faction,  and  not  of 
honest  party.  It  is  intolerance !  It  is  despotism !  It  destroys  the 
freedom  of  the  press !  the  freedom  of  elections !  the  freedom  of 
debate !  the  freedom  of  deliberation !  the  freedom  of  private 
judgment!  And  as  long  as  the  Senate  shall  be  determined  to 
negative  all  but  their  own  party,  the  President  can  have  no  will 
or  judgment  of  his  own.  I  most  earnestly  entreat  all  parties  to 
reconsider  their  resolutions  on  this  subject. 


XVIII. 

In  page  29,  Mr.  Hamilton  says,  "  When  an  ordinary  man 
dreams  himself  to  be  a  Frederick,"  &c. 

To  this  I  shall  make  but  a  short  answer.  When  a  Miss  of 
the  street  shall  print  a  pamphlet  in  London,  and  call  the  Queen 
of  England  an  ordinary  woman  who  dreams  herself  a  Catharine 
of  Russia,  no  Englishman  will  have  the  less  esteem  for  his  queen 
for  that  impudent  libel. 

There  is  something  in  the  24th  page  of  a  graver  complexion. 
It  is  said,  that  "  the  session  which  ensued  the  promulgation  of 
the  despatches  of  our  commissioners  was  about  to  commence." 
This  was  the  session  of  1798.  "  Mr.  Adams  arrived  at  Phila- 
delphia.    The  tone  of  his  mind  seemed  to  have  been  raised." 

Let  me  ask  a  candid  public,  how  did  Mr.  Hamilton  know  any 
thing  of  the  tone  of  Mr.  Adams's  mind,  either  before  or  at  that 
conference?  To  make  the  comparison,  he  must  have  known 
the  state  of  Mr.  Adams's  mind  at  both  these  periods.  He  had 
never  conversed  with  Mr.  Adams  before,  nor  was  he  present  at 
that  conference.  Who  was  the  musician  that  took  the  pitch  of 
Mr.  Adams's  mind,  at  the  two  moments  here  compared  to- 
gether? And  what  was  the  musical  instrument,  or  whose 
exquisite  car  was  it,  that  ascertained  so  nicely  the  vibrations  of 
the  air,  and  Mr.  Adams's  sensibility  to  them?  Had  Mr.  Ha- 
milton a  spy  in  the  cabinet,  who  transmitted  to  him,  from  day 
to  day,  the  confidential  communications  between  the  President 
and  heads  of  department  ?  If  there  existed  such  a  spy,  why 
might  he  not  communicate  these  conferences  to  Mr.  Liston,  or 
the  Marquis  Yrujo,  as  well  as  to  Mr.  Hamilton  ?  He  had  as 
clear  a  right.      I  believe  that  all  the   privy  counsellors  of  the 


304  CORRESPONDENCE. 

world  but  our  own  are  under  an  oath  of  secrecy ;  and  ours 
ought  to  be.  But  as  they  are  not,  their  own  honor  and  sense 
of  propriety  ought,  with  them,  to  be  obligations  as  sacred  as  an 
oath.i 

The  truth  is,  I  had  arrived  at  Philadelphia  from  a  long  jour- 
ney, which  had  been  delayed  longer  than  I  intended,  very  much 
fatigued ;  and  as  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  I  sent  for  the  heads  of 
departments  to  consult,  in  the  evening,  upon  the  points  to  be 
inserted  in  the  speech  to  Congress,  who  were  soon  to  meet. 

My  intention  was,  in  the  language  of  the  lawyers,  merely  to 
break  the  questions,  or  meet  the  points  necessary  for  us  to  con- 
sider ;  not  intending  to  express  any  opinion  of  my  own,  or  to 
request  any  opinion  of  theirs  upon  any  point;  but  merely  to 
take  the  questions  into  their  consideration,  and  give  me  their 
advice  upon  all  of  them  at  a  future  meeting. 

I  observed  that  I  found,  by  various  sources  of  information, 
and  particularly  by  some  of  the  newspapers  in  Boston  and  New 
York,  that  there  was  a  party  who  expected  an  unqualified  re- 
commendation of  a  declaration  of  war  as^ainst  France. 


These  paragraphs,  I  was  well  satisfied,  were  written  by  gen- 
tlemen who  were  in  the  confidence  and  correspondence  of  Ha- 
milton, and  one  of  the  heads  of  departments  at  least,  though  I 
gave  them  no  intimation  of  this. 

I  said  to  the  gentlemen,  that  1  supposed  it  would  be  expected 
of  us,  that  we  should  consider  this  question,  and  be  able  to  give 
our  reasons  for  the  determination,  whatever  it  might  be. 

The  conduct  of  the  gentlemen  upon  this  question  was  such 
as  I  wished  it  to  be  upon  all  the  others.  No  one  of  them  gave 
an  opinion  either  for  or  against  a  declaration  of  ^var.  There 
was  something,  however,  in  the  total  silence  and  reserve  of  all 
of  them,  and  in  the  countenances  of  some,  that  appeared  to  me 
to  be  the  effect  of  disappointment.  It  seemed  to  me,  that  they 
expected  I  should  have  proposed  a  declaration  of  war,  and  only 
asked  their  advice  to  sanction  it.  However,  not  a  word  was 
said. 

That  there  was  a  disappointment,  however,  in  Hamilton  and 
his  friends,  is   apparent  enough   from   this   consideration,  that 

1  All  this  is  now  cleared  up  by  Mr.  Gibbs,  and  by  the  works  of  Mr.  Hamilton. 
The  information  furnished  by  three  of  the  cabinet  ministers  seems  to  have  been 
continuous  and  complete. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  305 

when  it  was  known  that  a  declaration  of  war  was  not  to  be 
recommended  in  the  President's  speech,  a  caucus  was  called  of 
members  of  Congress,  to  see  if  they  could  not  get  a  vote  for  a 
declaration  of  war,  without  any  recommendation  from  the  Pre- 
sident, as  they  had  voted  the  alien  and  sedition  law,  and  the 
army.^  What  passed  in  that  caucus,  and  how  much  zeal  there 
was  in  some,  and  who  they  were.  Judge  Sewall  can  tell  better 
than  I.  All  that  I  shall  say  is,  that  Mr.  Hamilton's  friends 
could  not  carry  the  vote.^ 

My  second  proposition  to  the  heads  of  departments  was  to 
consider,  in  case  we  should  determine  against  a  declaration  of 
war,  what  was  the  state  of  our  relations  with  France,  and 
whether  any  further  attempt  at  negotiation  should  be  made. 

Instead  of  the  silence  and  reserve  with  which  my  first  question 
was  received,  Mr.  Hamilton  shall  relate  what  was  said. 

Mr.  Hamilton  says,  "  It  was  suggested  to  him  (Mr.  Adams) 
that  it  might  be  expedient  to  insert  in  the  speech  a  sentiment 
of  this  import ;  that,  after  the  repeatedly  rejected  advances  of 
this  country,  its  dignity  required  that  it  should  be  left  with 
France  in  future  to  make  the  first  overture ;  that  if,  desirous  of 
reconciliation,  she  should  evince  the  disposition  by  sending  a 
minister  to  this  government,  he  would  be  received  with  the 
respect  due  to  his  character,  and  treated  with  in  the  frankness 
of  a  sincere  desire  of  accommodation.  The  suggestion  was 
received  in  a  manner  both  indignant  and  intemperate." 

I  demand  again,  how  did  Mr.  Hamilton  obtain  this  informa- 
tion?    Had  he  a  spy  in  the  cabinet?     If  he  had,  I  own  I  had 

1  In  the  fragment  of  1801,  it  is  said, — 

"  The  truth  is  that  at  a  private  meeting  of  the  federalists  in  Congress  the 
question  was  considered,  but  a  majoi'ity  were  against  a  declaration  of  war.  This 
question  was  debated  with  heat,  and  here  began,  some  time  before  the  nomina- 
tion of  Mr.  Murray  to  France,  the  serious  schism.  The  minority  who  urged  a 
declaration  of  war  were  outrageous  when  they  found  the  President  apparently 
fall  in  with  the  judgment  of  the  majority." 

2  Mr.  Stoddert  in  his  private  letter  considers  the  result  of  this  caucus  as 
having  been  decisive  of  the  policy  of  the  country.     He  says ;  — 

"A  majority  of  a  caucus  composed  entirely  of  federal  members  of  the  two 
Houses,  would  not  agree  to  a  declaration  of  war ;  and  the  result  of  that  meeting 
showed  too  plainly  to  be  mistaken  by  the  President,  that  it  was  his  duty  to  avail 
himself  of  the  first  fair  opportunity  that  presented,  for  seeking  reconciliation 
without  debasement.  The  democratic  party  certainly  was  averse  to  war  with 
France ;  so  Avas  the  federal  party,  if  war  could  be  avoided  without  dishonor. 
In  this  view  of  the  subject,  and  to  my  understanding  it  is  the  true  one,  I  cannot 
conceive  how  you  could  have  avoided  instituting  a  negotiation,  on  the  receipt 
of  Mr.  Murray's  letter." 

26*  T 


306  CORRESPONDENCE. 

rather  that  all  the  courts  in  Europe  should  have  had  spies  there ; 
for  they  could  have  done  no  harm  by  any  true  information  they 
could  have  obtained  there ;  whereas  Hamilton  has  been  able  to 
do  a  great  deal  of  mischief  by  the  pretended  information  he 
has  published.! 

It  is  very  true,  that  I  thought  this  proposition  intended  to 
close  the  avenues  to  peace,  and  to  ensure  a  war  with  France ; 
for  I  did  believe  that  some  of  the  heads  of  departments  were 
confident,  in  their  own  minds,  that  France  would  not  send  a 
minister  here. 

From  the  intimate  intercourse  between  Hamilton  and  some 
of  the  heads  of  departments,  which  is  demonstrated  to  the 
world  and  to  posterity  by  this  pamphlet,  I  now  appeal  to  every 
candid  and  impartial  man,  whether  there  is  not  reason  to  sus- 
pect and  to  believe,  whether  there  is  not  a  presumption,  a  violent 
presumption,  that  Hamilton  himself  had  furnished  this  machine 
to  his  correspondent  in  the  cabinet,^  for  the  very  purpose  of 
ensnaring  me,  at  unawares,  of  ensuring  a  war  with  France,  and 
enabling  him  to  mount  his  hobby-horse,  the  command  of  an 
army  of  fifty  thousand,  ten  thousand  of  them  to  be  horse. 

Hamilton  says,  "  the  suggestion  was  received  in  a  manner 
both  indignant  and  intemperate."  This  is  false.  It  is  true,  it 
was  urged  with  so  much  obstinacy,  perseverance,  and  inde- 
cency, not  to  say  intemperance,  that  at  last  I  declared  I  would 
not  adopt  it,  in  clear  and  strong  terms.^ 

1  The  information  was  furnislied  by  O.  Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
whom  Mr.  Adams  never  suspected.  Mr.  Hamilton  states  this  explicitly  in  a 
letter  published  in  Mr.  Gibbs's  book,  vol.  ii.  p.  422.  It  is  not  in  Hamilton's 
works. 

-  The  fact  seems  to  be  admitted  by  Mr.  Gibbs  in  his  late  Avork,  vol.  ii.  p.  18G. 

^  This  appears  more  in  detail  in  the  earlier  fragment. 

"  The  truth  must  be  told.  There  were  some  in  America,  though  but  a  few, 
among  Mr.  Hamilton's  friends  in  Boston  especially,  who  were  desirous  the 
President  in  his  speech  should  recommend  to  Congress  an  immediate  declara- 
tion of  war.  This  question  was  considered  by  the  President  and  heads  of 
department  in  seci-et.  Some  things  were  said,  but  no  clear  opinion,  that  is 
remembered,  expressed  by  any  one.  The  President,  after  some  time,  made  an 
observation  or  two  unnecessary  to  be  repeated,  wliich  discovered  the  tendency 
of  his  opinion,  and  all  the  heads  of  department  acquiesced  in  the  conclusion  to 
leave  the  subject  wholly  out  of  the  address.  A  proposition  was  then  made,  the 
words  of  which  are  not  remembered,  but  the  substance  was  a  commitment  of  the 
President  to  a  declaration  that  he  would  send  no  more  ministers  to  France. 
The  President  was  decidedly  against  this,  and  declared  he  would  not  commit 
himself.  The  proposition  was  not  received  in  any  manner,  either  indignant  or 
intemperate.  The  manner  in  which  it  was  urged,  repeated,  and  insisted  on, 
was  so  indecent,  that  at  last  Mr.  Adams  expressed  his  ultimate  determination  in 


CORRESPONDENCE.  307 

Mr.  Hamilton  says,  "  Mr.  Adams  declared,  as  a  sentiment  he 
had  adopted  on  mature  reflection,  that  if  France  should  send  a 
minister  here  to-morrow,  he  would  order  him  back  the  day  after." 

Here  I  ask  again,  where,  how,  and  from  whom  did  he  get 
this  information.  Was  it  from  his  spy  in  the  cabinet?  Or 
was  it  the  fabrication  of  his  own  "  sublimated,  eccenti'ic,"  ^  and 
intemperate  imagination  ?  In  either  case,  it  is  an  entire  mis- 
representation. 

I  said  that,  when  in  my  retirement  at  Quincy,  the  idea  of  the 
French  government  sending  a  minister  here  had  sometimes 
occurred  to  me,  my  first  thoughts  were,  that  I  would  send  him 
back  the  next  day  after  his  arrival,  as  a  retaliation  for  their 
sending  ours  back;  and  because  the  affront  offered  to  us  had 
been  at  Paris,  publicly,  in  the  face  of  all  Europe,  the  atonement 
ought  to  be  upon  the  same  theatre ;  and  because,  as  the  French 
government  had  publicly  and  officially  declared  that  they  would 

strong  terms.  ]\Ir.  Adams  observed,  that  when  the  idea  of  the  French  sending 
a  minister  here  was  first  made  public,  as  it  had  been  by  Dr.  Logan,  Mr.  Barlow, 
and  many  others,  his  first  fijelings  were  against  receiving  him.  He  thought, 
as  the  insult  had  been  oiTered  in  Paris,  the  reparation  ought  to  be  in  Paris ;  that 
Europe,  which  had  witnessed  the  afl'ront,  should  also  witness  the  apology.  He 
further  mentioned  the  inconveniences  which  would  arise  from  conducting  the 
negotiation  at  Philadelphia.  Nothing  could  be  kept  secret ;  the  French  would 
let  out  what  they  pleased.  Our  Jacobins  would  be  clamorous  and  insolent, 
taking  the  part  of  the  French  minister  against  their  own  government,  as  they 
had  done  in  Mv.  Washington's  time.  Considering  all  those  things,  Mr.  Adams 
said  his  first  thought  was,  that  if  a  French  minister  arrived,  he  should  be  I'cjected, 
as  Mr.  Pinckney  had  been ;  but  upon  further  reflection  he  did  not  see  how  it 
could  be  reconciled  to  principles,  for  the  right  of  embassy  ought  to  be  respected 
even  in  time  of  war.  His  ultimate  determination,  therefore,  was  to  leave  the 
door  wide  open  for  negotiation.  Accordingly,  he  inserted  in  his  speech  these 
words :  '  It  is  peace  that  we  have  uniformly  and  perseveinngly  cultivated,  and 
harmony  between  us  and  France  may  be  restored  at  her  option.  But  to  send 
another  minister  without  more  determinate  assurances  that  he  would  be  received, 
would  be  an  act  of  humiliation  to  which  the  United  States  ought  not  to  submit. 
It  must,  therefore,  be  left  with  France,  if  she  is  indeed  desirous  of  acconnnoda- 
tion,  to  take  the  requisite  steps.  The  United  States  will  steadily  observe  the 
maxims  by  which  they  have  been  hitherto  governed.  They  will  respect  the 
sacred  right  of  embassy.'  This  is  the  paragraph  which  Avas  ultimately  inserted, 
and  Mr.  Adams's  resolution  in  support  of  it  has  had  the  most  happy  and  im- 
portant effects ;  and  every  man  in  the  cabinet  who  opposed  it,  ought  now,  instead 
of  boasting  of  his  error,  to  be  ashamed  of  it." 

1  It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  one  of  his  own  friends,  Gouverneur  Morris,  should, 
in  substance,  aflirm  the  same  thing  of  Mr.  Hamilton  himself,  which  he  affirmed 
both  of  INIr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jefferson. 

"  Our  poor  friend  Hamilton  bestrode  his  hobby  to  the  great  annoyance  of  his 
friends,  and  not  without  injury  to  himself  More  a  theoretic  than  a  practical 
man,  he  was  not  sufficiently  convinced  that  a  system  may  be  good  in  itself,  and 
bad  in  relation  to  particular  circumstances."     Life  of  G.  Morris,  vol.  iii.  p.  216. 


308  CORRESPONDENCE. 

receive  no  minister  plenijDotcntiary  from  the  United  States  until 
the  President  had  made  apologies  for  his  speeches  and  answers 
to  addresses,  they  ought  to  be  made  to  retract  and  take  back 
that  rash  declaration  on  the  same  spot  where  it  had  been  made. 
They  might  send  a  minister  here  consistently  with  that  offensive 
declaration.  This  was  my  first  thought;  but  upon  mature 
reflection  I  saw  that  this  would  not  be  justifiable  ;  for  to  retaliate 
one  breach  of  principle  by  another  breach  of  principle,  was 
neither  the  morality  nor  the  policy  that  had  been  taught  me  by 
my  father  and  my  tutors.  Our  principle  was,  that  the  right  of 
embassy  was  sacred.  I  would  therefore  sacredly  respect  it,  if 
they  sent  a  minister  here.  But  I  would  not  foreclose  myself 
from  sending  a  minister  to  France,  if  I  saw  an  opening  for  it 
consistent  with  our  honor;  in  short,  that  I  would  leave  both 
doors  and  all  doors  wide  open  for  a  negotiation.  All  this 
refutation  came  from  myself,  not  from  the  heads  of  depart- 
ments. 

All  that  he  says  in  this  place  and  in  the  beginning  of  the 
next  page,  of  my  wavering,  is  false.  My  mind  never  underwent 
any  revolution  or  alteration  at  all,  after  I  left  Quincy.  I  inserted 
no  declaration  in  my  speech,  that  I  would  not  send  a  minister 
to  France,  nor  any  declaration  that,  if  France  would  give  assur- 
ances of  receiving  a  minister  from  this  country,  I  would  send 
one.  Nothing  like  that  declaration  was  ever  made,  except  in 
my  message  to  Congress,  of  the  21st  of  June,  1798,  in  these 
words :  "  I  will  never  send  another  minister  to  France,  without 
assurances  that  he  will  be  received,  respected,  and  honored,  as 
the  representative  of  a  great,  free,  powerful,  and  independent 
nation."     This  declaration  finally  effected  the  peace.^ 

'  From  the  draught  of  1801 : 

"  The  measure,  fi-om  its  inception,  was  never  determined  on  by  considerations 
of  war  or  peace,  prosperity  or  adversity  to  any  of  the  powers  at  war  in  Europe. 
Mr.  Adams,  in  all  his  administration,  has  considered  his  country  as  a  sovereign, 
and  her  affairs  as  insulated.  Peace  to  America,  if  attainable  on  safe  and  honor- 
able terms,  whether  war  or  peace,  triumphs  or  defeats  in  Europe.  Humiliations 
and  reverses  in  France,  Mr.  Adams  thought,  if  they  were  to  have  any  considera- 
tion at  all,  ought  rather  to  accelei'ate  than  retard  the  measures  of  reconciliation, 
because  they  ought  to  be  imputed  to  generous  motives  rather  than  to  mean 
ones,  and  because  he  had  observed,  that  great  successes  had  produced  an  intoxi- 
cating effect  upon  all  the  belligerent  nations  in  succession. 

Mr.  Adams  desires  nothing  more  than  to  have  the  expediency  of  the  measure 
tested  by  the  state  of  things,  when  it  had  its  inception,  when  the  foundation  was 
laid  for  it  in  the  speech,  when  Mr.  Murray  was  nominated,  and  when  the  envoys 


CORRESPONDENCE.  309 

Both  the  doors  of  negotiation  were  left  open.  The  French 
might  send  a  minister  here  without  conditions ;  we  might  send 
one  to  France  upon  condition  of  a  certainty  that  he  would  be 
received  in  character. 

What  conduct  did  the  French  government  hold  in  conse- 
quence of  this  declaration  ?  They  retracted  their  solemn  and 
official  declaration,  that  they  would  receive  no  minister  pleni- 
potentiary, in  future,  from  the  United  States,  without  apologies 
from  the  President  for  his  speeches  and  answers  to  addresses. 
They  withdrew,  and  expressly  disavowed,  all  claims  of  loans 
and  douceurs,  which  had  been  held  up  in  a  very  high  tone. 
They  even  gave  encouragement,  I  might  say  they  promised,  to 
make  provision  for  an  equitable  compensation  for  spoliations. 
They  promised  to  receive  our  ministers,  and  they  did  receive 
them,  and  made  peace  with  them,  —  a  peace  that  completely 
accomplished  a  predominant  wish  of  my  heart  for  five-and- 
twenty  years  before,  which  was  to  place  our  relations  with 
France  and  with  Great  Britain  upon  a  footing  of  equality  and 
impartiality,  that  we  might  be  able  to  preserve,  in  future,  an 
everlasting  neutrality  in  all  the  wars  of  Europe. 

I  see  now  with  great  pleasure,  that  England  professes  to 
acknowledge  and  adopt  this  our  principle  of  impartiality,  and  I 
hope  that  France  will  soon  adopt  it  too.  The  two  powers 
ought  to  see,  that  it  is  the  only  principle  we  can  adopt  with 
safety  to  ourselves  or  justice  to  them.  If  this  is  an  error,  it  is 
an  error  in  which  I  have  been  invariably  and  unchangeably  fixed 
for  five-and-thirty  years,  in  the  whole  course  of  which  I  have 
never  seen  reason  to  suspect  it  to  be  an  error,  and  I  now  de- 
spair of  ever  discovering  any  such  reasons. 

Nevertheless,  Mr.  Hamilton  calls  the  declaration  that  accom- 
plished all  this  "  a  pernicious  declaration ! " 

Pernicious  it  was  to  his  views  of  ambition  and  domination. 
It  extinguished  his  hopes  of  being  at  the  head  of  a  victorious 

sailed.    If  it  was  not  justified  then,  it  never  can  be  justified,  -whatever  may  have 
been  its  success  for  Mr.  Adams  admires  the  sentiment  — 

'  Careat  successibus  opto 
Quisquis  ab  eventu  facta  notanda  putat.' 

Upon  the  coolest  review  and  reexamination,  he  thinks  it  the  wisest  action  of 
his  life,  and,  as  he  knew  the  pains  that  would  be  taken  to  defeat  it  and  to  render 
it  unpopular,  it  was  the  most  resolute  and  the  most  disinterested." 


310  CORRESPONDENCE. 

army  of  fifty  thousand  men,  without  which,  he  used  to  say,  he 
had  no  idea  of  having  a  head  upon  his  shoulders  for  four  years 
longer. 

Thus  it  is,  when  self-sufficient  ignorance  impertinently  ob- 
trudes itself  into  offices  and  departments,  in  which  it  has  no 
right,  nor  color,  nor  pretence  to  interfere. 

Thus  it  is,  when  ambition  undertakes  to  sacrifice  all  charac- 
ters, and  the  peace  of  nations,  to  its  own  private  interest. 

I  have  now  finished  all  I  had  to  say  on  the  negotiations  and 
peace  with  France  in  1800. 

In  the  mean  time,  when  I  look  back  on  the  opposition  and 
embarrassments  I  had  to  overcome,  from  the  faction  of  British 
subjects,  from  that  large  body  of  Americans  who  revere  the 
English  and  abhor  the  French,  from  some  of  the  heads  of  de- 
partments, from  so  many  gentlemen  in  Senate,  and  so  many 
more  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  from  the  insidious 
and  dark  intrigues  as  well  as  open  remonstrances  of  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton, I  am  astonished  at  the  event. 

In  some  of  my  jocular  moments  I  have  compared  myself  to 
an  animal  I  have  seen  take  hold  of  the  end  of  a  cord  with 
his  teeth,  and  be  drawn  slowly  up  by  puUies,  through  a  storm 
of  squibs,  crackers,  and  rockets,  flashing  and  blazing  round  him 
every  moment;  and  though  the  scorching  flames  made  him 
groan,  and  mourn,  and  roar,  he  would  not  let  go  his  hold  till  he 
had  reached  the  ceiling  of  a  lofty  theatre,  where  he  hung  some 
time,  still  suffering  a  flight  of  rockets,  and  at  last  descended 
through  another  storm  of  burning  powder,  and  never  let  go  till 
his  four  feet  were  safely  landed  on  the  floor. 

In  some  of  my  social  hours  I  have  quoted  Virgil : 

Fata  ohstant,  placidasqtie  viri  Deus  ohstruit  awes. 
Ac  velut,  annoso  validam  cum  robore  quercum 
Alpini  Borece  nunc  Mnc  nuncjlaiibus  illinc 
Eruere  inter  se  certant;  it  stridor ;  et  alte 
Consternunt  terram  concusso  stipite  frondes  ; 
Ipsa  Jiceret  scopulis  ;  et  quantum  vertice  ad  auras 
yEtherias,  tantum  radice  in  Tartara  tendit ; 
Haud  secus  assiduis  Mnc  atque  Mnc  vocibus  heros 
Tunditur,  et  magno  persentit  pectore  curas. 
Mens  immota  manet;  lacrimce  volvuntur  inanes. 

Lib.  4.  440. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  311 

His  hardened  heart  nor  prayers  nor  threatenlngs  move ; 
Fate  and  the  Gods  had  stopp'd  his  ears  .... 
As  when  the  winds  their  airy  quarrel  try, 
Justling  from  every  quarter  of  the  sky ; 
This  way  and  that  the  mountain  oak  they  bend, 
His  boughs  they  shatter,  and  his  branches  rend ; 
With  leaves  and  falHng  mast  they  spread  the  ground. 
Tlie  hollow  vallies  to  the  echo  sound ; 
'    Unmov'd,  the  sturdy  plant  their  fury  mocks. 
Or  shaken,  clings  more  closely  to  the  rocks ; 
Far  as  he  shoots  his  towering  head  on  high, 
So  deep  in  earth  his  deep  foundations  lie ; 
No  less  a  storm  the  Trojan  hero  bears ; 
Thick  messages  and  loud  complaints  he  hears, 
And  bandied  words  still  beating  on  his  ears. 
Sighs,  groans,  and  tears,  proclaim  his  inward  pains, 
But  the  firm  purpose  of  his  heart  remains. 

Dryden,  B.  4.  636. 

But  this  is  all  levity.  There  have  been  sober  hours,  not  a 
few;  and  I  know  not  that  there  has  been  one  in  which  I  have 
not  adored  that  providence  of  Almighty  God,  which  alone  could 
have  carried  me  safely  through,  to  a  successful  issue,  this  trans- 
action, and  so  many  others  equally  difficult,  and  infinitely  more 
dangerous  to  my  life,  if  not  to  my  reputation. 

Quincy,  10  June,  1809. 


THE 


INADMISSIBLE   PHINCIPLES 


OF    THE 


KING     OF    ENGLAND'S     PROCLAMATION 

OF  OCTOBER  16,  1807,  CONSIDERED. 


This  letter,  in  the  date  of  its  publication  in  the  Boston  Patriot,  precedes  those 
which  have  gone  before.  It  was  subsequently  published  in  a  pamphlet  with  the 
above  title.  It  is  placed  in  this  order,  because  it  is  connected  with  the  history 
of  later  events. 

The  difficulties  with  Great  Britain,  which  led  to  the  adoption  of  the  act  ofjm- 
bargo,  of  1808,  by;  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  incidentally  opened  a  new 
subject  of  difference  between  Mr.  Pickering  and  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Pickering 
was  then  a  senator  of  the  United  States  from  Massachusetts,  and  in  that  capacity 
published,  in  the  form  of  a  letter  addressed  to  Governor  Sullivan,  an  appeal  to  the 
people  of  the  State  against  that  measure.  In  the  course  of  it  he  alluded  to  the 
proclamation  of  the  King  of  England,  which  constituted  one  great  cause  of  diffi- 
culty, in  the  terms  which  arc  quoted,  and  which  form  the  text  of  the  following 
paper.  The  letter  of  the  26th  of  December,  alluded  to  at  the  commencement, 
was  addressed  to  J.  B.  Varnum,  then  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
from  Massachusetts.     It  may  be  found  in  the  general  correspondence. 


Quincy,  9  January,  1809. 

In  my  letter  of  the  26th  of  December,  it  was  remarked  that 
the  proclamation  for  pressing  seamen  from  our  merchant  ships 
had   not  been   sufficiently   reprobated.      Some   of  the   reasons 


CORRESPONDENCE.  313 

for  that  opinion  will  be  found  in  the  following  commentaries, 
which  were  written  for  private  amusement,  within  a  few  days 
after  the  appearance  in  public  of  this 

TEXT. 

"T/<e  proclamation  of  the  King-  of  Great  Britain,  requiring" 
the  return  of  his  subjects,  the  seamen  especially,  from  foreign 
countries,  to  aid  in  this  hour  of  peculiar  danger,  in  defence  of 
their  own  .... 

^^But  it  being  an  acknoivledged  principle,  that  every  nation  has 
a  right  to  the  service  of  its  subjects  in  time  of  war,  that  procla- 
mation could  not  furnish  the  slightest  ground  for  an  embargo.'''' 

This  partial  description  has  a  tendency  to  deceive  many,  and 
no  doubt  has  deceived  thousands.  It  is  concealing  the  asp  in  a 
basket  of  Jigs.  The  dangerous,  alarming,  and  fatal  part  of  the 
proclamation  is  kept  carefully  out  of  sight. 

Proclamations  of  one  kind  are  of  immemorial  usage;  but  the 
present  one  is  the  first  of  the  kind.  Proclamations  of  the  first 
kind,  issued  usually  in  the  beginning  of  a  war,  are  in  effect  but 
simple  invitations  to  subjects,  who  happen  to  be  abroad,  to  return 
home.  To  deny  the  right  of  the  king  to  issue  them,  would  be  as 
unreasonable  as  to  deny  his  right  to  send  a  card  of  invitation  to 
one  of  his  subjects  to  dine  with  him  on  St.  George's  day ;  but 
in  neither  case  is  the  subject  bound  by  law  to  accept  the  invi- 
tation. As  it  is  natural  to  every  human  mind  to  sympathize 
with  its  native  country  when  in  distress  or  danger,  it  is  well 
known  that  considerable  numbers  of  British  commonly  return 
home  from  various  foreign  countries,  in  consequence  of  these 
invitations  by  proclamation.  The  British  ambassadors,  con- 
suls, agents,  governors,  and  other  officers  give  the  proclamations 
a  general  circulation,  stimulate  the  people  to  return,  and  con- 
trive many  means  to  encourage  and  facilitate  their  passages. 
All  this  is  very  well.  All  this  is  within  the  rules  of  modesty, 
decency,  law,  and  justice.  No  reasonable  man  will  object  to  it. 
But  none  of  these  proclamations,  till  this  last,  ever  asserted  a_ 
_right  to  take  British  subjects,  by  force,  from  the  ships  of  foreign 
nations,^ny  more  than  from  the  cities  and  provinces  of  foreign 
nations.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  clear,  that  British 
subjects  in  foreign  countries  are  under  no  indispensable  obliga- 
tion of  religion,  morality,  law,  or  policy,  to  return,  in  compliance 

VOL.  IX.  '-< 


314  CORRESPONDENCE. 

with  such  proclamations.  No  penalty  is  annexed  by  English 
laws  to  any  neglect;  no,  nor  to  any  direct  or  formal  disobe- 
dience. Hundreds,  in  fact,  do  neglect  and  disobey  the  procla- 
mations, to  one  who  complies  with  them.  Thousands  who  have 
formed  establishments  and  settled  families,  or  become  natural- 
ized, or  made  contracts,  or  enlisted  on  board  merchant  ships,  or 
even  ships  of  war,  in  foreign  countries,  pay  no  regard  to  these 
orders  or  invitations  of  their  former  sovereign.  Indeed,  all  who 
have  become  naturalized  in  foreign  countries,  or  entered  into 
contracts  of  any  kind,  public  or  private,  with  governments  or 
merchants,  farmers  or  manufacturers,  have  no  right  to  return 
until  they  have  fulfilled  their  covenants  and  obligations.  The 
President  of  the  United  States  has  as  legal  authority  to  issue 
similar  proclamations,  and  they  would  be  as  much  respected  by 
American  citizens  all  over  the  globe.  But  every  American 
would  say  his  compliance  was  voluntary,  and  none,  whose  en- 
gagements abroad  were  incompatible  with  compliance,  would 
obey. 

But  "  it  is  an  acknowledged  principle,  that  every  nation  has 
a  right  to  the  service  of  its  subjects  in  time  of  war."  By  whom 
is  this  principle  acknowledged?  By  no  man,  I  believe,  in  the 
unlimited  sense  in  which  it  is  here  asserted.  With  certain  quali- 
fications and  restrictions  it  may  be  admitted.  Within  the  realm 
and  in  his  own  dominions  the  king  has  a  right  to  the  service  of 
his  subjects,  at  sea  and  on  land,  by  voluntary  enlistments,  and 
to  send  them  abroad  on  foreign  voyages,  expeditions,  and  enter- 
prises ;  but  it  would  be  difficult  to  prove  the  right  of  any  exe- 
cutive authority  of  a  free  people  to  compel  free  subjects  into 
service  by  conscriptions  or  impressments,  like  galley-slaves,  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet,  or  before  the  mouths  of  field  artillery. 
Extreme  cases  and  imperious  necessity,  it  is  said,  have  no  laws ; 
but  such  extremities  and  necessity  must  be  very  obvious  to  the 
whole  nation,  or  freemen  will  not  comply.  Impressments  of 
seamen  from  British  merchantmen,  in  port  or  at  sea,  are  no 
better  than  the  conscriptions  of  soldiers  by  Napoleon,  or  Louis 
XIV.  who  set  him  the  example. 

So  much  for  that  part  of  the  proclamation,  which  the  text 
produces  to  public  view.  Now  for  the  other  part,  which  it  has 
artfully  concealed.  The  king  not  only  commands  his  subjects  to 
return,  but  he  commands  the  officers  of  his  navy  to  search  the_ 


CORRESPONDENCE.  315 

merchant  ships  of  neutrals  (meaning  Americans,  for  it  is  not  ap- 
plicable to  any  others,  nor  intended  to  be  applied  to  any  others,) 
and  impress  all  British  seamen  they  find  on  board,  without  re- 
gard to  any  allegations  of  naturalization  ;  without  regard  to  any 
certificates  of  citizenship ;  without  regard  to  any  contracts,  cove- 
nants, or  connections  they  have  formed  with  captains  or  owners; 
and  without  regard  to  any  marriages,  families,  or  children  they 
may  have  in  America.  And  in  what  principle  or  law  is  this 
founded?  Is  there  any  law  of  God  to  support  it?  Is  there 
any  law  of  nature  to  justify  it?  Is  there  any  law  of  England 
to  authorize  it?  Certainly  not.  The  laws  of  England  have  no 
binding  force  on  board  American  ships,  more  than  the  laws  of 
China  or  Japan.  The  laws  of  the  United  States  alone,  of  which 
the  law  of  nations  is  a  part,  have  dominion  over  our  merchant 
ships.  In  what  law,  then,  is  it  grounded?  In  the  law  of  na- 
tions ?  It  is  a  counterfeit  foisted  into  that  law,  by  this  arbitrary, 
fraudulent  proclamation,  for  the  first  time.  Such  a  title,  as 
Impressment  of  Seamen,  was  never  found  in  any  code  of  laws, 
since  the  first  canoe  was  launched  into  the  sea ;  not  even  in 
that  of  England.  Whoever  claims  a  right,  must  prodvice  a  law 
to  support  it.  But  this  proclamation  attempts  to  transfer  a 
pretended  right  of  iiTipressing  seamen  from  their  own  ships, 
which,  in  truth,  is  only  an  enormous  abuse,  to  the  impressment 
of  seamen  from  foreign  nations,  foreign  ships,  and  foreign  sub- 
jects. The  horror  of  this  gross  attempt,  this  affront  to  our 
understandings  as  well  as  feelings,  this  contempt  of  our  natural 
and  national  resentment  of  injuries,  as  well  as  of  our  sympathies 
with  fellow-citizens  and  fellow-creatures,  suffering  the  vilest 
oppression  under  inhumanity  and  cruelty,  could  never  have 
appeared  in  the  world,  had  not  the  spirits  of  Lord  Bute  and 
Lord  George  Germaine  risen  again  at  St.  James's. 

It  is  in  vain  for  the  Britons  to  say,  these  men  are  the  king's 
subjects.  How  are  they  the  king's  subjects  ?  By  British  laws. 
And  what  are  the  British  laws  to  us,  on  the  high  seas  ?  No 
more  than  the  laws  of  Otaheite.  We  Americans  must  say,  they 
are  our  fellow-citizens  by  our  laws.  They  have  sworn  alle- 
giance to  the  United  States.  We  have  admitted  them  to  all 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  American  citizens,  and  by  this  ad- 
mission have  contracted  with  them  to  support  and  defend  them 
in  the  enjoyment  of  all  such  rights.     Our  laws  acknowledge  no 


316  CORRESPONDENCE. 

divine  right  of  kings  greater  than  those  of  subjects,  nor  any 
indefeasible  duty  of  subjects,  more  than  that  of  kings,  to  obe- 
dience. These  remnants  of  feudal  tyranny  and  ecclesias- 
tical superstition  have  been  long  since  exploded  in  America. 
The  king  claims  them,  to  make  them  slaves.  The  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  claims  them,  as  it  is  his  duty  to  do, 
by  his  office  and  his  oath,  not  to  enslave  them,  but  to  protect 
them  and  preserve  them  free.  Our  laws  are  as  good  as  Bri- 
tish laws.  Our  citizens  have  as  good  a  right  to  protection 
as  British  subjects,  and  our  government  is  as  much  bound  to 
afford  it. 

What  is  impressment  of  seamen  ?  It  is  no  better  than 
what  the  civilians  call  plagiat,  a  crime  punishable  with  death 
by  all  civilized  nations,  as  one  of  the  most  audacious  and 
punishable  offences  against  society.  It  was  so  considered 
among  the  Hebrews.  "  He  that  stealeth  a  man  and  selletj]_ 
him,  or  if  he  be  found  in  his  hand,  he  shall  surely  be  put 
to  death."  Exodus  xxi.  16.  "  If  a  man  be  found  stealing 
any  of  his  brethren,  then  that  thief  shall  die."  Deuteronomy 
xxiv.  7.  The  laws  of  Athens,  like  those  of  the  Hebrews,  con- 
demned the  plagiary  or  man-stealer  to  death  ;  and  the  laws 
of  Rome  pronounced  the  same  judgment  against  the  same  out- 
rage. But  to  descend  from  the  Hebrews,  Greeks,  and  Romans 
to  the  British ;  what  is  the  impressment  of  seamen  in  England, 
by  their  own  laws,  in  their  own  ports,  from  their  own  ships 
within  the  four  seas,  or  anywhere  on  the  high  seas  ?  It  is  said 
to  be  an  usage.  So  were  ship-money,  loans,  and  benevolences 
in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First ;  and  arguments  were  used  by 
his  courtiers  to  prove  their  legality,  as  plausible  and  conclusive 
as  any  that  have  been  produced  by  Judge  Foster  in  favor  of 
impressment.  It  is  at  best  but  an  abuse,  subsisting  only  by 
toleration  and  connivance,  likejt-he^  practice  J_n_Holland  of  kid- 
napping]^ men  for  settlers  or  servants  in  Batavia.  It  is  in  direct 
contradiction  and  violation  of  every  principle  of  English  liberty. 
It  is  a  direct  violation  of  Magna  Charta,  and  the  fifty-five  con- 
firmations of  it  in  parliament,  and  a  bold  defiance  of  all  the 
ecclesiastical  execrations  against  the  violators  of  it.  It  is  in 
direct  violation  of  all  their  other  statutes,  bills,  and  petitions  of 
right,  as  well  as  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act.  It  deprives  free  sub- 
jects of  their  liberty,  property,  and  often  of  their  lives,  without 


COllRESPONDENCE.  317 

alleging  or  pretending  any  accusation  against  them  of  any 
crime  or  fault.  It  deprives  them  of  the  trial  by  jury,  and  subjects 
them  to  scourges  and  death  by  martial  law  and  the  judgments 
of  courts-martial.  It  is  a  kind  of  civil  war  made  upon  inno- 
cent,  unoffending  subjects.  It  is  said  that  in  a  general  impress- 
ment, like  that  of  Admiral  Keppell,  it  cost  the  nation,  in  cutters, 
luggers,  press-gangs,  and  it  might  have  been  added,  Nanny- 
houses  and  rendezvous  of  debauchery  and  con'uption,  a  hun- 
dred pounds  for  every  man  they  obtained.  The  practice  is  not 
avowed  or  acknowledged  by  the  nation.  No  parliament  ever 
dared  to  legitimate  or  sanction  it.  No  court  of  law  ever  dared 
to  give  a  judgment  in  favor  of  it.  No  judge  or  lawyer  that 
ever  I  heard  of,  till  Foster,  ever  ventured  to  give  a  private  opi- 
nion to  encourage  it. 

Thurlow,  when  he  was  Chancellor,  hazarded  a  saying  to  a 
committee  of  the  city  of  London,  that  the  practice  of  impress- 
ment of  seamen  was  legal ;  but  the  committee  answered  him 
respectfully,  but  firmly,  though  in  the  presence  of  the  king  in 
council  — "  We  acknowledge  the  high  authority  of  your  lord- 
ship's opinion,  but  we  must  declare  that  we  are  of  a  very  differ- 
ent opinion ; "  and  their  answer  appeared  to  be  applauded  by 
the  nation.  Press-gangs  are  continually  opposed  and  resisted 
at  sea  by  the  sailors,  whenever  they  have  the  means  or  the  least 
hope  of  escaping.  Navy  officers  and  men  are  sometimes  killed, 
and  there  is  no  inquisition  for  their  blood.  As  little  noise  as 
possible  is  made  about  it.  It  is  known  to  be  justifiable  homi- 
cide to  take  the  life  of  an  assailant  in  the  necessary  defence  of 
a  man's  liberty.  There  is  not  a  jury  in  England  who  would 
find  a  verdict  of  murder  or  manslaughter  against  any  sailor,  on 
land  or  at  sea,  who  should  kill  any  one  of  a  press-gang  in  the 
necessary  defence  of  his  liberty  from  impressment.  Press-gangs 
on  shore  are  often  resisted  by  the  people,  fired  on,  some  of  them 
wounded  and  sometimes  killed.  Yet  no  inquisition  is  made  for 
this.  The  practice  is  held  in  abhorrence  by  the  men-of-war' s- 
men  themselves.  The  boatswain  of  the  Rose  frigate,  after  the 
acquittal  of  the  four  Irish  sailors,  who  were  prosecuted  in  a 
special  court  of  admiralty  at  Boston,  for  killing  a  gallant  and 
amiable  officer.  Lieutenant  Panton,  said,  "  This  is  a  kind  of 
work  in  which  I  have  been  almost  constantly  engaged  for 
twenty  years,  i.  c,  in   fighting   with   honest  sailors,  to  deprive 


318  CORRESPONDENCE. 

them  of  their  liberty.      I  always  suspected  that  I  oaght  to  be 
hanged  for  it,  but  now  I  know  it." 

Since  I  have  alluded  to  this  case,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to 
recollect  some  other  circumstances  of  it.  A  press-gang  from 
the  Rose,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Panton,  with  a  midship- 
man and  a  number  of  ordinary  seamen,  visited  and  searched 
a  merchant-ship  from  Marbleheadj  belonging  to  Mr.  Hooper, 
at  sea.  The  lieutenant  inquired  if  any  English,  Irish,  or 
Scotchmen  were  on  board.  Not  satisfied  with  the  answer 
he  received,  he  prepared  to  search  the  ship  from  stem  to 
stern.  At  last  he  found  four  Irishmen  retired  and  concealed 
in  the  forepeak.  With  swords  and  pistols  he  immediately 
laid  siege  to  the  inclosure,  and  summoned  the  men  to  sur- 
render. Corbet,  who  had  the  cool  intrepidity  of  a  Nelson, 
reasoned,  remonstrated,  and  laid  down  the  law  with  the  preci- 
sion of  a  Mansfield.  "  I  know  who  you  are.  You  are  the 
lieutenant  of  a  man-of-war,  come  with  a  press-gang  to  deprive 
me  of  my  liberty.  You  have  no  right  to  impress  me.  I  have 
retreated  from  you  as  far  as  I  can.  I  can  go  no  farther.  I  and 
my  companions  are  determined  to  stand  upon  our  defence. 
Stand  off."  The  sailors  within  and  without  employed  their  usual 
language  to  each  other,  and  a  midshipman,  in  the  confusion, 
fired  a  pistol  into  the  forepeak,  and  broke  an  arm  of  one  of  the 
four.  Corbet,  who  stood  at  the  entrance,  was  engaged  in  a 
contest  of  menaces  and  defiances  with  the  lieutenant.  He  re- 
peated what  he  had  before  said,  and  marking  a  line  with  a  har- 
poon in  the  salt,  with  which  the  ship  was  loaded,  said,  "  You 
are  determined  to  deprive  me  of  my  liberty,  and  I  am  deter- 
mined to  defend  it.  If  you  step  over  that  line,  I  shall  con- 
sider it  as  a  proof  that  you  are  determined  to  impress  me, 
and  by  the  eternal  God  of  Heaven,  you  are  a  dead  man."  "Aye, 
my  lad,"  said  the  lieutenant,  "  I  have  seen  many  a  brave  fellow 
before  now."  Taking  his  snufl-box  out  of  his  pocket,  and  tak- 
ing a  pinch  of  snuff,  he  very  deliberately  stepped  over  the  line, 
and  attempted  to  seize  Corbet.  The  latter,  drawing  back  his 
arm,  and  driving  his  harpoon  with  all  his  force,  cut  off  the  carotid 
artery  and  jugular  vein,  and  laid  the  lieutenant  dead  at  his  feet. 
The  Rose  sent  a  reenforcement  to  the  press-gang.  They  broke 
down  the  bulk-head,  and  seized  the  four  Irishmen,  and  brought 
them  to  trial  for  piracy  and  murder.      The  court  consisted  of 


CORRESPONDENCE.  si$ 

Governor  Bernard,  Governor  Wentworth,  Chief  Justice  Hutch- 
inson, Judge  Auchmuty,  Commodore  Hood  himself,  who  then 
commanded  all  the  ships  of  war  on  the  station,  now  a  peer  of 
the  British  empire,  and  twelve  or  fifteen  others,  counsellors  of 
Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and  Rhode  Island.  After  the 
trial,  the  President,  Governor  Bernard,  pronounced  the  judg- 
ment of  the  court,  that  the  act  of  the  prisoners  was  justifiable 
homicide,  and  in  this  opinion  the  whole  court  was  unanimous.^ 
The  sailor  who  was  wounded  in  the  arm,  brought  an  action 
against  the  midshipman,  and  Commodore  Hood  himself  inter- 
posed and  made  compensation  to  the  sailor,  to  his  satisfaction, 
after  which  the  action  was  withdrawn.  Such  was  the  impress- 
ment of  seamen,  as  it  stood,  by  law,  before  our  revolution. 
The  author  of  my  text,  then,  carries  his  courtly  complaisance 
to  the  English  government,  farther  than  the  Governors  Bernard 
and  Hutchinson,  and  even  than  Lord  Hood  carried  it,  when  we 
were  a  part  of  the  British  empire.  He  thinks,  that,  as  every 
nation  has  a  right  to  the  service  of  its  subjects,  in  time  of  war, 
the  proclamation  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  commanding 
his  naval  officers  to  practise  such  impressments  on  board,  not 
the  vessels  of  his  own  subjects,  but  of  the  United  States,  a 
foreign  nation,  could  not  furnish  the  slightest  ground  for  an 
embargo !  It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  say,  that  any  thing 
could  furnish  a  sufficient  ground  for  an  embargo,  for  any  long 
time ;  this,  I  leave  to  the  responsibility  of  our  President,  sena- 
tors, and  representatives  in  Congress.  But,  I  say,  with  confi- 
dence, that  it  furnished  a  sufficient  grouiid  J'o_r  a  declaration  of  _ 
war.  Not  the  murder  of  Pierce,  nor  all  the  murders  on  board 
the  Chesapeake,  nor  all  the  other  injuries  and  insults  we  have 
received  from  foreign  nations,  atrocious  as  they  have  been,  can 
be  of  such  dangerous,  lasting,  and  pernicious  consequence  to 
this  country,  as  this  proclamation,  if  we  have  servility  enough 
to  submit  to  it. 

What  would  the  author  of  my  text  have  advised  ?  Would  he 
counsel  the  President  to  stipulate,  in  a  treaty  with  Great  Britain, 
that  his  navy  officers  should  forever  hereafter  have  a  right  to 
visit  and  search  all  American  merchant-ships,  and  impress  from 
them  all  English,  Scotch,  and  Irish  seamen?      Will  he  be  so 

1  Compare  this  account  with  that  given  by  Hutchinson  in  the  tliird  volume 
of  his  History,  since  published,  p.  231,  likewise  with  the  reflections  in  the 
Diary,  vol.  ii.  of  this  work,  p.  224  -  226,  also  the  note  and  the  appendix  B. 


320  CORRESPONDENCE. 

good  as  to  explain  the  distinction  between  ships  of  war  and 
merchant-ships  ?  Are  not  merchant-ships  under  the  jurisdiction 
and  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  laws  of  their  country  upon 
the  high  seas  as  much  as  ships  of  war?  Is  not  a  merchant-ship 
as  much  the  territory  of  the  United  States  as  a  ship  of  war  ? 
Would  the  author  of  my  text  advise  the  President  and  Congress 
to  acquiesce,  in  silence,  under  this  proclamation,  and  permit  it 
to  be  executed  forever  hereafter  ?  Would  not  such  a  tame  and 
silent  acquiescence  as  effectually  yield  the  point,  and  establish 
the  practice,  if  not  the  law,  as  an  express  stipulation  in  a  solemn 
treaty  ?  If  the  United  States  had  as  powerful  a  navy  as  Great 
Britain,  and  Great  Britain  as  feeble  a  force  at  sea  as  ours, 
would  he  advise  the  President  either  to  concede  the  principle 
by  treaty,  or  acquiesce  in  it  in  silence  ?  Does  the  circumstance 
of  great  power  or  great  weakness  make  any  alteration  in  the 
principle  or  the  right  ?  Should  the  captain  or  crew  of  an  Ame- 
rican merchant-man  resist  a  British  press-gang  on  the  high  seas, 
and,  in  defence  of  their  liberty,  kill  the  commander  and  all  under 
him,  and  then  make  their  escape,  and  after  returning  to  Salem 
be  prosecuted,  would  the  writer  of  my  text,  as  a  judge  or  a  juror, 
give  his  judgment  for  finding  them  guilty  of  murder  or  piracy? 

Although  the  embargo  was  made  the  watchword  in  our  late 
elections,  the  votes,  in  our  greatest  nurseries  of  seamen,  for 
example,  in  Salem,  in  Marblehead,  in  Barnstable,  Sandwich, 
and  other  places  on  Cape  Cod,  in  Nantucket,  and  the  Vineyard, 
and  other  places,  seemed  to  show,  that  our  seamen  preferred  to 
be  embarg'oed  rather  than  go  to  sea  to  be  impressed. 

No  doubt  it  will  be  said,  that  we  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
question  in  England  concerning  the  legality  or  illegality  of  im- 
pressments. This,  as  long  as  they  confine  the  law  and  the 
practice  to  their  own  territory,  to  their  own  ships,  and  their  own 
seamen,  is  readily  acknowledged.  W^e  shall  leave  them  to 
justify  their  own  usage,  whether  it  is  a  mere  abuse  or  a  legiti- 
mate custom,  to  their  own  consciences,  to  their  own  sense  of 
equity,  humanity,  or  policy.  But  when  they  arrogate  a  right, 
and  presume  in  fact,  to  transfer  their  usurpation  to  foreign  na- 
tions, or  rather  to  Americans,  whom  they  presume  to  distinguish 
from  all  other  foreign  nations,  it  becomes  the  interest,  the  right, 
and  the  indispensable  duty  of  our  government  to  inquire  into 
the  nefarious  nature  of  it  in  England,  in  order  to  expose  the 


CORRESPONDENCE.  321 

greater  turpitude  of  it  when  transferred  to  us,  as  well  as  to 
oppose  and  resist  it  to  the  utmost  of  their  power;  and  it  is 
equally  the  duty  of ,  the  people  to  support  their  government  in 
such  opposition  to  the  last  extremity. 

Permit  me  now  to  inquire,  what  will  be  the  effects  of  an 
established  law  and  practice  of  British  impressments  of  seamen 
from  American  ships,  upon  the  commerce,  the  navigation,  and 
the  peace  of  the  United  States,  and,  above  all,  upon  the  hearts 
and  minds  of  our  seamen. 

In  considering  those  innumerable  dangers,  from  winds  and 
seas,  rocks  and  shoals,  to  which  all  ships  are  exposed  in  their 
voyages,  the  owner  and  master  must  sit  down  together  in  order 
to  determine  the  number  of  seamen  necessary  for  the  voyage. 
They  must  calculate  the  chances  of  impressment,  and  engage  a 
supernumerary  list  of  sailors,  that  they  may  be  able  to  spare  as 
many  as  the  British  lieutenant  shall  please  to  take,  and  have 
enough  left  to  secure  the  safety  of  the  ship  and  cargo,  and 
above  all,  the  lives  of  the  master  and  crew.  They  know  not 
how  many  British  ships  of  war  they  may  meet,  nor  how  many 
sailors  the  conscience  of  each  lieutenant  may  allow  him  to  im- 
press. For  the  lieutenant  is  to  be  judge,  jury,  sheriff,  and 
gaoler,  to  every  seaman  in  American  vessels.  He  is  to  try 
many  important  questions  of  law  and  of  fact;  whether  the 
sailor  is  a  native  of  America ;  whether  he  has  been  lawfully 
naturalized  in  America ;  whether  he  is  an  Englishman,  Scotch- 
man, or  Irishman ;  whether  he  emigrated  to  America  before  the 
revolution  or  since.  Indeed,  no  evidence  is  to  be  admitted  of 
any  naturalization  by  our  laws,  in  any  of  the  States  since  the 
revolution,  if  before.  In  truth,  the  doctrine  of  the  inherent  and 
indefeasible  duty  of  allegiance  is  asserted  so  peremptorily  in  the 
proclamation,  that  the  lieutenant  may  think  it  his  duty  to  im- 
press every  man  who  was  born  in  the  British  dominions.  It 
may  be  the  opinion  of  this  learned  judge,  that  the  connection 
between  the  king  and  subject  is  so  sacred  and  divine,  that  alle- 
giance cannot  be  dissolved  by  any  treaty  the  king  has  made,  or 
even  by  any  act  of  parliament.  And  this  pious  sentiment  may 
subject  us  all  to  impressment  at  once.     This,  however,  en  passant. 

The  lieutenant  is  to  order  the  captain  of  the  merchant-man 
to  lay  before  him  a  list  of  his  crew;  he  is  then  to  command  the 
crew  to  be  ordered,  or  summoned,  or  mustered,  to  pass  in  review 

u 


322  CORRESPONDENCE. 

before  him.  A  tribunal  ought  to  be  erected.  The  lieutenant 
is  to  be  the  judge,  possessed  of  greater  authority  than  the  Chief 
Justice  of  any  of  our  States,  or  even  than  the  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States.  The  midshipman  is  to  be  clerk,  and  the 
boatswain, sheriff  or  marshal.  And  who  are  these  lieutenants? 
Commonly  very  young  gentlemen,  the  younger  sons  of  wealthy 
families,  who  have  procured  their  commissions  to  give  them  an 
honorable  living,  instead  of  putting  them  apprentices  to  trade, 
merchandise,  law,  physic,  or  divinity.  Their  education,  their 
experience,  their  manners,  their  principles,  are  so  well  known, 
that  I  shall  say  nothing  of  them.  Lord  Keppel  said,  that  he 
knew  the  maxim  of  British  seamen  to  be,  '■Ho  do  no  rig-ht  and 
receive  no  ivrong;.''^  The  principles  of  the  officers  I  believe  to  be 
somewhat  better;  but  in  this  they  all  seem  to  agree,  officers 
and  men,  and  their  present  ministry  seem  to  be  of  the  same 
opinion,  that  the  world  was  made  for  the  British  nation,  and 
that  all  nature  and  nations  were  created  for  the  dignity  and 
omnipotence  of  the  British  navy. 

It  is  impossible  to  figure  to  ourselves,  in  imagination,  this 
solemn  tribunal  and  venerable  judge,  without  smiling,  till  the 
humiliation  of  our  country  comes  into  our  thoughts,  and  inter- 
rupts the  sense  of  ridicule,  by  the  tears  of  grief  or  vengeance. 

"  Higli  on  a  splendid  seat,  which  far  outshone 
Henley's  gilt  tub,  or  Flecnoe's  Irish  throne  "  — 

the  lieutenant  examines  the  countenance,  the  gait  and  air  of 
every  seaman.  Like  the  sage  of  old,  commands  him  to  speak 
"that  he  may  know  him."  He  pronounces  his  accent  and  dia- 
lect to  be  that  of  the  Scotch,  Irish,  West  Country,  Yorkshire, 
Welsh,  Jersey,  Guernsey,  Alderney,  or  Sark.  Many  native 
Americans  are  the  descendants  of  emigrants  from  all  these 
countries,  and  retain  a  tincture  of  the  language  and  pronuncia- 
tion of  their  fathers  and  grandfathers.  These  will  be  decided 
to  be  the  king's  subjects.  Many  will  be  found  to  be  emigrants 
or  the  descendants  of  emigrants  from  Germany,  Holland,  Swe- 
den, France,  Spain,  Portugal,  or  Italy.  These  will  be  adjudged 
by  the  lieutenant  not  to  be  native  Americans.  They  will  be 
thought  to  have  no  friends  in  America  who  will  care  enough 
for  them  to  make  much  noise,  and  these  will  be  impressed. 
If  there  should  be  any  natives  or  sons  of  natives  of  any  of 
the  West  India  Islands,  or  of  any  part  of  the  East  Indies, 


CORRESPONDENCE.  323 

where  the  king  is  said  to  have  thirty  millions  of  subjects,  these 
must  ail  be  impressed,  for  conquest  confers  the  indelible  cha- 
racter of  subjects  as  well  as  birth.  But  if  neither  English, 
Scotch,  Irish,  Welsh,  Italian,  German,  Dutchman,  Spaniard, 
Portuguese,  East  or  West  India  man  is  found,  the  reverend 
Ueulenanl  will  think,  if  he  is  prudent  enough  not  to  say,  Jura 
negal  sibi  lata,  nihil  non  arrogat  armis.  "  Our  ship  is  so  weakly 
manned,  that  we  cannot  fight  an  enemy ;  we  cannot  even  navi- 
gate her  in  safety  in  bad  weather.  Procul  a  Jove,  procul  afiil- 
viine.  I  will  take  as  many  native  Americans  as  I  please.  It 
will  be  long  before  I  can  be  called  to  account ;  and  at  last,  I 
can  say  that  I  saved  the  king's  ship,  and  perhaps  beat  a  French- 
man, by  the  aid  of  this  meritorious  impressment,  and  I  am  sure 
of  friends  who  will  not  only  bring  me  off,  but  obtahi  a  promo- 
tion for  me  even  for  this  patriotic  action."  How  many  Ameri- 
can ships  and  cargoes  will  be  sunk  in  the  sea,  or  driven  on  shore, 
wrecked  and  lost;  how  many  masters  and  remaining  sailors 
will  be  buried  in  the  oceans  for  want  of  the  assistance  of  the 
men  thus  kidnapped  and  stolen,  no  human  foresight  can  calcu- 
late. It  is,  however,  easy  to  predict  that  the  number  must  be 
very  great.  These  considerations,  it  seems,  have  no  weight  in 
the  estimation  of  the  British  ministry.  Their  hearts  are  not 
taught  to  feel  another's  woe.  But  all  these  things  the  captain 
and  owner  of  an  American  merchant-ship  must  take  into  con- 
sideration, and  make  the  subjects  of  calculation  before  they  can 
venture  to  sea.  In  short,  there  should  be  a  corporation  erected 
in  every  State  for  the  express  purpose  of  insuring  against  im- 
pressment of  seamen.  In  a  course  of  time  and  experience  the 
chances  might  be  calculated,  so  that  the  insurers  and  insured 
might  at  a  great  expense  be  secure.  But  the  poor  sailors  can 
never  be  safe. 

The  law  must  be  settled,  or  remain  unsettled.  If  such  im- 
pressments are  determined  to  be  legal,  either  by  treaty  or  by 
acquiescence  in  the  King's  Proclamation,  it  will  establish  in  the 
minds  of  British  seamen  a  pride  of  superiority  and  a  spirit  of 
domination,  and  in  the  minds  of  American  seamen  a  conscious- 
ness of  inferiority  and  a  servile  spirit  of  submission,  that  ages 
will  not  eradicate.  If  the  question  is  allowed  to  remain  unde- 
termined, American  seamen  will  fight  in  defence  of  their  liberty 
whenever  they  see  the  smallest  prospect  of  escaping,  and  some- 


324  CORRESPONDENCE. 

times  when  there  is  none.  They  will  kill  and  be  killed.  Some 
will  be  punished  for  their  resistance  on  board  the  British  men 
of  war ;  and  some  may  be  carried  to  a  British  port  and  there 
be  prosecuted  for  piracy  and  murder.  This,  however,  will  sel- 
dom or  ever  be  done  ;  for  I  still  believe  there  is  sense  and  justice 
enough  in  the  British  nation  and  their  juries  to  acquit  any  sea- 
man, American  or  British,  who  should  kill  a  press-gang  in 
defence  of  his  liberty ;  but  if  he  should  escape  and  return  to 
America,  and  be  here  prosecuted,  I  will  not  believe  there  is  a 
judge  or  juror  on  the  continent  so  ignorant  of  the  law,  so  dead 
to  every  sense  of  justice,  so  abandoned  by  every  feeling  of 
humanity,  as  to  find  him  guilty  of  any  crime,  if  it  were  proved 
that  he  had  killed  a  dozen  press-gangs  in  defence  of  his  free- 
dom. We  shall  have  a  continual  warfare  at  sea,  like  that  lately 
at  Canton.  Our  Secretary  of  State's  office  will  be  filled  with 
representations  and  complaints.  Our  nation  will  be  held  in  a 
constant  state  of  irritation  and  fermentation,  and  our  govern- 
ment always  distressed  between  their  anxiety  to  relieve  their 
fellow-citizens,  and  their  inability  to  serve  them. 

A  republican,  who  asserts  the  duty  of  jealousy,  ought  to  sus- 
pect that  this  proclamation  was  dictated  by  a  spirit  as  hostile 
and  malicious  as  it  was  insidious,  for  the  determined  purpose 
of  depressing  the  character  of  our  seamen.  Take  from  a  sailor 
his  pride  and  his  courage,  and  he  becomes  a  poor  animal  indeed  ; 
broken-hearted,  dejected,  depressed  even  below  the  standard  of 
other  men  of  his  own  level  in  society.  A  habit  of  fear  will  be 
established  in  his  mind.  At  the  sight  of  a  British  man-of-war 
a  panic  will  seize  him ;  his  spirits  will  sink,  and  if  it  be  only  a 
cutter  or  a  lugger,  he  will  think  of  nothing  but  flight  and  escape. 
What  but  the  haughty  spirit  of  their  seamen,  which  has  been 
encouraged  and  supported  for  ages  by  the  nation,  has  given  the 
British  navy  its  superiority  over  the  navies  of  other  nations  ? 
"  Who  shall  dare  to  set  bounds  to  the  commerce  and  naval 
power  of  Great  Britain?"  is  the  magnificent  language  of  de- 
fiance in  parliament,  and  it  vibrates  and  echoes  through  every 
heart  in  the  nation.  Every  British  sailor  is  made  to  believe 
himself  the  master  and  commander  of  the  world.  If  the  right 
of  impressment  is  conceded  by  us,  in  theory  or  practice,  our 
seamen's  hearts  will  be  broken,  and  every  British  seaman  will 
say  to  every  American  seaman,  as  the  six  nations  of  Indians 


CORRESPONDENCE.  325 

said  to  the  southern  tribes,  whom  they  had  conquered,  "  We 
have  jmt  petticoats  on  youP  In  such  a  case  many  would  have 
too  much  reason  to  say,  let  us  no  longer  rejoice  for  independ- 
ence, or  think  of  a  navy  or  free  commerce,  no  longer  hope  for 
any  rank  in  the  world,  but  bow  our  necks  again  to  the  yoke  of 
Great  Britain. 

K  the  spirit  of  a  man  should  remain  in  our  sailors,  they  will 
sometimes  resist.  Should  a  British  cutter  demand  to  search 
an  American  merchant-ship  of  five  hundred  tons  burthen,  armed 
as  they  sometimes  are,  and  have  a  right  to  be  —  the  commander 
of  the  cutter  calls  for  a  muster  of  the  men,  in  order  to  impress 
such  as  he,  in  his  wisdom,  shall  judge  to  be  British  subjects. 
Is  it  credible  that  the  captain  and  crew  of  the  merchant-man 
will  submit  to  such  usage  ?  No,  he  will  sink  the  boat,  and  the 
cutter  too,  rather  than  to  be  so  insulted,  and  every  American 
must  applaud  him  for  his  spirit. 

___  Is  this  right  of  impressment  to  be  all  on  one  side,  or  is  it  to 
be  reciprocal  ?  British  modesty  may  say,  "  It  is  an  exclusive 
privilege  which  we  claim,  assert,  and  will  maintain,  because  it 
is  necessary  to  support  our  dominion  of  the  seas,  which  is  neces- 
sary to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe  against  France, 
and  to  prevent  the  French  emperor  from  sending  fifty  thousand 
men  to  conquer  the  United  States  of  America."  All  this  will 
not  convince  American  seamen.  They  will  answer,  "  We 
think  a  balance  of  power  on  the  ocean  as  necessary  as  on  the 
continent  of  Europe.  "We  thank  you  for  your  civility  in  kindly 
giving  us  hopes  that  you  will  defend  us  from  the  French  army 
of  fifty  thousand  men ;  but  we  are  very  willing  to  take  our 
defence  upon  ourselves.  If  you  have  a  right  to  impress  seamen 
from  our  ships,  we  have  an  equal  right  to  impress  from  yours." 
Should  one  of  our  gun-boats  meet  a  British  East  India  man, 
armed  with  fifty  guns  —  the  gun-boat  demands  a  search  for 
American  seamen,  calls  for  the  muster-roll,  commands  the  men 
to  pass  in  review  before  him.  Would  the  East  India  captain 
submit  ?  No.  He  would  sooner  throw  overboard  the  press- 
gang  and  run  down  the  gun-boat.  Such  will  be  the  perpetual 
altercations  between  Britons  and  Americans  at  sea,  and  lay  an 
immovable  foundation  of  eternal  hatred  between  the  two  na- 
tions. The  king's  proclamation  will  be  found  as  impolitic  a 
step  as  ever  the  court  of  St.  James  has  taken. 
VOL.  IX.  28 


326  CORRESPONDENCE. 

It  is  said  in  the  context,  "  the  British  ships  of  war,  agreeably 
to  a  right  claimed  and  exercised  for  ages  —  a  right  claimed 
and  exercised  during  the  whole  of  the  administrations  of  Wash- 
ington, of  Adams,  and  of  Jefferson,  —  continue  to  lake  some  of 
the  British  seamen  found  on  board  our  merchant  vessels,  and 
with  them  a  small  pumber  of  ours,  from  the  impossibility  of 
always  distinguishing  Englishmen  from  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States."  We  have  before  seen  what  sort  of  a  right  to 
impress  men  from  their  own  ships  has  been  claimed,  in  what 
manner  it  has  been  exercised,  and  in  what  light  it  has  been 
considered  by  the  English  nation.  It  amounts  to  a  right  of 
getting  their  officers  lawfully  killed.  But  surely,  no  right  was 
ever  before  claimed  to  impress  men  from  foreign  ships.  If  such 
a  pretended  right  was  ever  exercised,  or,  in  other  words,  if  such 
a  crime  was  ever  committed,  I  presume  it  would  be  no  better 
proof  of  a  legal  right  than  a  robbery,  burglary,  or  murder,  com- 
mitted on  shore,  would  prove  that  such  actions  are  innocent 
and  lawful.  To  argue  from  single  facts,  or  a  few  instances,  to 
a  general  law,  is  a  sophistry  too  common  with  political  writers, 
and  is  sometimes  imputable  to  compilers  of  the  laws  of  na- 
tions; but  none  of  them  ever  went  to  such  extravagance  as  this. 
No  claim  or  pretension  of  any  right  to  search  foreign  vessels  for 
seamen  ever  existed  before  our  revolution,  and  no  exercise  of 
such  a  right  ever  prevailed  since,  except  such  as  resembles  the 
exercise  of  the  right  of  committing  robbery,  burglary,  and  mur- 
der in  some  of  our  cities.  No  "ages"  have  passed  since  our 
revolution.  The  right  was  never  asserted  or  claimed  till  the 
late  proclamation  of  the  king  appeared,  and  that  proclamation 
will  make  an  epoch  of  disgrace  and  disaster  to  one  nation  or 
the  other,  perhaps  to  both. 

From  the  peace  of  1783  to  the  commencement  of  our  govern- 
ment, under  the  present  national  Constitution,  whenever  any 
American  seamen  were  impressed  they  were  immediately  de- 
manded in  the  name  of  the  old  Congress,  and  immediately 
discharged  without  ever  pretending  to  such  right  of  impress- 
ment. During  the  administration  of  Washington,  whenever 
information  was  received  of  any  impressment,  immediate  orders 
were  sent  to  demand  the  men,  and  the  men  were  promised  to 
be  liberated.  Washington  sent  Captain  Talbot  to  the  West 
Indies   as   an   agent  to  demand    seamen   impressed   on    board 


CORRESPONDENCE.  327 

British  men-of-war.  Talbot  demanded  them  of  the  British 
commanders,  captains,  and  admirals,  and  was  refused.  He 
went  then  on  shore,  and  demanded  and  obtained  of  the  Chief 
Justice  of  the  island  writs  of  Habeas  Corpus,  by  virtue  of  which 
the  impressed  seamen  were  brought  from  the  king's  ships,  and 
set  at  liberty  by  law,  the  commanders  not  daring  to  disobey  the 
king's  writ.  During  the  administration  of  Adams,  the  Secretary 
of  State's  office  can  show  what  demands  were  made,  and  the 
success  of  them.  The  remonstrances  that  were  made  in  conse- 
quence of  positive  instructions,  and  the  memorials  presented  at 
court  by  our  minister,  were  conceived  in  terms  as  strong  as  the 
English  language  could  furnish,  without  violating  that  respect 
and  decorum  which  ought  always  to  be  preserved  between 
nations  and  governments,  even  in  declarations  of  war.  The 
practice  was  asserted  to  be  not  only  incompatible  with  every 
principle  of  justice  and  every  feeling  of  humanity,  but  wholly 
irreconcilable  with  all  thoughts  of  a  continuance  of  peace  and 
friendship  between  the  two  nations.  The  effect  of  the  memorial 
was  an  immediate  order  to  the  commanders  of  the  navy  to  libe- 
rate the  demanded  men.  I  shall  say  nothing  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 
^administration,  because  the  negotiations  already  made  public 
sufficiently  show,  that  he  has  not  been  behind  either  of  his 
predecessors  in  his  zeal  for  the  liberty  of  American  seamen. 
During  all  this  time,  excuses  and  apologies  were  made,  and 
necessity  was  sometimes  hinted;  but  no  serious  pretension  of 
right  was  advanced.  No.  The  first  formal  claim  was  the 
king's  proclamation.  With  what  propriety,  then,  can  this  be 
called  "a  right,  claimed  and  exercised  for  ages,  and  dm-ing  the 
whole  of  the  administrations  of  Washington,  Adams,  and 
Jefferson  "  ? 

Is  there  any  reason  why  another  proclamation  should  not 
soon  appear,  commanding  all  the  officers  of  the  army  in  Canada 
and  Nova  Scotia  to  go  over  the  line,  and  take  by  force  all  the 
king's  subjects  they  can  find  in  our  villages?  The  right  would 
stand  upon  the  same  principles ;  but  there  is  this  difference,  it 
would  not  be  executed  with  so  little  danger. 

A  few  words  more  on  the  subject  of  pressing.  In  strictness 
we  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  question,  whether  impressments 
of  seamen  in  England  are  legal  or  illegal.  Whatever  iniquity 
or  inhumanity  that  government  may  inflict  on  their  own  sub- 


328  CORRESPONDENCE. 

jects,  we  have  no  authority  to  call  them  to  an  account  for  it. 
But  when  they  extend  that  power  to  us,  a  foreign  nation,  it  is 
natural  for  us,  and  it  is  our  duty  as  well  as  interest,  to  consider 
what  it  is  among  themselves. 

The  most  remarkable  case  in  which  this  subject  has  been 
touched  in  Westminster  Hall,  is  in  Cowper's  Reports,  page  512, 
Rex  vs.  John  Tubbs.  The  report  of  the  case  is  very  long,  and 
I  shall  only  observe,  that  the  question  of  the  legality  of  the 
power  of  impressment  was  not  before  the  court.  The  question 
was,  whether  the  Lord  Mayor  had  a  right  to  exempt  thirty  or 
forty  watermen  for  his  barges.  Lord  Mansfield  sufficiently 
expresses  his  alarm,  and  his  apprehension  of  the  consequences 
of  starting  a  question  relative  to  the  subject,  in  the  following 
words :  "  I  am  very  sorry  that  either  of  the  respectable  parties 
before  the  court,  the  city  of  London  on  the  one  hand,  or  the 
lords  commissioners  of  the  admiralty  on  the  other,  have  been 
prevailed  upon  to  agitate  this  question,"  &c. 

"I  was  in  hopes  the  court  would  have  had  an  opportunity  of 
investigating  this  point  to  the  bottom,  instead  of  being  urged 
to  discuss  it  so  instantaneously,"  &c.  "  I  own  I  wished  for  a 
more  deliberate  consideration  upon  this  subject ;  but  being  pre- 
vented of  that,  I  am  bound  to  say  what  my  present  sentiments 
are.  The  power  of  pressing  is  founded  upon  immemorial  usage, 
allowed  for  ages.  If  it  be  so  founded,  and  allowed  for  ages,  it 
can  have  no  ground  to  stand  upon,  nor  can  it  be  vindicated  or 
justified  by  any  reason,  but  the  safety  of  the  State;  and  the 
practice  is  deduced  from  that  trite  maxim  of  the  constitutional 
law  of  England,  that  private  mischief  had  better  be  submitted 
to  than  public  detriment  and  inconvenience  should  ensue.  To 
be  sure,  there  are  instances  where  private  men  must  give  way 
to  the  public  good ;  in  every  case  of  pressing,  every  man  must 
be  very  sorry  for  the  act  and  for  the  necessity  which  gives  rise 
to  it.  It  ought,  therefore,  to  be  exercised  with  the  greatest 
moderation  and  only  upon  the  most  cogent  necessity,  and 
though  it  be  a  legal  power,  it  may,  like  many  others,  be  abused 
in  the  exercise  of  it." 

The  case  is  too  long  to  transcribe ;  but  it  is  worth  reading. 
My  remarks  upon  it  shall  be  short. 

1.  Lord  Mansfield  most  manifestly  dreaded  the  question, 
probably  on  account  of  the  innumerable  difficulties  attending  it, 
as  well  as  the  national  uproar  it  would  most  certainly  excite. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  329 

2.  His  lordship  carefully  avoided  the  use  of  the  word  ri^ht. 
He  knew  the  sense,  force,  and  power  of  the  word  too  well  to 
profane  that  sacred  expression  by  applying  it  to  a  practice  so 
loose  and  undefined,  so  irregular  and  capricious,  so  repugnant 
to  the  inherent,  hereditary,  unalienable  and  indefeasible  birth- 
rights of  British  subjects. 

3.  He  calls  it  a  pj-actice  and  a  power,  but  he  does  not  even 
venture  to  call  it  a  prerogative  of  the  crown. 

4.  He  does  not  even  affirm  that  there  exists  such  an  imme- 
morial usage  allowed  for  ages.  He  says,  "  if  it  be  so  founded 
and  allowed  for  ages."  The  existence  of  such  an  immemorial 
usage,  allowed  for  ages,  was  probably  one  of  the  principal  points 
he  wished  to  investigate. 

5.  He  does  not  affirm  that  such  a  custom,  usage,  power,  or 
practice  could  be  pleaded  or  given  in  evidence  against  Magna 
Charta.  If  his  lordship  had  been  allowed  time  to  investigate 
the  subject  to  the  bottom,  he  perhaps  would  not  have  found 
evidence  of  any  such  immemorial  usage  allowed  for  ages.  He 
certainly  would  not  have  found  it  allowed  by  any  national  act 
or  legal  authority ;  and,  without  one  or  the  other,  how  can  it  be 
said  to  have  been  allowed  ?  Allowed  by  whom  ?  By  those 
who  committed  the  trespass,  and  no  others.  His  lordship, 
moreover,  might  have  found,  that  no  custom,  usage,  power,  or 
practice  could  be  alleged,  pleaded,  or  given  in  evidence  in  any 
court  of  justice  against  Magna  Charta. 

6.  All  the  judges  allow  that  exemptions,  badges,  and  protec- 
tions against  impressment,  have  been  given  by  Peers,  Commons, 
fjord  Mayors,  Lords  and  officers  of  the  Admiralty,  and,  as  I 
understand  Lord  Mansfield,  by  officers  of  the  navy.  Now, 
what  a  loose,  vindefined,  arbitrary  power  is  this,  to  be  legally 
established  as  an  immemorial  usage  allowed  for  ages ! 

7.  I  wonder  not  that  his  lordship  dreaded  the  discussion  of  it, 
and  an  investigation  of  it  to  the  bottom,  for  he  must  have  fore- 
seen the  endless  difficulties  of  ascertaining,  defining,  and  limit- 
ing the  usages  which  were  immemorial,  and  distinguishing  them 
from  such  as  were  modern,  temporary,  usurped,  and  not  allowed. 

8.  The  counsel  for  the  city  had  before  observed,  that  the 
legality  of  pressing,  if  founded  at  all,  could  only  be  supported 
by  immemorial  usage,  there  being  clearly  no  statute  in  force 
investing  the  crown  with  any  such  authority. 

28* 


330  CORRESPONDENCE. 

9.  The  infinite  difficulty  of  determining  who  were  seamen 
and  who  were  not,  must  be  obvious,  and  all  agi-ee  that  the 
power  is  confined  to  seamen  and  them  only. 

Christian,  in  his  edition  of  Blackstone,  vol.  i.  p.  419,  says,  in 
a  note,  "  The  legality  of  pressing  is  so  fully  established,  that  it 
W"ill  not  now  admit  of  a  doubt  in  any  court  of  justice  ; "  and  in 
proof  of  this  he  quotes  Lord  Mansfield's  opinion  in  the  case 
of  the  King  against  Tubbs,  in  the  words  I  have  transcribed. 
Whereas  I  think  that,  taking  all  Lord  Mansfield  says  together, 
he  makes  the  subject  as  doubtful  as  ever,  and  encumbered  with 
innumerable  and  insuperable  difficulties. 

Upon  the  whole,  all  I  conclude  from  the  conduct  of  the  mo- 
dern judges  and  lawyers  in  England  is,  that  their  pride  in  the 
navy  has  got  the  better  of  their  sense  of  law  and  justice,  and 
that  court  and  county  lawyers,  as  well  as  administration  and 
opposition,  have  been  gradually  endeavoring  to  unite  for  the 
last  thirty  or  forty  years,  in  sacrificing  the  principles  of  justice 
and  law  to  reasons  of  state,  by  countenancing  this  branch  of 
arbitrary  power.  But  let  them  keep  their  arbitrary  powers  at 
Jioriie,jiot  practise  them  upon  us,  our  ships,  or  seamen. 

John  Adams. 

Quincy,  25  April,  1809. 


GENERAL   COHRESPONDENCE. 


The  large  share  of  this  work  occupied  by  the  official  papers,  necessarily  con- 
tracts the  limits  that  are  assigned  to  the  private  letters.  From  the  voluminous 
collection  of  these,  -written  in  the  course  of  more  than  half  a  century,  a  rigid 
selection  is  now  made.  Probably  not  a  single  leading  actor  of  the  revolutionary" 
period  has  left  nearly  so  many  as  Mr.  Adams.  Even  if  the  publication  of  all 
were  deemed  advisable,  it  could  hardly  be  done  within  reasonable  compass.  In 
the  present  publication,  the  bounds  of  which  were  clearly  defined  at  the  outset, 
the  aim  has  been  to  comprise  within  the  space  that  remains  all  that  seem  for  any 
reason  to  present  the  strongest  claims  to  admission.  Of  course,  much  has  been 
rejected.  Especially  is  it  matter  of  regret  that  room  could  not  be  found  for  the 
familiar  letters  as  well  of  Mr.  Adams  as  of  his  wife,  a  small  portion  of  which 
were  collected  and  published  by  the  Editor  in  another  shape  some  years  afo. 
A  number  of  letters  addressed  to  Mr.  Adams  by  distinguished  men,  which  had 
been  prepared,  are  likewise  excluded,  for  the  same  reason.  These  materials, 
however,  are  not  lost.  They  await  a  later  period,  when  they  may  be  presented 
in  a  shape  not  less  durable  than  the  present,  to  illustrate  the  heroic  age  of  the 
United  American  States. 


TO  CATHARINE,  MACAULAY.^ 

9  August,  1770. 
Madam,  —  I  received  from  Mr.  Gill  an  intimation  that  a 
letter  from  me  would  not  be  disagreeable  to  you ;  and  I  have 
been  emboldened,  by  that  means,  to  run  the  venture  of  giving 
you  this  trouble.  I  have  read,  with  much  admiration,  Mrs. 
Macaulay's  History  of  England,  &c.  It  is  formed  upon  the 
plan  which  I  have  ever  wished  to  see  adopted  by  historians.    It 

1  The  author  of  the  History  of  England. 


332  COKRESPONDENCE. 

is  calculated  to  strip  off  the  gilding  and  false  lustre  from  worth- 
less princes  and  nobles,  and  to  bestow  the  reward  of  virtue, 
praise,  upon  the  generous  and  worthy  only.  No  charms  of 
eloquence  can  atone  for  the  want  of  this  exact  historical  moral- 
ity ;  and  I  must  be  allowed  to  say,  I  have  never  seen  a  history 
in  which  it  is  more  religiously  regarded.  It  was  from  this 
history,  as  well  as  from  the  concurrent  testimony  of  all  who 
have  come  to  this  country  from  England,  that  I  had  formed  the 
highest  opinion  of  the  author  as  one  of  the  brightest  ornaments, 
not  only  of  her  sex,  but  of  her  age  and  country.  I  could  not, 
therefore,  but  esteem  the  information  given  me  by  Mr.  Gill,  as 
one  of  the  most  agreeable  and  fortunate  occurrences  of  my  life. 
Indeed,  it  was  rather  a  mortification  to  me  to  find  that  a  few 
fugitive  speculations  in  a  newspaper  had  excited  your  curiosity 
to  inquire  after  me.  The  production,  which  some  person  in 
England,  I  know  not  who,  has  been  pleased  to  entitle  "  A  Dis- 
sertation on  the  Canon  and  the  Feudal  Law,"  was  written  at 
Braintree,  about  eleven  miles  from  Boston,  in  the  year  1765 ;  — 
written  at  random,  weekly,  without  any  preconceived  plan, 
printed  in  the  newspapers  without  correction,  and  so  little 
noticed  or  regarded  here,  that  the  author  never  thought  it 
worth  his  while  to  give  it  either  a  title  or  a  signature.  And, 
indeed,  the  editor  in  London  might  with  more  propriety  have 
called  it  "  The  —  what  d'ye  call  it,"  or,  as  the  Critical  Reviewers 
did,  "  a  flimsy,  lively  rhapsody,"  than  by  the  title  he  has  given 
it.  But  it  seems  it  happened  to  hit  the  taste  of  some  one,  who 
has  given  it  a  longer  duration  than  a  few  weeks,  by  printing  it 
in  conjunction  with  the  letters  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  this  province,  and  by  ascribing  it  to  a  very  venerable,  learned 
name.  I  am  very  sorry  that  Mr.  Gridley's  name  was  affixed  to 
it  for  many  reasons.  The  mistakes,  inaccuracies,  and  want  of 
arrangement  in  it  are  utterly  unworthy  of  Mr.  Gridley's  great 
and  deserved  character  for  learning,  and  the  general  spirit  and 
sentiments  of  it  are  by  no  means  reconcilable  to  his  known 
opinions  and  principles  in  politics.  It  was,  indeed,  written  by 
your  present  correspondent,  who  then  had  formed  designs  which 
he  never  has  and  never  will  attempt  to  execute.  Oppressed 
and  borne  down,  as  he  is,  by  the  infirmities  of  ill  health,  and 
the  calls  of  a  numerous,  growing  family,  whose  only  hopes  are 
in  his  continual  application  to  the  drudgeries  of  his  profession, 


CORRESPONDENCE.  333 

it  is  almost  impossible  for  him  to  pursue  any  inquiries  or  to 
enjoy  any  pleasures  of  the  literary  kind.^ 

However,  he  has  been  informed  that  you  have  in  contempla- 
tion a  history  of  the  present  reign,  or  some  other  history  in 
which  the  affairs  of  America  are  to  have  a  share.  If  this  is 
true,  it  would  give  him  infinite  pleasure ;  and,  whether  it  is  so 
or  not,  if  he  can  by  any  means  in  his  power,  by  letters  or  other 
ways,  contribute  any  thing  to  your  assistance  in  any  of  your 
inquiries,  or  to  your  amusement,  he  will  always  esteem  himself 
very  happy  in  attempting  it. 

Pray  excuse  the  trouble  of  this  letter,  and  believe  me,  with 
great  esteem  and  admiration,  &c. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Boston,  17  December,  1773. 

The  die  is  cast.  The  people  have  passed  the  river  and  cut 
away  the  bridge.  Last  night  three  cargoes  of  tea  were  emptied 
into  the  harbor.  This  is  the  grandest  event  which  has  ever  yet 
happened  since  the  controversy  with  Britain  opened.  The 
sublimity  of  it  charms  me !  ^ 

For  my  part,  I  cannot  express  my  own  sentiments  of  it  better 
than  in  the  words  of  Colonel  D.  to  me,  last  evening.  Balch 
should  repeat  them.  "  The  worst  that  can  happen,  I  think," 
said  he,  "  in  consequence  of  it,  will  be  that  the  province  must 
pay  for  it.  Now,  I  think  the  province  may  pay  for  it,  if  it  is 
drowned,  as  easily  as  if  it  is  drunk ;  and  I  think  it  is  a  matter 
of  indifference  whether  it  is  drunk  or  drowned.  The  province 
must  pay  for  it  in  either  case.  But  there  is  this  difference ;  I 
believe  it  will  take  them  ten  years  to  get  the  province  to  pay 
for  it;  if  so,  we  shall  save  ten  years'  interest  of  the  money, 
whereas,  if  it  is  drunk,  it  must  be  paid  for  immediately."  Thus 
he.  —  However,  he  agreed  with  me,  that  the  province  would 
never  pay  for  it;  and  also  in  this,  that  the  final  ruin  of  our  con- 

^  Mrs.  Macaulay,  in  her  reply,  notices  this  in  the  following  manner  :  — • 
"  You  must  give  me  leave  to  say,  that  on  the  principle  of  having  a  right  to 
treat  your  own  performances  with  freedom,  you  have  not  done  common  justice 
to  the  work  entitled,  'A  Dissertation  on  the  Canon  and  Feudal  Laws.' " 

2  The  same  train  of  reflection  is  in  the  Diary  of  this  date.     Volume  ii.  p.  323. 


334  CORRESPONDENCE. 

stitution  of  government,  and  of  all  American  liberties,  would 
be  the  certain  consequence  of  suffering  it  to  be  landed. 

Governor  Hutchinson  and  his  family  and  friends  will  never 
have  done  with  their  sfood  services  to  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies.  But  for  him,  this  tea  might  have  been  saved  to  the 
East  India  Company.  Whereas  this  loss,  if  the  rest  of  the 
colonies  should  follow  our  example,  will,  in  the  opinion  of  many 
persons,  bankrupt  the  company.  However,  I  dare  say,  the 
governor  and  consignees  and  custom-house  officers  in  the  other 
colonies  will  have  more  wisdom  than  ours  have  had,  and  take 
effectual  care  that  their  tea  shall  be  sent  back  to  England  un- 
touched ;  if  not,  it  will  as  surely  be  destroyed  there  as  it  has 
been  here. 

Threats,  phantoms,  bugbears,  by  the  million,  will  be  invented 
and  propagated  among  the  people  upon  this  occasion.  Indivi- 
duals will  be  threatened  with  suits  and  prosecutions.  Armies 
and  navies  will  be  talked  of.  Military  executions,  charters  an- 
nulled, treason  trials  in  England,  and  all  that.  But  these  terms 
are  all  but  imaginations.  Yet,  if  they  should  become  realities, 
they  had  better  be  suffered  than  the  great  principle  of  parlia- 
mentary taxation  be  given  up. 

The  town  of  Boston  never  was  more  still  and  calm  of  a  Sa- 
turday night  than  it  was  last  night.  All  things  were  conducted 
with  great  order,  decency,  and  perfect  submission  to  government. 
No  doubt  we  all  thought  the  administration  in  better  hands 
than  it  had  been. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Boston,  22  December,  1773. 

Yesterday  the  Governor  called  a  council  at  Cambridge.  Eight 
members  met  at  Brattle's.  This,  no  doubt,  was  concerted  last 
Saturday,  at  Neponset  hill,  where  Brattle  and  Russel  dined,  by 
way  of  caucus,  I  suppose.^  Sewall  dined  with  their  honors 
yesterday.  But  behold,  what  a  falling  off  was  there !  The 
Governor,  who  last  Friday  was  fully  persuaded  and  told  the 

1  The  Governor  says  that  this  was  an  attempt  to  convene  the  council,  but  it 
failed. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  335 

council  that  some  late  proceedings  were  high  treason,  and  pro- 
mised them  the  attendance  of  the  attorney-general  to  prove  it 
them  out  of  law  books,i  now,  such  is  his  alacrity  in  sinking, 
was  rather  of  opinion  they  were  burglary.  I  suppose  he  meant 
what  we  call  New  England  burglary,  that  is,  breaking  open  a 
shop  or  ship,  &c.,  which  is  punished  with  branding,  &c. 

But  the  council  thought  it  would  look  rather  awkward  to 
issue  a  proclamation  against  the  whole  community,  and  there- 
fore contented  themselves  with  ordering  Mr.  Attorney  to  prose- 
cute such  as  he  should  know  or  be  informed  of.  They  have 
advised  a  prorogation  of  the  General  Court  for  a  fortnight.  It  is 
whispered  that  the  Sachem  has  it  in  contemplation  to  go  home 
soon,  and  perhaps  the  prorogation  is  to  give  him  time  to  get 
away.     Few  think  he  will  meet  the  House  again. 

The  spirit  of  liberty  is  very  high  in  the  country,  and  universal. 
Worcester  is  aroused.  Last  week  a  monument  to  liberty  was 
erected  there  in  the  heart  of  the  town,  within  a  few  yards  of 
Colonel  Chandler's  door.  A  gentleman  of  as  good  sense  and 
character  as  any  in  that  county,  told  me  this  day,  that  nothing 
which  has  been  ever  done,  is  more  universally  approved,  ap- 
plauded, and  admired  than  these  last  efforts.  He  says,  that 
whole  towns  in  that  county  were  on  tiptoe  to  come  down. 

Make  my  compliments  to  Mrs.  Warren,  and  tell  her  that  I 
want  a  poetical  genius  to  describe  a  late  frolic  among  the  sea- 
nymphs  and  goddesses.  There  being  a  scarcity  of  nectar  and 
ambrosia  among  the  celestials  of  the  sea,  Neptune  has  deter- 
mined to  substitute  Hyson  and  Congo,  and,  for  some  of  the 
inferior  divinities,  Bohea.  Amphitrite,  one  of  his  wives,  viz. 
the  land,  and  Salaria,  another  of  his  wives,  the  sea,  went  to 
pulling  caps  upon  the  occasion,  but  Salaria  prevailed.  The 
Sirens  should  be  introduced  somehow,  I  cannot  tell  how,  and 
Proteus,  a  son  of  Neptune,  who  could  sometimes  flow  like 
water,  and  sometimes  burn  like  fire,  bark  like  a  dog,  howl  like 
a  wolf,  whine  like  an  ape,  cry  like  a  crocodile,  or  roar  like  a 
lion.  But,  for  want  of  this  same  poetical  genius,  I  can  do  no- 
thing. I  wish  to  see  a  late  glorious  event  celebrated  J)y  a 
certain  poetical  pen  which  has  no  equal  that  I  know  of  in  this 
country. 

1  See  the  Diary,  vol.  ii.  p.  325,  and  compare  Hutchinson's  account  of  this 
conference  in  the  third  volume  of  his  HiMory,  p.  439. 


o« 


36  CORRESPONDENCE. 

We  are  anxious  for  the  safety  of  the  cargo  ^  at  Provincetown. 
Are  there  no  Vineyard,  Marshpee,  Mattapoiset  Indians,  do  you 
think,  who  will  take  the  care  of  it,  and  protect  it  from  violence? 
I  mean  from  the  hands  of  tyrants  and  oppressors,  who  want  to 
do  violence  with  it  to  the  laws  and  constitution,  to  the  present 
age,  and  to  posterity. 

I  hope  you  have  had  a  happy  anniversary  festival.  May  a 
double  portion  of  the  genius  and  spirit  of  our  forefathers  rest 
upon  us  and  our  posterity ! 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Boston,  9  April,  1774. 

Dear  Sir,  —  It  is  a  great  mortification  to  me  to  be  obliged 
to  deny  myself  the  pleasure  of  a  visit  to  my  friends  at  Plymouth 
next  week ;  but  so  fate  has  ordained  it.  I  am  a  little  appre- 
hensive, too,  for  the  State,  upon  this  occasion,  for  it  has  hereto-, 
fore  received  no  small  advantage  from  our  sage  deliberations  at 
your  fireside. 

I  hope  Mrs.  Warren  is  in  fine  health  and  spirits ;  and  that  I 
have  not  incurred  her  displeasure  by  making  so  free  with  the 
skirmish  of  the  sea-deities,  one  of  the  most  incontestable  evi- 
dences of  real  genius  which  has  yet  been  exhibited.  For  to 
take  the  clumsy,  indigested  conception  of  another,  and  work  it 
into  so  elegant  and  classical  a  composition,  requires  genius 
equal  to  that  which  wrought  another  most  beautiful  poem  out 
of  the  little  incident  of  a  gentleman's  clipping  a  lock  of  a  lady's 
hair  with  a  pair  of  scissors.  May  a  double  portion  of  her 
genius,  as  well  as  virtues,  descend  to  her  posterity,  which,  united 
to  the  patriotism,  &c,,  &c.,  &c.,  of  &c.,  &c.,  &c.,  will  make 
But  I  am  almost  in  the  strains  of  Hazelrod.^ 

The  tories  were  never,  since  I  was  born,  in  such  a  state  of 
humiliation  as  at  this  moment.  Wherever  I  go,  in  the  seve- 
ral counties,  I  perceive  it  more  and  more.      They  are  now  in 

1  The  fourth  and  last  vessel  was  driven  ashore  on  Cape  Cod.  Some  of  the 
tea  was  saved,  sent  to  Boston,  and  landed  at  the  castle. 

2  The  name  of  a  character  in  the  dramatic  piece,  written  by  Mrs.  Warren, 
entitled  The  Group,  and  designed  to  ridicule  the  leading  loyalists  of  the  colony. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  337 

absolute  despair  of  obtaining  a  triumph  without  shedding  an 
abundance  of  blood ;  and  they  are  afraid  of  the  consequences 
of  this.  Not  that  their  humanity  starts  at  it  at  all.  The  com- 
plaisance, the  air  of  modesty  and  kindness  to  the  Whigs,  the 
show  of  moderation,  the  pains  to  be  thought  friends  to  liberty, 
and  all  that,  is  amazing.  I  admire  the  Jesuits !  The  science 
is  so  exquisite,  and  there  are  such  immense  advantages  in  it, 
that  it  is  (if  it  were  not  for  the  deviltry  of  it)  most  ardently  to 
be  wished.  To  see  them  bowing,  smiling,  cringing,  and  seem- 
ing cordially  friendly,  to  persons  whom  they  openly  avowed  their 
malice  against  two  years  ago,  and  Avhom  they  would  gladly 
butcher  now,  is  provoking,  yet  diverting. 

News  we  have  none.     Still!  silent  as  midnight!     The  first 

vessels  may  bring  us  tidings  which  will  erect  the  crests   of 

the  tories   again,  and  depress  the  spirits  of  the  whigs.      For 

my  own  part,  1  am  of  the  same  opinion  that  I  have  been  for 

many  years,  that  there  is  not  spirit  enough  on  either  side  to 

bring  the  question  to  a  complete  decision,  and  that  we  shall 

_oscillate   like   a  pendulum,   and  fluctuate   like  the   ocean,  for 

jnan^ years  to  come,  and  never  obtain  a  complete  redress  of 

American  grievances,  nor  submit  to  an  absolute  establishment 

of  parliamentary  authority,  but  be  trimming  between  both,  as 

we  have  been  for  ten  years  past,  for  more  years  to  come  than 

you  and  I  shall  live.     Our  children  may  see  revolutions,  and  be 

_concerned  and  active  in  effecting  them,  of  which  we  can  form 

no  conception. 


TO    WILLIAM    WOODFALL. 

Boston,  14  May,  1774. 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  favor  of  the  12th  of 
March  yesterday,  for  which  I  thank  you.  Your  plan  of  a 
newspaper  to  profess  itself  a  general  channelof  American  intel- 
ligence, is  happily  calculated,  I  think,  to  serve  the  interest  both 
of  the  British  and  the  American  public.^ 

If  it  should  be  in  my  power  at  any  time  to  communicate  to 

1  Mr.  Woodfall  had  sent  out  a  copy  of  his  proposals  to  publish  a  newspaper, 
designed  to  be  a  general  channel  of  American  intelligence,  and  to  be  called  the 
London  Packet.  '■ 

VOL.  IX.  29  V 


338  CORRESPONDENCE. 

you  any  material  intelligence,  I  shall  be  glad  of  the  opportunity; 
but  I  have  very  little  connection  with  public  affairs,  and  I  ho^e^ 
to  have  less^ 

Indeed,  the  treatment  we  receive  from  our  mother  country, 
as  we  have  always  fondly  called  her,  begins  to  discourage 
persons  here  from  making  any  applications  to  her,  upon  any 
occasion  or  for  any  purpose.  Intelligence,  evidence,  petitions, 
are  sent  continually,  and  have  been  sent  for  ten  years,  to  no 
purpose.  We  begin  almost  to  wish  that  Europe  could  for- 
get that  America  was  ever  discovered,  and  America  could  forget 
that  Europe  ever  existed. 

The  unexampled  bjx)ckade  of_Boston  is  received  here  with  a 
spirit  of  martyrdom.  It  will  produce  effects  such  as  were  not 
foreseen  by  the  minister  of  State  who  projected  it,  or  by  the 
abandoned  men  in  America,  who  suggested  the  project  to  him. 

Nero  wished  that  the  inhabitants  of  Rome  had  but  one  neck, 
that  he  might  have  the  pleasure  of  cutting  it  off  with  his  own 
hand  at  one  blow.  This,  as  it  would  have  speedily  terminated 
their  misery,  was  humanity  in  comparison  of  the  minister's  pro- 
ject of  turning  famine  into  a  populous  city  to  devour  its  devoted 
inhabitants  by  slow  torments  and  lingering  degrees. 

P.  S.  The  commerce  of  this  town  of  itself  has  been  an  essen- 
tial link  in  a  vast  chain,  which  has  made  New  England  what  it 
is,  the  southern  provinces  what  they  are,  the  West  India  islands 
what  they  are,  and  the  African  trade  what  that  is,  to  say  no 
more.  The  world  will  very  soon  see  with  horror,  that  this  chain 
is  broken  by  one  blow. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Ipswich,  25  June,  1774. 

I  am  very  sorry  I  had  not  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  after 
your  return  from  Salem,  as  I  wanted  a  great  deal  of  conversa- 
tion with  you  on  several  subjects. 

The  principal  topic,  however,  was  the  enterprise  to  Philadel- 
phia. I  view  the  assembly,  that  is  to  be  there,  as  I  do  the 
court^ofj\^eopagus,  the  council  of  the  Amphictyons,  a  conclave, 


CORRESPONDENCE.  339 

a  sanhedrim,  a  divan,  I  know  not  what.  I  suppose  you  sent 
me  there  to  school.  I  thank  you  for  thinking  me  an  apt  scholar, 
or  capable  of  learning.  For  my  own  part,  I  am  at  a  loss,  totally 
at  a  loss,  what  to  do  when  we  get  there ;  but  I  hope  to  be  there 
taught. 

It  is  to  be  a  school  of  political  prophets,  I  suppose,  a  nursery 
of  American  Statesmen.  May  it  thrive  and  prosper  and  flourish, 
and  from  this  fountain  may  there  issue  streams,  which  shall 
gladden  all  the  cities  and  towns  in  North  America,  forever !  I 
am  for  making  it  annual,  and  for  sending  an  entire  new  set 
every  year,  that  all  the  principal  geniuses  may  go  to  the  univer- 
sity in  rotation,  that  we  may  have  politicians  in  plenty.  Our 
great  complaint  is  the  scarcity  of  men  fit  to  govern  such  mighty 
interests  as  are  clashing  in  the  present  contest.  A  scarcity 
indeed !  For  who  is  sufficient  for  these  things  ?  Our  policy 
must  be  to  improve  every  opportunity  and  means  for  forming 
our  people,  and  preparing  leaders  for  tliem  in  the  grand  march 
of  politics..  We  must  make  our  children  travel.  You  and  I 
have  too  many  cares  and  occupations,  and  therefore  we  must 
recommend  it  to  Mrs.  Warren,  and  her  friend  Mrs.  Adams,  to 
teach  our  sons  the  divine  science  of  the  politics ;  and  to  be 
frank,  I  suspect  they  understand  it  better  than  we  do. 

There  is  one  ugly  reflection.  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  con- 
quered and  slain.  Hampden  died  in  the  field,  Sidney  on  the 
scaffold,  Harrington  in  jail,  &c.  This  is  cold  comfort.  Politics 
are  an  ordeal  path  among  red  hot  ploughshares.  Who,  then 
would  be  a  politician  for  the  pleasure  of  running  about  barefoot 
among  them  ?  Yet  somebody  must.  And  I  think  those  whose 
characters,  circumstances,  educations,  &c.,  call  them,  ought  to 
follow. 

Yet  I  do  not  think  that  one  or  a  few  men  are  under  any 
moral  obliijation  to  sacrifice  for  themselves  and  families  all  the 
pleasures,  profits,  and  prospects  of  life,  while  others  for  whose 
benefit  this  is  to  be  done  lie  idle,  enjoying  all  the  sweets  of 
society,  accumulating  wealth  in  abundance,  and  laying  founda- 
tions for  opulent  and  poM''erful  families  for  many  generations. 
No.  I  think  the  arduous  duties  of  the  times  ought  to  be  dis- 
charged in  rotation,  and  I  never  will  engage  more  in  politics 
but  upon  this  system. 

I  must  entreat  the  favor  of  your  sentiments  and  Mrs.  Warren's 


340  CORRESPONDENCE. 

what  is  proper,  practicable,  expedient,  wise,  just,  good,  neces- 
sary to  be  done  at  Philadelphia.  Pray  let  me  have  them  in  a 
letter  before  I  go.^ 


TO    JOHN    TUDOR. 

Braintree,  23  July,  1774. 

You  will  be  surprised,  I  believe,  to  receive  a  letter  from  me, 
upon  a  matter  which  I  have  so  little  right  to  intermeddle  with 
as  the  subject  of  this.  I  am  sensible  it  is  a  subject  of  very 
great  delicacy ;  but  as  it  is  of  equal  importance  to  your  own 
happiness  and  that  of  your  only  son,  I  hope  and  believe  you  will 
receive  it,  as  it  is  really  meant,  as  an  expression  of  my  friend- 
ship both  to  yourself  and  him,  without  any  other  view  or  motive 
whatever.^ 

Your  son  has  never  said  a  word  to  me,  but,  from  what  I  have 
accidentally  heard  from  others,  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  he 
is  worried  and  uneasy  in  his  mind.  This  discontent  is  in  dan- 
ger of  producing  very  disagreeable  effects,  as  it  must  interrupt 
his  happiness,  and  as  it  may,  and  probably  will,  if  not  removed, 
injure  his  health,  and,  by  discouraging  his  mind  and  depressing 
his  spirits,  disincline  him  to,  or  disqualify  him  for,  his  studies 
and  business. 

I  believe,  Sir,  you  are  not  so  sensible  as  I  am  of  the  difficulty 
of  a  young  gentleman's  getting  into  much  business  in  the  prac- 
tice of  the  law.  It  must,  in  the  best  of  times  and  for  the  most 
promising  genius,  be  a  work  of  time.  The  present  situation  of 
public  affairs  is  such  as  has  rendered  this  difficulty  tenfold  greater 
than  ever.  The  grant  from  the  crown  of  salaries  to  the  judges, 
the  proceedings  of  the  two  houses  of  assembly  in  relation  to  it, 
and  the  general  discontent  throughout  all  the  counties  of  the 

1  Compare  the  Diary  of  the  same  date.  Vol.  ii.  p.  338.  A  letter  of  similar 
purport  seems  to  have  been  addressed  to  Joseph  Hawley  from  this  place  two 
days  later,  but  no  copy  remains.     See  p.  342. 

^  William  Tudor,  the  young  man  here  mentioned,  bad  been  a  student  in  the 
office  of  the  writer.  An  interesting  biographical  memoir  of  him,  from  which 
tliis  letter  has  been  taken,  is  to  be  found  in  the  18th  volume  of  the  Collections 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society- 


CORRESPONDENCE.  341 

province,  among  jurors  and  others,  concerning  it,  had  well  nigh 
ruined  the  business  of  all  the  lawyers  in  the  government,  before 
the  news  of  the  three  late  acts  of  parliament  arrived.  These 
acts  had  put  an  end  to  all  the  business  of  the  law  in  Boston. 
The  port  act  of  itself  has  done  much  towards  this,  but  the  other 
two  acts  have  spread  throughout  the  province  such  an  appre- 
hension, that  there  will  be  no  business  for  courts  for  some  time 
to  come,  that  our  business  is  at  present  in  a  manner  at  an  end. 

In  this  state  of  things  I  am  sure  it  is  impossible  that  your 
son's  income  should  be  adequate  to  his  necessary  expenses, 
however  frugal  he  may  be,  and  I  have  heard  that  he  complains 
that  it  is  not. 

The  expenses  for  the  rent  of  his  office,  for  his  board  and 
washing,  must  come  to  a  considerable  sum  annually,  without 
accounting  a  farthing  for  other  transient  charges,  which  a  young 
gentleman  of  the  most  sober  and  virtuous  character  can  no 
more  avoid  than  he  can  those  for  his  bed  and  board.  So  that 
it  is  absolutely  impossible  but  that  he  must  run  behind  hand 
and  be  obliged  to  run  in  debt  for  necessaries,  unless  either  he  is 
assisted  by  his  father,  or  leaves  the  town  of  Boston  and  betakes 
himself  to  some  distant  place  in  the  country,  where,  if  his  busi- 
ness should  not  be  more,  his  expenses  would  be  vastly  less. 

I  am  well  aware  of  the  follies  and  vices  so  fashionable  among 
many  of  the  young  gentlemen  of  our  age  and  country,  and,  if 
your  son  was  infected  with  them,  I  would  never  have  become 
an  advocate  for  him,  without  his  knowledge,  as  I  now  am,  with 
his  father.  I  should  think,  the  more  he  was  restrained  the  better. 
But  I  know  him  to  have  a  clear  head  and  an  honest,  faithful 
heart.  He  is  virtuous,  sober,  steady,  industrious,  and  constant 
to  his  office.  He  is  as  frugal  as  he  can  be  in  his  rank  and  class 
of  life,  without  being  mean. 

It  is  your  peculiar  felicity  to  have  a  son  whose  behavior  and 
character  are  thus  deserving. 

Now  there  can  be  nothing  in  this  life  so  exquisitely  painful 
to  such  a  mind,  so  humiliating,  so  mortifying,  as  to  be  distrusted 
by  his  father,  as  to  be  obliged  to  borrow  of  strangers,  or  to  run 
in  debt  and  lie  at  mercy. 

A  small  donation  of  real  or  personal  estate,  made  to  him 
now,  would  probably  be  of  more  service  to  him  than  ten  times 
that  sum  ten  years  hence.     It  would  give  him  a  small  income 

29* 


342  CORRESPONDENCE. 

tliat  he  could  depend  upon  ;  it  would  give  him  weight  and  repu- 
tation in  the  world  ;  it  would  assist  him  greatly  in  getting  into 
business. 

I  am  under  concern  lest  the  anxiety  he  now  struggles  with 
should  prove  fatal  to  him.  I  have  written  this  without  his 
knowledge,  and  I  do  not  propose  ever  to  acquaint  him  with  it. 
If  you  please  you  may  burn  this ;  only  I  must  entreat  you  to 
believe  it  to  flow  only  from  real  concern  for  a  young  gentleman 
whom  I  greatly  esteem. 


JOSEPH    HAWLEY  ^    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Northampton,  25  July,  1774. 

I  never  received  nor  heard  of  your  letter  of  the  27th  of  June 
last,  written  at  Ipswich,  until  the  23d  instant.  Immediately  on 
the  receipt  of  it,  I  set  myself  to  consider  of  an  answer  to  it. 

What  I  first  remark  is,  your  great  distrust  of  your  abilities 
for  the  service  assigned  you.  Hereon  I  say  that  I  imagine  I 
have  some  knowledge  of  your  abilities,  and  I  assure  you.  Sir,  I 
gave  my  vote  for  you  most  heartily,  and  I  have  not  yet  repented 
of  it.  My  opinion  is,  that  our  committee,  taken  together,  is  the 
best  we  could  have  taken  in  the  province.  I  should  be  ex- 
tremely sorry  that  any  one  of  them  should  fail  of  going.  The 
absence  of  any  one  of  them  will  destroy  that  happy  balance  or 
equilibrium  which  they  will  form  together.  I  acknowledge  that 
the  service  is  most  important,  and  I  do  not  know  who  is  fully 
equal  to  it.  The  importance  of  the  business  ought  not  to  beget 
despondency  in  any  one,  but  to  excite  to  the  greatest  circum- 
spection, the  most  attentive  and  mature  consideration,  and  calm- 
est deliberation.  Courage  and  fortitude  must  be  maintained. 
If  we  give  way  to  despondency,  it  will  soon  be  all  over  with  us. 
Rashness  must  be  avoided.  The  end  or  effect  of  every  measure 
proposed,  must  be  thoroughly  contemplated  before  it  be  adopted. 
It  must  be  well  looked  to  that  the  measure  be  feasible  and 
practicable.       If  we    make   attempts,  and  fail  in  them,   Lord 

^  Of  this  remarkable  man,  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  so  few  traces  remain.  Even 
under  the  pen  of  an  enemy  like  Hutchinson,  his  character  shines  like  burnished 
gold. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  343 

North  will  call  them  impudent  and  futile,  and  the  tories  will 
triumph. 

It  appears  to  me,  Sir,  that  the  Congi-ess  ought  first  to  settle 
with  absolute  precision,  the  object  or  objects  to  be  pursued;  as 
whether  the  end  of  all  shall  be  the  repeal  of  the  tea  duty  only, 
or  of  that  and  the  molasses  act,  or  these  and  opening  the  port  of 
Boston,  or  these  and  also  the  restoration  of  the  charter  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay  (for  it  is  easy  to  demonstrate  that  the  late  act 
for  regulation,  &c.,  in  its  effect,  annuls  the  whole  charter,  so  far 
as  the  charter  granted  any  privileges).  When  the  objects  or 
ends  to  be  pursued  are  clearly  and  certainly  settled,  the  means 
or  measures  to  be  used  to  obtain  and  effect  those  ends  can  be 
better  judged  of.  Most  certainly  the  objects  must  be  definitely 
agreed  on,  and  settled  by  Congress,  first  or  last. 

As  to  means  and  measures,  I  am  not  fully  settled  or  deter- 
mined in  my  own  mind.  It  may  not  be  prudent  fully  to  ex- 
plain myself  in  writing  upon  that  head.  The  letter  may  mis- 
carry. 

You  are  pleased  to  say  that  extremities  and  ruptures  it  is  our 
policy  to  avoid.  I  agree  it,  if  any  other  means  will  answer  our 
ends,  or  if  it  is  plain  that  they  would  not.  But  let  me  say.  Sir, 
that  with  me  it  is  settled  as  a  maxim  and  first  truth,  that  the 
people  or  State  who  will  not  or  cannot  defend  their  liberties  and 
rights,  will  not  have  any  for  any  long  time.  They  will  be  slaves. 
Some  other  State  will  find  it  out,  and  will  subjugate  them. 

You  say.  Sir,  that  measures  to  check  and  interrupt  the  torrent 
of  luxury,  are  most  agreeable  to  your  sentiments.  Pray,  Sir, 
did  any  thing  ever  do  it,  but  necessity  ? 

The  institution  of  annual  Congresses,  you  suppose,  will 
brighten  the  chain,  and  would  make  excellent  statesmen  and 
politicians.  I  agree  it.  But  pray.  Sir,  do  not  you  imagine  that 
such  an  institution  would  breed  extremities  and  ruptures  ?  It 
appears  to  me  most  clear  that  the  institution,  if  formed,  must 
be  discontinued,  or  we  must  defend  it  with  ruptures. 

I  suggested  above  that  my  letter  might  miscarry  ;  and  we  do 
not  know,  when  we  write,  to  what  hands  our  letters  may  come. 
I  should  therefore  be  extremely  glad  to  see  some,  or  all  of  the 
committee,  as  they  pass  through  this  county.  If  there  were 
any  hopes  of  obtaining  the  favor,  I  would  beg  them  all  to  come 
through    Northampton.      It  would  not  be   more   than   twenty 


344  CORRESPONDENCE. 

miles  farther,  and  as  good  a  road.  But  I  imagine  they  will  all 
pass  through  Springfield.  And  the  favor  I  earnestly  ask  of  you, 
Sir,  is,  that  you  would  be  pleased  to  inform  by  a  letter  by  our 
post,  what  day  you  expect  to  be  at  Springfield,  and  I  will  en- 
deavor to  see  the  committee  then,  although  I  should  wait  there 
two  or  three  days  for  it.  Pray,  Sir,  do  not  fail  of  sending  me 
this  intelligence.  You  will  probably  receive  this  letter  on  Satur- 
day this  week,  by  Mr.  Wilde,  our  post.  He  keeps  Sabbath  at 
Boston.  He  commonly  comes  out  on  Monday,  about  eleven 
o'clock.  You  may  find  him,  or  if  you  leave  a  letter  for  him,  to 
take  either  at  Messrs.  Edes  &  Gill's  office,  or  at  Messrs.  Fleets, 
in  the  forenoon,  it  will  probably  come  safe  to  me  next  week  on 
Wednesday.  I  will  prevail  with  him,  if  I  can,  to  call  on  you 
to  take  a  line  from  you  for  me.  Information  of  the  time  you 
intend  to  be  at  Springfield,  I  am  very  anxious  to  obtain.  Pray, 
Sir,  oblige  me  with  it. 

But  as  it  is  possible  that   I  may  miss   of  seeing  the  commit- 
tee, or  any  of  them,  Avhich  will  indeed  be   to  me  a  very  great 
disappointment,  I  ask  leave  to  make  myself  free  enough  to  sug- 
gest the  following,  which,  if  you  judge  proper,  I  consent  you 
should  communicate  to  your  brethren.     You  cannot.  Sir,  but 
be  fully  apprised,  that  a  good  issue   of  the  Congress  depends  a 
good  deal  on  the  harmony,  good  understanding,  and   I  had  al- 
most said  brotherly  love,  of  its  members ;  and  every  thing  tend- 
ing to  beget  and  improve  such  mutual  affection,  and  indeed  to 
cement  the  body,  ought  to  be  practised ;  and  every  thing  in  the 
least  tending  to  create  disgust  or   strangeness,  coldness,  or  so 
much  as  indifference,  carefully  avoided.     Now  there  is  an  opi- 
nion which   does  in  some  degree  obtain  in  the  other  colonies, 
that  the  Massachusetts  gentlemen,  and  especially  of  the  town 
of  Boston,  do  affect  to  dictate  and  take  the  lead  in  continental 
measures  ;  that  we  are  apt,  from  an  inward  vanity  and  self-con- 
ceit, to  assume  big  and  haughty  airs.     Whether  this  opinion 
has  any  foundation  in  fact,  I  am  not  certain.     Our  own  tories 
propagate  it,  if  they   did  not  at  first   suggest  it.     Now  I  pray 
that  every  thing  in   the  conduct   and  behaviour  of  our  gentle- 
men, which  might  tend  to  beget  or  strengthen  such  an  opinion, 
might  be  most  carefully  avoided.     It  is  highly  probable,  in  my 
opinion,  that  you^will  meet  gentlemen  from  several  of  the  oth^^ 
colonies,  fully  equal  to  yourselves  or  any  of  you,  in  their  know-_ 


CORRESPONDENCE.  345 

ledge  of  Great  Britain,  the  colonies,  law,  history,  government, 
commerce,  &c.  I  know  some  of  the  gentlemen  of  Connecticut 
are  very  sensible,  ingenious,  solid  men.  Who  will  go  from  New 
York,  I  have  not  heard,  but  I  know  there  are  very  able  men 
there ;  and  by  what  we  from  time  to  time  see  in  the  public 
papers,  and  what  our  assembly  and  committees  have  received 
from  the  assemblies  and  committees  of  the  more  southern  colo- 
nies, we  must  be  satisfied  that  they  have  men  of  as  much  sense 
and  literature  as  any  we  can  or  ever  could  boast  of.  But 
enough  of  this  sort,  and  1  ask  pardon  that  I  have  said  so  much 
of  it. 

Another  thing  I  beg  leave  just  to  hint;  —  that  it  is  very  likely 
that  you  may  meet  divers  gentlemen  in  Congress,  who  are  of 
Dutch,  or  Scotch,  or  Irish  extract.  Many  more  there  are  in  those 
southern  colonies  of  those  descents,  than  in  these  New  England 
colonies,  and  many  of  them  very  worthy,  learned  men.  Quaere, 
therefore,  whether  prudence  would  not  direct  that  every  thing 
should  be  very  cautiously  avoided  which  could  give  any  the 
least  umbrage,  disgust,  or  affront  to  any  of  such  pedigree.  For 
as  of  every  nation  and  blood,  he  that  feareth  God  and  worketh 
righteousness,  is  accepted  of  him,  so  they  ought  to  be  of  us. 
Small  things  may  have  important  effects  in  such  a  business. 
That  which  disparages  our  family  ancestors  or  nation,  is  apt  to 
stick  by  us,  if  cast  up  in  comparison,  and  their  blood  you  will 
find  as  warm  as  ours. 

One  thing  I  want  that  the  southern  gentlemen  should  be 
deeply  impressed  with  ;  that  is,  that  all  acts  of  British  legisla- 
tion which  influence  and  affect  our  internal  polity,  are  as  abso- 
lutely repugnant  to  liberty  and  the  idea  of  our  being  a  free  peo- 
ple, as  taxation  or  revenue  acts.  Witness  the  present  regulation 
act  for  this  province ;  and,  if  we  shall  not  be  subdued  by  what 
is  done  already,  like  acts  will  undoubtedly  be  made  for  other 
colonies.  I  expect  nothing  but  new  treasons,  new  felonies,  new 
misprisions,  new  praemunires,  and,  not  to  say  the  Lord,  the  devil 
knows  what. 

Pray,  Sir,  let  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  know  that  our  top  Tories 
here  give  out  most  confidently,  that  he  will  certainly  be  taken 
up  before  the  Congress.  I  am  not  timid  with  regard  to  myself 
or  friends,  but  I  am  satisfied  that  they  have  such  advice  from 
head-quarters.     Please  to  give  my  hearty  regards  to  him,  the 


346  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Speaker,  and  all  the  gentlemen  of  the  Congress ;  and  I  beg  that 
neither  of  them  would  on  any  account  make  default.  If  they 
do,  there  will  be  great  searchings  of  heart.  You  may  all  manage 
the  journey  so  that  it  will  be  pleasant,  and  very  much  serve 
your  health.  And  that  God  would  bless  you  all,  is  the  most 
fervent  prayer  of,  Sir, 

Your  hearty  friend,  &c. 

Joseph  Hawley. 

Pray,  Sir,  do   not  fail  of  acquainting  me  when  you  shall  be 
in  our  county .^ 


TO    WILLIAM    TUDOR. 

PMlaclelphia,  29  September,  1774. 

I  wish  it  was  in  my  power  to  write  you  any  thing  for  the  re- 
lief of  your  anxiety,  under  the  pressure  of  those  calamities 
which  now  distress  our  beloved  town  of  Boston  and  province 
of  Massachusetts.  The  sentiments  expressed  in  your  last  to 
me,  are  such  as  would  do  honor  to  the  best  of  citizens,  in  the 
minds  of  the  virtuous  and  worthy,  of  any  age  or  country,  in  the 
worst  of  times.     Dulce  et  deconmi  est  pro  patrid  mori. 

Would'st  thou  receive  tliy  country's  loud  applause, 

Lov'd  as  her  father,  as  her  God  ador'd  ? 
Be  thou  the  bold  assertor  of  her  cause, 

Her  voice  in  council ;  in  the  fight,  her  sword. 

You  have  no  adequate  idea  of  the  pleasures  or  the  difficulties 
of  the  errand  I  am  now  upon.  The  Congress  is  such  an  assem- 
bly as  never  before  came  together,  on  a  sudden,  in  any  part  of 
the  world.  JHere  are  fortunesj  abilities,  learning,  eloquence, 
acuteness,  equal  to  any  I  ever  met  with  in  my  life.  Here  is  a 
diversity  of  religions,  educations,  manners,  interests,  such  as  it 
would  seem  almost  impossible  to  unite  in  one  plan  of  conduct 
Every  question  is  discussed  with  a  moderation,  an  acuteness, 
and   a  minuteness   equal  to  that  of  Queen   Elizabeth's  privy 

'  The  delegates  did  not  pass  through  Springfield.  Mr.  Hawley,  being  disap- 
pointed in  meeting  with  them,  and  being  desirous  to  communicate  his  views  of 
the  measures  to  be  pursued  at  this  crisis,  sent  them  the  remarkable  paper  enti- 
tled "  Broken  hints,  to  be  communicated  to  the  committee  of  Congress  for  the 
]Vlassachusetts,"  which  is  inserted  in  the  appendix  (A)  to  this  volume. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  347 

council.  This  occasions  infinite  delays.  We  are  under  obliga- 
tions of  secrecy  in  every  thing,  except  the  single  vote  you  have 
seen,  approving  the  resolutions  of  the  county  of  Suffolk.  What 
effect  this  vote  may  have  with  you,  is  uncertain.  What  you 
will  do,  God  knows.  You  say  you  look  up  to  the  Congress. 
It  is  well  you  should  ;  but  I  hope  you  will  not  expect  too  much 
from  us.  The  delegates  here  are  not  sufficiently  acquainted 
with  our  province,  and  with  the  circumstances  you  are  in,  to 
form  a  judgment  what  course  it  is  proper  for  you  to  take.  They 
start  at  the  thought  of  taking  up  the  old  charter ;  they  shudder 
at  the  prospect  of  blood  ;  yet  they  are  unanimously  and  unal- 
terably against  your  submission  to  any  of  the  Acts  for  a  single 
moment. 

You  see  by  this  what  they  are  for ;  namely,  that  you  stand 
stock  still,  and  live  without  government  or  law,  at  least  for  the 
present,  and  as  long  as  you  can.  I  have  represented  to  them, 
whenever  I  see  them,  the  utter  impossibility  of  four  hundred 
thousand  people  existing  long  without  a  legislature,  or  courts 
of  justice.  They  all  seem  to  acknowledge  it,  yet  nothing  can 
as  yet  be  accomplished. 

We  hear  perpetually  the  most  figurative  panegyrics  upon  our 
wisdom,  fortitude,  and  temperance ;  the  most  fervent  exhorta- 
tions to  perseverance ;  but  nothing  more  is  done. 

I  may  venture  to  tell  you  that  I  believe  we  shall  agree  to  non- 
importation, non-consumption,  and  non-exportation,  but  not  to 
commence  so  soon  as  I  could  wish. 

Indeed  all  this  would  be  insufficient  for  your  purpose  ;  a  more 
adequate  support  and  relief  to  the  Massachusetts  should  be 
adopted.     But  I  tremble  for  fear  we  should  fail  of  obtaining  it. 

There  is,  however,  a  most  laudable  zeal,  and  an  excellent 
spirit,  which  every  day  increases,  especially  in  this  city.  The 
Quakers  had  a  general  meeting  last  Sunday,  and  are  deeply  af- 
fected with  the  complexion  of  the  times.  They  have  recom- 
mended to  all  their  people  to  renounce  tea ;  and  indeed  the 
people  of  this  city,  of  all  denominations,  have  laid  it  generally 
aside,  since  our  arrival  here.  They  are  about  setting  up  com- 
panies of  cadets,  volunteers,  &c.,  &c. 

It  is  the  universal  opinion  here,  that  General  Gage  is  in  the 
horrors,  and  that  he  means  to  act  only  on  the  defensive.  How 
well  this  opinion  is  founded,  you  can  judge  better  than  I. 


348  CORRESPONDENCE. 

I  must  beseech  you  to  show  this  letter  to  no  man  in  whom 
you  have  not  the  most  perfect  confidence.  It  may  do  a  great 
deal  of  mischief. 

We  have  had  numberless  prejudices  to  remove  here.  We 
have  been  obliged  to  act  with  great  delicacy  and  caution.  We 
have  been  obliged  to  keep  ourselves  out  of  sight,  and  to  feel 
pulses,  and  to  sound  the  depths ;  to  insinuate  our  sentiments, 
designs,  and  desires,  by  means  of  other  persons,  sometimes  of 
one  province,  and  sometimes  of  another.  A  futvire  opportunity 
in  conversation  will,  I  hope,  make  you  acquainted  with  all. 


TO    EDWARD    BIDDLE.^ 

Bralntree,  12  December,  1774. 

I  received  your  kind  favor  of  16th  ultimo,  with  great  pleasure, 
last  week,  at  Cambridge.  I  rejoice  at  the  proofs  your  city  has 
given  of  her  inflexible  attachment  to  the  public  cause,  and  de- 
termination to  support  it.  There  are  many  names  in  your  list 
of  committee  men,  which  I  had  not  the  pleasure  of  knowing ; 
but  there  are  abilities,  vu-tues,  and  spirit  enough,  in  those  whom 
I  know  very  well,  to  secure  the  good  behaviour  of  any  commit- 
tee which  could,  I  think,  be  chosen  in  your  and  my  beloved 

city. 

The  letter  to  Quebec  shall  be  faithfully  and  speedily  for- 
warded. Our  provincial  Congress,  and  the  committee  of  cor- 
respondence in  Boston,  have  had  under  consideration  various 

'  The  address  of  this  letter  does  not  appear  upon  the  imperfect  draught  that 
has  been  preserved.  It  is  now  given  by  conjecture  from  the  context.  That  the 
person  must  have  been  one  of  the  seven  delegates  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  first 
Congress,  is  obvious.  Of  these  it  could  not  have  been  Galloway,  or  Ross,_  or 
Dickinson,  for  they  are  mentioned  in  the  third  person.  The  reason  for  selecting 
Mr.  Biddle  from  the  four  remaining  is,  that  he  was  on  the  committee  which  re- 
ported the  bin  of  rights  alluded  to  In  the  last  paragraph,  and  therefore  familiar 
with  the  writer's  relation  to  the  fourth  article  ;  and  that  the  business  not  com- 
pleted by  the  Congress,  seems  to  have  been  left  in  his  care.  He  was  chair- 
man, with  Messrs.  Dickinson  and  Thomson,  herein  alluded  to  together,  to  superin- 
tend the  publication  of  the  journal ;  and  probably  likewise  had  charge  of  the 
distribution  of  the  letter  to  Quebec.  It  must  have  been  In  this  capacity  that  he 
addressed  the  letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  to  which  this  is  the  reply ;  as  the  Congress 
had  recommended  that  the  delegates  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  and 
New  York,  should  assist  in  the  dispersion  of  that  document.  By  a  memorandum 
inserted  in  the  American  Archives,  it  appears  that  three  hundred  copies  had 
been  forwarded  to  Boston  on  the  16th  of  November. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  349 

plans  for  opening  a  communication  with  several  parts  of  that 
province. 

You  kindly  inquire  what  we  are  doing  or  suffering.  You 
will  see  by  a  printed  pamphlet,  which  I  will  send  you  as  soon 
as  it  is  out,  what  our  provincial  congress  has  been  doing  —  that 
is,  you  will  see  in  part,  not  all.  Our  people,  through  the  pro- 
vince, are  everywhere  learning  the  military  art  —  exercising  per- 
petually ;  so  that,  I  suppose,  if  occasion  should  require,  an  army 
of  fifteen  thousand  men,  from  this  province  alone,  might  be 
brought  into  the  field  in  one  week. 

The  difficulties  we  suffer,  however,  for  want  of  law  and  go- 
vernment, are  innumerable  ;  ^  total  stagnation  of  law  and  com- 
merce almost.  No  man  can  pay  his  just  debts,  because  he  can 
get  no  business  to  do,  by  which  he  can  earn  any  money,  and  if 
he  has  ever  so  much  due  to  him,  he  caimot  get  a  shilling  of  it 
from  his  debtors.  We  are  trying,  by  a  thousand  experiments, 
the  ingenuity  as  well  as  virtue  of  our  people.  The  effects  are 
such  as  would  divert  you.  Imagine  four  hundred  thousand  peo- 
ple  without  government  or  Taw,  forming  themselves  in  compa- 
nies for  various  purposes,  of  justice,  policy,  and  war!  You 
must  allow  for  a  great  deal  of  the  ridiculous,  much  of  the  me- 
lancholy, and  some  of  the  marvellous.  I  must  not  be  particu- 
lar, because  my  letter  may  miscarry. 

I  have  sometimes  wished,  since  my  return,  that  we  had  fallen 
in,  totis  viribus,  with  the  motion  made  by  Mr.  Ross,  and  second- 
ed by  Mr.  Galloway,  that  this  province  should  be  left  to  her 
own  discretion  with  respect  to  government  and  justice,  as  well 
as  defence.  Our  provincial  Congress  had  in  contemplation 
some  sublime  conceptions,  which  would  in  that  case  have  been 
carried  rapidly  into  execution. 

Your  account  of  the  General's  intended  journey  to  Maryland, 
gave  me  great  pleasure.^  I  hope  the  continent  wall  provide 
themselves,  at  this  time,  with  arms  and  skill.  No  country  ought 
ever  to  be  without  either. 

The  intuitive,  the  holy,  the  decisive  spirits  mentioned  in  a 
late  Philadelphia  paper,  cannot  avoid  recollecting  at  this  time, 
my  friend,  that  the  Grecian  commonwealths  were  the  most 
heroic  confederacy  that  ever  existed  ;  the  politest,  bravest,  and 

'  This  must  have  been  General  Charles  Lee. 
VOL.  IX.  30 


350  CORRESPONDENCE. 

wisest  of  men.  Their  sculptors,  painters,  architects,  poets,  phy- 
sicians, critics,  historians,  philosophers,  orators,  warriors,  and 
statesmen,  were  the  brightest  ornaments  of  their  whole  species, 
and  examples  for  imitation  to  all  succeeding  generations.  The 
period  of  their  glory  was  from  the  defeat  of  Xerxes  to  the  rise 
of  Alexander.  Let  us  not  be  enslaved,  my  dear  friend,  either 
by  Xerxes  or  Alexander. 

The  town  of  Boston  is  like  Zion  in  distress.  Seneca's  virtu- 
ous man  struggling  with  adversity. 

Spectaculum  dignum  ad  quod  respiciat  Deus. 

Suffering  amazing  loss,  but  determined  to  endure  poverty  and 
death,  rather  than  betray  America  and  posterity. 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  most  respectful  compliments  and 
grateful  acknowledgments  to  Mr.  Dickinson,  Thomson,  &c.  I 
have  not  time  to  name  them  all.  I  mean  almost  the  whole 
city  of  Philadelphia. 

I  should  have  written  to  you  long  before  this,  if  I  had  not 
been  prevented  by^an  inflammation  in  my  eyes,  so  violent  that 
I  have  not  been  able  to  write  or  read.  Pray  write  me  as  often 
as  possible,  and  let  me  know  how  the  fourth  resolution  in  our 
bill  of  rights  is  relished  and  digested  among  the  choice  spirits 
along  the  continent.  I  had  more  anxiety  about  that,  than  all 
the  rest.  But  I  find  it  is  extremely  popular  here.  Our  provin- 
cial Congress  have  approved  and  adopted  it  in  strong  terms. 
They  consider  it  as  a  great  point  gained.  They  think  it  has 
placed  our  connection  with  Great  Britain  on  its  true  principles, 
and  that  there  is  no  danger  from  it  to  us,  and  there  is  quite  as 
much  allowed  to  her  as  either  justice  or  policy  requires. 


TO    JAMES    BURGH. 

Braintree,  28  December,  1774. 

Sir,  —  I  have  had  the  honor  of  receiving  from  you  a  present, 
in  two  volumes  of  Political  Disquisitions.  The  very  polite  and 
obliging  manner  in  which  this  present  was  conveyed  to  me,  de- 
mands my  grateful  acknowledgments.  But  the  present  itself 
is  invaluable. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  351 

I  cannot  but  think  those  Disquisitions  the  best  service  that  a 
citizen  could  render  to  his  country  at  this  great  and  dangerous 
crisis,  whenj;he  British^empire  seems  ripe  for  destruction,  and 
tottering  on  the  brink  of  a  precipice.  If  any  thing  can  possibly 
open  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  and  excite  it  to  exert  itself,  it 
nuist  be  such  a  sight  of  its  danger,  and  of  the  imperceptible 
steps  by  which  it  ascended  to  it. 

I  have  contributed  somewhat  to  make  the  Disquisitions  more 
known  and  attended  to  in  several  parts  of  America,  and  they 
are  held  in  as  high  estimation  by  all  my  friends  as  they  are  by 
me.  The  more  they  are  read,  the  more  eagerly  and  generally 
they  are  sought  for. 

We  have  pleased  ourselves  in  America  with  hopes  that  the 
publication  of  those  Disquisitions,  the  exertions  of  the  other 
friends  of  virtue  and  freedom  in  England,  together  with  the 
union  of  sentiment  and  conduct  of  America,  which  appears  by 
the  proceedings  of  the  Congress  of  Philadelphia,  would  have 
had  their  full  operation  and  effect  upon  the  nation,  during  the 
fall  and  winter,  while  the  people  were  canvassing  for  elections ; 
and  that,  in  spite  of  bribery,  some  alteration  in  the  House  of 
Commons  for  the  better  might  have  been  made.  But  the  sud- 
den dissolution  of  parliament,  and  the  impatient  summons  for 
a  new  election,  have  blasted  all  these  hopes.  We  now  see 
plainly,  that  every  trick  and  artifice  of  sharpers,  gamblers,  and 
horse-jocides,  is  to  be  played  off  against  the  cause  of  liberty  in 
England  and  America;  and  that  no  hopes  are  to  be  left  for 
either  but  in  the  sword. 

We  are,  in  this  province,  Sir,  at  the  brink  of  a  civil  war. 
Our  Alva,  Gage,  with  his  fifteen  Mandamus  counsellors,  are 
shut  up  in  Boston,  afraid  to  stir,  afraid  of  their  own  shades, 
protected  with  a  dozen  regiments  of  regular  soldiers  and  strong 
fortifications  in  the  town,  but  never  moving  out  of  it.  We 
_h,ave  no  council,^q^jiouse^  no  legislative,  no  executive.  Not  a 
court  of  justice  has  sat  since  the  month  of  September.  Not  a 
debt  can  be  recovered,  nor  a  trespass  redressed,  nor  a  criminal 
of  any  kind  brought  to  punishment.  What  the  ministry  will 
do  next,  is  uncertain.  Enforce  the  act  for  altering  our  govern- 
ment they  cannot;  all  the  regiments  upon  the  establishment 
would  not  do  it,  for  juries  will  not  serve  nor  represent.  What- 
ever Alva  and  his  troops  may  think  of  it,  it  has  required  great 


352  CORRESPONDENCE. 

caution  and  delicacy  in  the  conduct  of  affairs  to  prevent  their 
destruction.  For  my  own  part,  I  have  bent  my  chief  attention 
to  prevent  a  rupture,  and  to  impress  my  friends  with  the  im- 
portance of  preventing  it.  Not  that  I  think  the  lives  of  five  or 
ten  thousand  men,  though  my  own  should  be  one  of  them, 
would  not  be  very  profitably  spent  in  obtaining  a  restoration  of 
our  liberties,  but  because  I  know  that  those  lives  would  never 
go  unrevenged,  and  it  would  be  vain  ever  to  hope  for  a  recon- 
ciliation with  Great  Britain  afterwards.  Britons  would  not 
easily  forgive  the  destruction  of  their  brethren  ;  I  am  absolutely 
certain  that  New  England  men  never  would  that  of  theirs. 
Nor  would  any  part  of  America  ever  forget  or  forgive  the 
destruction  of  one  New  England  man  in  this  cause.  The  death 
of  four  or  five  persons,  the  most  obscure  and  inconsiderable  that 
could  have  been  found  upon  the  continent,  on  the  5th  March, 
1770,  has  never  yet  been  forgiven  by  any  part  of  America. 
What,  then,  would  be  the  consequence  of  a  battle  in  which 
many  thousands  must  fall,  of  the  best  blood,  the  best  families, 
fortunes,  abilities,  and  moral  characters  in  the  country  ? 

America  never  will  submit  to  the  claims  of  parliament  and. 
administration.      New  England  alone  has  two  hundred  thou- 
sand fighting  men,  and  all  in  a  militia,  established  by  law ;  not 
exact  soldiers,  but  all  used  to  arms.^ 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 


Braintree,  3  January,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  have  this  morning  received  a  line  from  Mrs. 
Warren,  and  will  inclose  her  letter  to  Mrs.  Macaulay  by  the 
first  opportunity.  Be  pleased  to  make  my  compliments  to 
Mrs.  Warren. 

Yesterday  I  had  a  letter  from  Annapolis,  in  Maryland,  from 
my  friend  Mr.  Chase,  inclosing  the  resolutions  of  their  provin- 
cial convention,  consisting  of  eighty  members,  representing  all 

'  Incomplete  —  the  rest  on  a  leaf,  which  has  been  torn  off. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  353 

their  counties.  I  wish  I  could  inclose  it  to  you,  but  it  must  be 
printed  here.  They  unanimously  approve  the  proceedings  of 
the  Continental  Congress,  and  determine  to  carry  them  punc- 
tually into  execution ;  choose  the  same  delegates,  with  two  new 
ones,  for  the  next  Congress  ;  vote  to  kill  no  lambs ;  to  raise  flour, 
cotton,  and  hemp ;  and  unanimously  vote  a  militia  to  be  esta- 
_blished  through  the  whole  province  by  the  people  themselves, 
who  are  to  choose  their  own  officers,  and  all  persons  between 
sixteen  and  fifty  are  to  be  embodied ;  unanimously  vote  to  raise 
ten  thousand  pounds,  to  be  laid  out  by  the  county  committees 
in  arms  and  ammunition  to  be  kept  and  disposed  of  by  the 
committees  as  they  shall  think  proper;  unanimously  vote  that 
contributions  for  Boston  be  continued  as  long  as  wanted ;  and 
resolve  unanimously,  "  That  if  the  late  acts  of  parliament  rela- 
tive to  the  Massachusetts  Bay  shall  be  attempted  to  be  carried 
into  execution  by  force  in  that  colony,  or  if  the  assumed  power 
of  parliament  to  tax  the  colonies  shall  be  attempted  to  be  carried 
into  execution  by  force  in  that  or  any  other  colony,  that,  in  such 
case,  this  province  will  support  such  colony  to  the  utmost  of 
their  power;"  recommend  similar  resolutions  to  all  the  other 
colonies,  and  vote  similar  letters  to  be  sent  them. 

You  will  soon  see  the  whole,  I  hope.  There  is  a  charming 
spirit  in  the  whole,  as  well  as  in  Chase's  letter.  He  says,  "  he 
thinks  we  may  never  have  a  more  favorable  crisis  to  determine 
the  point ;  I  mean  the  colonies  will  probably  never  be  so  cordially 
united,  and  their  spirits  in  a  higher  tone,  than  at  present."  He 
says,  that  "recent  advices  leave  us  little  room  to  hope;  and  we 
must  therefore  trust  to  the  goodness  of  our  cause,  our  own  vir- 
tue and  fortitude."  He  says,  "  he  has  no  doubt  that  sentiments 
equally  generous  and  wise  prevail  in  our  colony,  who  have 
hitherto  exhibited  an  example  of  wisdom,  patience,  and  forti- 
tude, to  the  disgrace  of  the  present,  and  the  admiration  of  the 
future  generations." 

We  have  no  great  news.  The  old  rotten  rascals  are  again 
chiefly  chosen.^     I  have  seen  the  list ;  very  few  new  members. 

If  you  see  Draper's  papers  and  Mills  and  Hicks's,  you  will 
observe  that  the  arch-enemy  is  at  work  again  ^  in  his  infernal 
council  at  Boston. 


1  To  Parliament 

2  The  papers  of  Massachusettensis  were  in  course  of  publication. 

W 


30* 


354  CORRESPONDENCE. 

I  never  think  of  the  junto  there,  immured  as  they  are,  without 
recollecting  the  infernal  spirits  in  Milton  after  they  had  recovered 
from  their  first  astonishment  arising  from  their  fall  from  the 
battlements  of  heaven  to  the  sulphurous  lake,  not  subdued, 
though  confounded,  and  plotting  a  fresh  assault  on  the  skies. 

"  What  though  the  field  be  lost? 
All  is  not  lost ;  the  unconquerable  will, 
And  study  of  revenge,  immortal  hate, 
And  courage  never  to  submit  or  yield,"  &c. 

"  Of  this  be  sure, 
To  do  aught  good  never  -will  be  our  task, 
But  ever  to  do  ill  our  sole  delight,"  &c. 

Is  not  this  rather  too  frolicsome  and  triumphant  for  the  times, 
which  are  dull  enough,  and  as  bad  as  they  can  be?     I  doubt 
whether  war,  carnage,  and   havoc  would  make  us  more  un- 
happy than  this  cruel  state  of  suspense  we  suffer  in  the  contern^ 
plation  of^them  in  prospect.     In  haste. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Braintree,  15  March,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  have  had  the  pleasure  and  the  honor  of  several 
letters  from  you,  and  one  from  an  incomparable  satirist  of  our 
acquaintance,  and  must  own  myself  very  faulty  in  neglecting 
so  long  to  answer  them ;  but  you  know  the  infirmity  of  my 
eyes,  which  still  continues,  and  renders  it  very  difficult  for  me 
to  discharge  my  debts  in  the  literary  way.  The  speculations 
you  read  every  week,  as  you  say,  in  the  papers,  drop  down  from 
the  clouds.^  Is  it  not  impossible  that  they  should  be  written 
without  eyes  ? 

As  to  my  being  of  the  Congress,  I  think  our  town  did  right 
in  not  choosing  me,  as  they  left  out  Thayer,  and  as  Mr.  Palmer 
is  as  good  a  hand  as  they  can  employ ;  and  having  been  for 
some  time  in  the  centre  of  all  their  business  in  the  county, 
town,  and  province,  he  is  the  best  man  they  have.     Indeed,  I 

'  The  papers  of  Novanglus. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  355 

was  not  at  the  meeting,  and  never  had  been  at  any  meeting  in 
this  t_o\vn  for  eight  jears^  To  say  the  truth,  I  was  much  averse 
to  being  chosen,  and  shall  continue  so,  for  I  am  determined,  if 
things  ^e  settled,  to  avoid  public  life.  I  have  neither  fortune, 
leisure,  health,  nor  genius  for  it.  Being  a  man  of  desperate 
fortune,  and  a  bankrupt  in  business,  I  cannot  help  putting  my 
hand  to  the  pump,  now  the  ship  is  in  a  storm,  and  the  hold  half 
fall  of  water ;  but  as  soon  as  she  gets  into  a  calm,  and  a  place 
of  safety,  I  must  leave  her.  At  such  a  time  as  this,  there  are 
many  dangerous  things  to  be  done,  which  nobody  else  will  do, 
and  therefore  I  cannot  help  attempting  them  ;  but  in  peaceful 
times  there  are  always  hands  enough  ready. 

The  accounts  we  have  from  every  quarter  are  agreeable  upon 
the  whole.  If  we  are  prudent,  a  war  will  break  out  in  England 
first,  whatever  the  sanguine  tories  may  hope,  or  the  timid  whigs 
dread. 

Virginia  has  sown  her  wheat  instead  of  tobacco;  and  so 
many  of  her  planters  have  desisted  from  exporting  the  old  crop, 
that  the  vessels  cannot  get  freight.  Their  men  are  ready  to 
march. 

I  think  the  petitions  from  Jamaica,  and  the  behavior  of  the 
other  islands,  are  great  events  in  our  favor ;  and  on  the  whole, 
that  the  measures  already  concerted  will  as  certainly  insure  us 
success  as  sun  and  rain,  a  deep  soil  and  strong  manure,  will 
produce  you  a  crop  of  grass.     It  may  take  time. 

The  people  this  way  rather  advance  in  resolution,  I  think.  I 
have  this  day  attended  a  town  meeting,  and  we  have  voted 
three  companies  of  minute  men,  and  an  association  compre- 
hending that  of  the  Congress  and  all  the  votes  of  the  Provincial 
Congress,  and  appointed  a  committee  of  thirty  persons  to  see  it 
faithfully  observed.  We  have  a  few  rascally  Jacobites  and 
Roman  Catholics  in  this  town,  but  they  dare  not  show  them- 
selves. 

The  lies  the  tories  make  and  spread  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of 
their  party,  are  ridiculous  enough.  Forty  thousand  Russians, 
twenty  thousand  British  and  Irish  troops,  and  sixteen  capital 
ships  and  a  thousand  cutters,  and  all  that.  Such  steps  would 
produce  another  revolution. 

I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  an  evening  with  you  in  your 
way  to  Concord.     Pray  take  a  bed  here. 


356  CORRESPONDENCE. 

My  most  friendly  regards  to  a  certain  lady.  Tell  her  that 
God  Almighty  (I  use  a  bold  style)  has  intrusted  her  with  pow- 
ers for  the  good  of  the  world,  which  in  the  course  of  his  pro- 
vidence he  bestows  upon  very  few  of  the  human  race  ;  that 
instead  of  being  a  fault  to  use  them  it  would  be  criminal  to 
neglect  them. 


TO    MOSES    GILL.^ 

Philadelphia,  10  June,  1775. 

Dear  Sir, —  It  would  be  a  relief  to  my  mind,  if  I  could  write 
freely  to  you  concerning  the  sentiments,  principles,  facts,  and 
arguments  which  are  laid  before  us  in  Congress ;  but  injunc- 
tions and  engagements  of  honor  render  this  impossible.  What 
1  learn  out  of  doors  among  citizens,  gentlemen,  and  persons  of 
all  denominations,  is  not  so  sacred.  I  find  that  the  general 
sense  abroad  is,  to  prepare  for  a  vigorous  defensive  war,^  but  at 
the  same  time  to  keep  open  the  door  of  reconciliation ;  to  hold 
the  sword  in  one  hand  and  the  olive  branch  in  the  other ;  to 
proceed  with  warlike  measures  and  conciliatory  measures  pari_ 
passu. 


I  am  myself  as  fond  of  reconciliation,  if  we  could  reasonably 
entertain  hopes  of  it  upon  a  constitutional  basis,  as  any  man. 
But  I  think,  if  we  consider  the  education  of  the  sovereign,  and 
that  the  Lords,  the  Commons,  the  electors,  the  army,  the  navy, 
the  officers  of  excise,  customs,  &c.,  &c.,  have  been  now  for 
many  years  gradually  trained  and  disciplined  by  corruption  to 
the  system  of  the  court,  we  shall  be  convinced  thaMhe  cancer 
is  too  deeply  rooted  and  too  far  spread  to  be  cured  by  any  thing 
short  of  cutting  it  out  entire. 

We  have  ever  found  by  experience,  that  petitions,  negotia- 
tions, every  thing  which  holds  out  to  the  people  hopes  of  a 
reconciliation  without  bloodshed,  is  greedily  grasped  at  and 
relied  on ;  and  they  cannot  be  persuaded  to  think  that  it  is  so 
necessary  to  prepare  for  war  as  it  really  is.  Hence  our  present 
scarcity  of  powder,  &c. 

'  This  letter  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Gill  as  chairman  of  the  committee  of  sup- 
plies, at  Cambridge,  and  is  preserved  in  the  archives  of  Massachusetts. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  357 

However,  this  continent  is  a  vast,  unwieldy  machine.  We 
cannot  force  events.  We  must  suffer  people  to  take  their  own 
way  in  many  cases,  when  we  think  it  leads  wrong,  hoping, 
however,  and  believing  that  our  liberty  and  felicity  will  be  pre- 
served in  the  end,  though  not  in  the  speediest  and  surest  manner. 
In  my  opinion,  powder  and  artillery  are  the  most  efficacious, 
sure,  and  infallible  conciliatory  measures  we  can  adopt. 

Pray  write  me  by  every  opportunity,  and  beseech  my  friends 
to  write.  Every  letter  I  receive  does  great  good.  The  gentle- 
man to  whom  most  letters  from  our  province  are  addressed,  has 
not  leisure  to  make  the  best  use  of  them. 

There  are  three  powder  mills  in  this  province,  two  in  New 
York,  but  no  nitre.  Cannot  the  Massachusetts  begin  to  pre- 
pare both  ?  Pray  Avrite  me  minutely  the  state  of  the  people  of 
Boston  and  our  army. 

Pray  let  me  know  if  Mr.  Gill  and  Mr.  Boylston  are  out  of 
prison.  I  have  never  heard,  and  have  suffered  much  anxiety  on 
their  account.  My  best  respects  to  them,  if  they  are  to  be  seen 
by  you. 


TO    ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

Philadelphia,  18  June,  1775. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  at  last  obtained  liberty,  by  a  vote  of 
Congress,  to  acquaint  my  friends  with  a  few  of  the  things' that 
have  been  done. 

The  Congress  have  voted,  or  rather  a  committee  of  the  whole 
house  have  unanimously  agreed,  that  the  suni  of  two  million 
dollars  be  issued  in  bills  of  credit,  for  the  redemption  of  which, 
in  a  certain  number  of  years,  twelve  colonies  have  unanimously 
pledged  themselves. 

The  Congress  has  likewise  resolved  that  fifteen  thousand  men 
shall  be  supported  at  the  expense  of  the  continent ;  ten  thou- 
sand at  Massachusetts,  and  five  thousand  at  New  York ;  and 
that  ten  companies  of  riflemen  be  sent  immediately,  six  from 
Pennsylvania,  two  from  Maryland,  and  two  from  Virginia,  con- 
sisting of  sixty-eight  privates  in  each  company,  to  join  our  army 
at  Boston.     These  are  said  to  be  all  exquisite  marksmen,  and 


858  CORRESPONDENCE. 

by  means  of  the  excellence  of  their  firelocks,  as  well  as  their 
skill  in  the  use  of  them,  to  send  sure  destruction  to  greett  dis- 
tances. 

General  Washington  is  chosen  commander-in-chief,  General 
Ward  the  first  major-general,  and  General  Lee  the  second,  (the 
last  has  not  yet  accepted,)  and  Major  Gates  adjutant-general. 
Lee  and  Gates  are  experienced  officers.  We  have  proceeded 
no  further  as  yet. 

I  have  never,  in  all  my  lifetime,  suffered  more  anxiety  than 
in  the  conduct  of  this  business.  The  choice  of  officers,  and 
their  pay,  have  given  me  great  distress.  Lee  and  Gates  are  offi- 
cers of  such  great  experience  and  confessed  abilities,  that  I 
thought  their  advice,  in  a  council  of  officers,  might  be  of  great 
advantage  to  us  ;  but  the  natural  prejudices,  and  virtuous  at- 
tachment of  our  countrymen  to  their  own  officers,  made  me  ap- 
prehensive of  difficulties.  But  considering  the  earnest  desire 
of  General  Washington  to  have  the  assistance  of  these  officers, 
the  extreme  attachment  of  many  of  our  best  friends  in  the 
southern  colonies  to  them,  the  reputation  they  would  give  to 
our  arms  in  Europe,  and  especially  with  the  ministerial  gene- 
rals and  army  in  Boston,  as  well  as  the  real  American  merit  of 
them  both,  I  could  not  withhold  my  vote  from  either. 

The  pay  wdiich  has  been  voted  to  all  the  officers,  which  the 
Continental  Congress  intends  to  choose,  is  so  large,  that  I  fear 
our  people  will  think  it  extravagant,  and  be  uneasy.  Mr. 
Adams,  Mr.  Paine,  and  myself,  used  our  utmost  endeavors  to 
reduce  it,  but  in  vain. 

Those  ideas  of  eg^uality,  which  are  so  agreeable  to  us  natives 
of  New  England,  are  very  disagreeable  to  many  gentlemen  in 
the  other  colonies.  They  had  a  great  opinion  of  the  high  im- 
portance of  a  continental  general,  and  were  determined  to  place 
him  in  an  elevated  point  of  light.  They  think  the  Massachu- 
setts establishment  too  high  for  the  privates,  and  too  low  for 
the  officers,  and  they  would  have  their  own  way. 

I  hope  the  utmost  politeness  and  respect  will  be  shown  to 
these  officers  on  their  arrival.  The  whole  army,  I  think,  should 
be  drawn  up  upon  the  occasion,  and  ail  the  pride,  pomp,  and 
circumstance  of  glorious  war  displayed  ;  —  no  powder  burned^ 
however. 

There  is  something  charming  to  me  in  the  conduct  of  Wash- 


CORllESPONDENCE.  359 

ington.  A  gentleman  of  one  of  the  first  fortunes  upon  the  con- 
tinent, leaving  his  delicious  retirement,  his  family  and  friends, 
sacrificing  his  ease,  and  hazarding  all  in  the  cause  of  his  coun- 
try !  His  views  are  noble  and  disinterested.  He  declared,  when 
he  accepted  the  mighty  trust,  that  he  would  lay  before  us  an 
exact  account  of  his  expenses,  and  not  accept  a  shilling  for_ 
pay.     The  express  waits. 


TO    GEORGE    WASHINGTON.^ 

Philadelphia,  June,  1775. 

In  compliance  with  your  request,  I  have  considered  of  what 
you  proposed,  and  am  obliged  to  give  you  my  sentiments  very 
briefly,  and  in  great  haste. 

In  general.  Sir,  there  will  be  three  committees,  either  of  a 
Congress,  or  of  a  House  of  Representatives,  which  are  and  will 
be  composed  of  our  best  men,  such  whose  judgment  and  integ- 
rity may  be  most  relied  on.  I  mean  the  committee  on  the  state 
of  the  province,  the  committee  of  safety,  and  the  committee 
of  supplies. 

But  lest  this  should  be  too  general,  I  beg  leave  to  mention 
particularly  James  Warren,  Esquire,  of  Plymouth,  Joseph  Haw- 
ley,  Esquire,  of  Northampton,  John  Winthrop,  Esquire,  LL.  D., 
of  Cambridge,  Dr.  Warren,  Dr.  Church,  Colonel  Palmer,  of 
Braintree,  Elbridge  Gerry,  Esquire,  of  Marblehead.  Mr.  Bow- 
doin,  Mr.  Sever,  Mr.  Dexter,  lately  of  the  council,  will  be  found 
to  be  very  worthy  men,  as  well  as  Mr.  Pitts,  who,  I  am  sorry  to 
hear,  is  in  ill  health.  The  recommendations  of  these  gentlemen 
may  be  relied  on. 

Our  president  was  pleased  to  recommend  to  you  Mr.  William 
Bant  for  one  of  your  aides-de-camp.  I  must  confess  I  know 
not  where  to  find  a  gentleman  of  iTiore  merit,  and  better  quali- 
fied for  such  a  place. 

Mr.  Paine  was  pleased  to  mention  to  you  Mr.  William  Tudor, 
a  young  gentleman  of  the  law,  for  a  secretary  to  the  General. 

'  This  is  taken  from  -what  would  seem  to  have  been  the  original  letter,  so  that 
it  is  uncertain  whether  it  was  ever  delivered.  It  may  have  been  superseded  by 
a  personal  conference.     It  was  written  probably  on  the  19th  or  20th. 


360  CORRESPONDENCE, 

And  all  the  rest  of  my  brothers,  you  may  remember,  very  cheer- 
fully concurred  with  him.  His  abilities  and  virtues  are  such,  as 
must  recommend  him  to  every  man  who  loves  modesty,  inge- 
nuity, or  fidelity.  But  as  I  find  an  interest  has  been  made  in 
behalf  of  Mr.  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut,  I  must  submit  the  de- 
cision to  your  further  inquiries,  after  you  shall  arrive  at  Cam- 
bridge. Mr.  Trumbull's  merit  is  such,  that  I  dare  not  say  a 
word  against  his  pretensions.  I  only  beg  to  say,  that  Mr.  Tudor 
is  an  exile  from  a  good  employment  and  fair  prospects,  in  the 
town  of  Boston,  driven  by  that  very  tyranny  against  which  we 
are  all  contending. 

There  is  another  gentleman  of  liberal  education  and  real  ge- 
nius, as  well  as  great  activity,  who,  I  find,  is  a  major  in  the  army. 
His  name  is  Jonathan  Williams  Austin.  I  mention  him,  Sir,  not 
so  much  for  the  sake  of  recommending  him  to  any  particular 
favor,  as  to  give  the  General  an  opportunity  of  observing  a  youth 
of  great  abilities,  and  of  reclaiming  him  from  certain  follies 
which  have  hitherto,  in  other  departments  of  life,  obscured  him. 

There  is  another  gentleman,  whom  I  presume  to  be  in  the 
army,  either  as  a  captain,  or  in  some  higher  station,  whose  name 
is  William  Smith.  As  this  young  gentleman  is  my  brother-in- 
law,  I  do  not  recommend  him  for  any  other  place  than  that  in 
which  the  voice  of  his  country  has  placed  him.  But  the  coun- 
tenance of  the  General,  as  far  as  his  conduct  shall  deserve  it, 
which  in  an  army  is  of  great  importance,  will  be  gratefully  ac- 
knowledged as  a  particular  obligation  by  his  brother.^ 

With  great  sincerity  I  wish  you  an  agreeable  journey,  and  a 
successful,  a  glorious  campaign  ;  and  am,  with  great  esteem,  &c. 


TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY. 

Philadelphia,  29  July,  1775. 

I  had  yesterday  the  honor  of  yoiu"  letter  of  July  11th, 
and  I  feel  myself  much  obliged  by  your  kind  attention  to  me 
and  my  family,  but  much   more  by  your  care  for  the   public 

1  It  is  a  curious  coincidence  that,  Avhilst  Mr.  Adams,  at  Philadelphia,  was 
recommending  his  wife's  brother  to  General  Washington,  Mrs.  Adams,  from 
Braintree,  was  asking  a  commission  for  her  husband's  brother,  in  a  letter  to  the 
council  yet  preserved  in  the  archives  of  Massachusetts. 


correspondp:nce.  361 

safety,  and  the  judicious  and  important  observations  you  have 
made.  Your  letters,  Sir,  so  far  from  being  "  a  burthen,"  I  con- 
sider as  an  honor  to  me,  besides  the  pleasure  and  instruction 
they  afford  me.  Believe  me,  Sir,  nothing  is  of  more  importance 
to  me,  in  my  present  most  arduous  and  laborious  employment, 
than  a  constant  correspondence  with  gentlemen  of  experience, 
whose  characters  are  known.  '  The  minutest  fact,  the  most  tri- 
vial event,  that  is  connected  with  the  great  American  cause, 
becomes  important  in  the  present  critical  situation  of  affairs, 
when  a  revolution  seems  to  be  in  the  designs  of  providence,  as 
important  as  any  that  ever  happened  in  the  affairs  of  mankind. 
We  jointly  lament  the  loss  of  a  Quincy  and  a  Warren,  two 
characters  as  great,  in  proportion  to  their  age,  as  any  that  1  have 
ever  known  in  America.  Our  country  mourns  the  loss  of  both, 
and  sincerely  sympathizes  with  the  feelings  of  the  mother  of 
the  one,  and  the  father  of  the  other.  They  w*ere  both  my  inti- 
mate friends,  with  whom  I  lived  and  conversed  with  pleasure 
and  advantage.  I  was  animated  by  them  in  the  painful,  dan- 
gerous course  of  opposition  to  the  oppressions  brought  upon 
our  country,  and  the  loss  of  them  has  wounded  me  too  deeply 
to  be  easily  healed.  Duke  et  decorum  est  pro  patrid  mori.  The 
ways  of  heaven  are  dark  and  intricate,  but  you  may  remember 
the  words  which,  many  years  ago,  you  and  I  fondly  admired, 
and  which,  upon  many  occasions,  I  have  found  advantage  in 
recollecting. 

"  Why  should  I  grieve,  when  grieving  I  must  bear, 
And  take  with  guilt,  what  guiltless  I  might  share  ?  " 

I  have  a  great  opinion  of  your  knowledge  and  judgment,  from 
long  experience,  concerning  the  channels  and  islands  in  Boston 
harbor;  but  I  confess  your  opinion,  that  the  harbor  might  be 
blocked  up,  and  seamen  and  soldiers  made  prisoners  at  discre- 
tion, was  too  bold  and  enterprising  for  me,  who  am  not  very 
apt  to  startle  at  a  daring  proposal ;  but  I  believe  I  may  safely 
promise  you  powder  enough,  in  a  little  time,  for  any  purpose 
whatever.  We  are  assured,  in  the  strongest  manner,  of  salt- 
petre  and  powder  in  sufficient  plenty,  another  year,  of  our  own 
make.  That  both  are  made  in  this  city,  you  may  report  with 
confidence,  for  I  have  seen  both ;  and  I  have  seen  a  set  of  very 
large  powder  works,  and  another  of  saltpetre. 

VOL.  IX.  31 


362  CORRESPONDENCE. 

I  hope,  Sir,  we  shall  never  see  a  total  stagnation  of  commerce 
for  any  length  of  time.  Necessity  will  force  open  our  ports ; 
trade,  if  I  mistake  not,  will  be  more  free  than  usual.  Your 
friend.  Dr.  Franklin,  to  whom  I  read  your  letter,  and  who  de- 
sires his  kind  compliments  to  you,  has  been  employed  in  direct- 
ing the  construction  of  row-galleys  for  this  city.  The  committee 
of  safety  for  this  province  have  ordered  twenty  of  them  to  be 
built ;  some  of  them  are  finished.  I  have  seen  one  of  them  ;  it 
has  twelve  oars  on  each  side.  They  rowed  up  the  river  the 
first  time,  four  miles  in  an  hour,  against  a  tide  which  ran  down 
four  miles  an  hour.  The  Congress  have  recommended  to  the 
colonies  to  make  provision  for  the  defence  of  their  navigation 
in  their  harbors,  rivers,  and  on  their  sea-coasts.  Of  a  floating 
battery  I  have  no  idea  —  am  glad  you  are  contriving  one. 

You  tell  me.  Sir,  that  General  Lee  complained  that  "  he  did 
not  find  things  as  the  Massachusetts  delegates  had  represented 
them."  What  General  Lee  could  mean  by  this.  Sir,  I  know 
not.  What  particular  he  found  different  from  the  representa- 
tion, I  do  not  know;  nor  do  I  know  which  delegate  from  the 
Massachusetts  he  received  a  mistaken  representation  from.  I 
think  he  should  have  been  particular,  that  he  might  not  have 
run  the  risk  of  doing  an  injury.  If  General  Lee  should  do  in- 
justice to  two  of  the  Massachusetts  delegates,  he  would  commit 
ingratitude  at  the  same  time ;  for  to  two  of  them  he  certainly 
owes  his  promotion  in  the  American  army,  how  great  a  hazard 
soever  they  ran  in  agreeing  to  it.  I  know  him  very  thoroughly, 
I  think,  and  that  he  will  do  great  service  in  our  army  at  the 
beginning  of  things,  by  forming  it  to  order,  skill,  and  discipline. 
But  we  shall  soon  have  officers  enough. 


TO    ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

Philadelphia,  5  November,  1775. 

I  am  under  such  restrictions,  injunctions,  and  engagements 
of  secrecy  respecting  every  thing  which  passes  in  Congress, 
that  I  cannot  communicate  my  own  thoughts  freely  to  my 
friends,  so  far  as  is  necessary  to  ask  their  advice  and  opi- 
nions concerning  questions,  which   many  of  them  understand 


CORRESrONDENCE.  363 

much  better  than  I  do.  This,  however,  is  an  inconvenience 
which  must  be  submitted  to  for  the  sake  of  superior  advantages. 

But  I  must  take  the  liberty  to  say,  that  I  think  we  shall  soon 
attend  to  maritime  affairs  and  naval  preparations.  No  great 
things  are  to  be  expected  at  first,  but  out  of  a  little  a  great  deal 
may  grow. 

It  is  very  odd  that  I,  who  have  spent  my  days  in  researches 
and  employments  so  very  different,  and  who  have  never  thought 
much  of  old  ocean,  or  the  dominion  of  it,  should  be  necessitated 
to  make  such  inquiries;  but  it  is  my  fate  and  my  duty,  and 
therefore  I  must  attempt  it.^ 

I  am  to  inquire  what  number  of  seamen  may  be  found  in  our 
province,  who  would  probably  enlist  in  the  service,  either  as 
marines  or  on  board  of  armed  vessels,  in  the  pay  of  the  conti- 
nent or  in  the  pay  of  the  province,  or  on  board  of  privateers, 
fitted  out  by  private  adventurers. 

I  must  also  entreat  you  to  let  me  know  the  names,  places  of 
abode,  and  characters  of  such  persons  belonging  to  any  of  the 
seaport  towns  in  our  province,  as  are  qualified  for  officers  and 
commanders  of  armed  vessels. 

I  want  to  be  further  instructed  what  ships,  brigantines, 
schooners,  &C.5  are  to  be  found  in  any  port  of  the  province,  to 
be  sold  or  hired  out,  which  will  be  suitable  for  armed  vessels ; 
what  their  tonnage,  the  depth  of  water  they  draw,  their  breadth, 
their  decks,  &c.,  and  to  whom  they  belong,  and  what  is  their  age. 
Further,  what  places  in  our  province  are  most  secure  and  best 
accommodated  for  Jruilding  new  vessels  of  force,  in  case  a 
measure  of  that  kind  should  be  thought  of. 

The  committee  have  returned  much  pleased  with  what  they 
have  seen  and  heard,  which  shows  that  their  embassy  will  be 
productive  of  happy  effects.  They  say  the  only  disagreeable 
circumstance  was,  that  their  engagements,  haste,  and  constant 
attention  to  business  was  such  as  prevented  them  from  forming 
such  acquaintances  with  the  gentlemen  of  our  province  as  they 
wished.  But  as  Congress  was  waiting  for  their  return  before 
they  could  determine  upon  affairs  of  the  last  moment,  they  had 
not  time  to  spare.^ 

1  Compare  the  Autobiograpliy,  vol.  iii.  pp.  6-11. 

2  Mr.  Lynch,  Dr.  Frankhn,  and  Mr.  Harrison  had  been  chosen  a  committee 
of  Congress,  to  repair  to  camp  at  Cambridge,  on  business  connected  with  the 
maintenance  of  the  army. 


364  CORRESPONDENCE. 

They  are  pretty  well  convinced,  I  believe,  of  several  import- 
ant points,  which  they  and  others  doubted  before. 

New  Hampshire  has  leave  to  assume  a  government,  and  so 
has  South  Carolina ;  but  this  must  not  be  freely  talked  of  as 
yet,  at  least  from  me. 

New  England  will  now  be  able  to  exert  her  strength,  which 
a  little  time  will  show  to  be  greater  than  either  Great  Britain 
or  America  imagines.  I  give  you  joy  of  the  agreeable  prospect 
in  Canada.  We  have  the  colors  of  the  seventh  regiment  as  the 
first  fruits  of  victory. 


JOSEPH    HAWLEY    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Brookfield,  14  November,  1775. 

En  passant,  as  Church  said  in  his  letter  to  the  regulars, 
"  remember,  I  never  deceived  you."  If  your  Congress  does  not 
give  better  encouragement  to  the  privates  than  at  present  is 
held  forth  to  them,  you  will  have  no  winter  army.  There  must 
be  some  small  bounty  given  them  on  the  enlistment.  A 
strange  mistaken  opinion  obtains  among  the  gentlemen  of  the 
army  from  the  southward,  and  if  I  mistake  not,  in  your  Con- 
gress, that  our  privates  have  too  high  wages,  and  the  officers 
too  low. 

Another  thing  I  just  hint.  That  if  your  Congress  go  about 
to  repeal  or  explain  away  the  resolutions  of  the  18th  of  July 
last,  respecting  the  method  of  appointing  military  officers,  and 
vest  our  council  solely  with  that  power,  it  will  throw  the  colony 
into  the  utmost  confusion,  and  end  in  the  destruction  of  the 
council.^  I  have  wrote  Mr.  S.  Adams  on  the  last  head.  I  am 
with  great  regard,^  &c. 

Joseph  Hawley. 

I     1  The  resolutions  relating  to  this  point  are  as  follows : 

"  That  all  officers  above  the  rank  of  a  captain  be  appointed  by  the  respective 
provincial  assemblies  or  conventions,  or  in  their  recess  by  the  committees  of 
safety  appointed  by  said  assemblies  or  conventions. 

"  Where,  in  any  colony,  a  militia  is  already  formed  under  regulations  approved 
of  by  the  convention  of  such  colony,  or  by  such  assemblies  as  arc  annually 
elective,  we  refer  to  the  discretion  of  such  convention  or  assembly,  either  to 
adopt  the  foregoing  regulations  in  the  whole  or  in  part,  or  to  continue  their 
former,  as  they,  on  consideration  of  all  circumstances,  shall  think  best." 

2  Indorsed  on  the  back  of  this  letter  by  Mr.  Adams : 

"Received  this  letter  at  dinner,  4  o'clock,  Saturday,  25th  November,  1775. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  365 


TO    JAMES    OTIS.l 


Philadelphia,  23  November,  1775. 

Sir,  —  I  had  the  honor  of  your  letter  of  November  11th  by- 
express,  and  am  very  sorry  to  learn  that  any  difference  of  sen- 
timent has  arisen  between  the  two  honorable  houses  respecting 
the  militia  bill,  as  it  is  so  necessary  at  this  critical  moment  for 
the  public  service. 

If  I  was  of  opinion  that  any  resolution  of  Congress  now  in 
force  was  against  the  claim  of  the  Honorable  House,  as  the 
Honorable  Board  have  proposed  that  we  should  lay  the  ques- 
tion before  Congress,  I  should  think  it  my  duty  to  do  it.  But 
it  appears  to  me  that,  supposing  the  two  resolutions  to  clash, 
the  last  ought  to  be  considered  as  binding,  and  as  by  this,  it  is 
left  in  the  "  discretion  of  the  assembly  either  to  adopt  the  fore- 
going resolutions  in  the  whole  or  in  part,  or  to  continue  their 
former,  as  they  on  consideration  of  all  circumstances  shall  think 
fit,"  I  think  it  plain  that  the  Honorable  Board  may  comply 
with  the  desire  of  the  Honorable  House,  if  in  their  discretion 
they  think  fit. 

I  am  the  more  confirmed  in  the  opinion  that  it  is  unnecessary 
to  lay  this  matter  before  Congi-ess,  as  they  have  lately  advised 
the  colonies  of  New  Hampshire,  and  one  more,  if  they  think  it 
necessary,  to  establish  such  forms  of  government  as  they  shall 
judge  best  calculated  to  promote  the  happiness  of  the  people. 
Besides,  the  Congress  are  so  pressed  with  business,  and  en- 
gaged upon  questions  of  greater  moment,  that  I  should  be 
unwilling,  unless  in  a  case  of  absolute  necessity,  to  interrupt 
them  by  a  question  of  this  kind,  not  to  mention  that  I  would 
not  wish  to  make  known,  so  publicly  and  extensively,  that  a 
controversy  had  so  soon  arisen  between  the  branches  of  our 
new  government. 

I  have  had  frequent  consultations  with  my  colleagues  since 

Yesterday  morning,  i.  e.  Friday,  November  24th,  Paul  Revere  went  off  from  this 
jjlace  with  my  letter  to  the  Board,  in  which  I  gave  it  as  my  opinion  that  the 
council  might  give  up  the  point  in  dispute  with  the  House  about  the  appoint- 
ment of  militia  officers,  and  that  the  resolution  of  Congress  mentioned  in  this 
letter  was  so  clear  that  we  need  not  apply  to  that  assembly  for  any  explanation." 
'  The  elder,  as  President  of  the  Council,  which  had  proposed  that  its  dispute 
with  the  House  about  the  right  of  appointing  military  officers  should  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  consideration  of  the  continental  Concress. 

31* 


866  CORRESPONDENCE. 

the  receipt  of  your  letter  upon  this  subject;  but  as  we  are  not 
unanimous,!  I  think  it  my  duty  to  write  my  private  sentiments 
as  soon  as  possible.  If  either  of  my  colleagues  shall  think  fit 
to  propose  the  questiooi  to  Congress,  I  shall  there  give  my  can- 
did opinion,  as  I  have  done  to  you. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect  to  the  Honorable 
Board,  &c. 


TO    JOSEPH    HAWLEY. 

Philadelphia,  25  November,  1775. 

This  afternoon,  at  five  o'clock,  I  received  your  kind  letter  of 
November  14th,  dated  at  Brookfield,  which  was  the  more  agree- 
able because  such  favors  from  you,  short  as  this  is,  are  very 
rare. 

You  tell  me.  Sir,  that  "  we  shall  have  no  winter  army,  if  our 
Congress  does  not  give  better  encouragement  to  the  privates  than 
at  present  is  held  forth  to  them,"  and  that  "  there  must  be  some 
small  bounty  given  them  on  the  enlistment."  What  encourage- 
ment ifi  held  forth,  or  at  least  has  been,  I  know  not ;  but  before 
this  time,  no  doubt,  they  have  been  informed  of  the  ultimatum 
of  the  Congress.  No  bounty  is  offered.  Forty  shillings  lawful 
money  per  month,  after  much  altercation,  is  allowed.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly true  that  an  opinion  prevails  among  the  gentlemen 
of  the  army  from  the  southward,  and  indeed  throughout  all  the 
colonies,  excepting  New  England,  that  the  pay  of  the  privates 
is  too  high,  and  that  of  the  officers  too  low;  so  that  you  may 
easily  conceive  the  difficulties  we  have  had  to  surmount.  You 
may  depend  upon  it  that  this  has  cost  many  an  anxious  day 
and  night ;  and  the  utmost  that  could  be  done,  has  been.  We 
cannot  suddenly  alter  the  temper,  principles,  opinions,  or  preju- 
dices of  men.  The  characters  of  gentlemen  in  the  four  New 
England  colonies,  differ  as  much  from  those  in  the  others,  as 
that  of  the  common  people  differs;  that  is,  as  much  as  several 

^  Samuel  Adams  wrote  to  the  same  effect.  Messrs.  Hancock  and  Gushing 
were  in  favor  of  submitting  the  matter  to  the  consideration  of  Congress,  and 
addressed  a  joint  letter,  explaining  their -views,  to  the  council.  All  the  letters 
are  in  the  archives  of  Massachusetts. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  367 

distinct  nations  almost.  Gentlemen,  men  of  sense  or  any  kind 
of  education,  in  the  other  colonies,  are  much  fewer  in  proportion 
than  in  New  England. 


Gentlemen  in  other  colonies  have  large  plantations  of  slaves, 
and  the  common  people  among  them  are  very  ignorant  and 
very  poor.  These  gentlemen  are  accustomed,  habituated  to 
higher  notions  of  themselves,  and  the  distinction  between  them 
and  the  common  people,  than  we  are.  And  an  instantaneous 
alteration  of  the  character  of  a  colony,  and  that  temper  and 
those  sentiments  which  its  inhabitants  imbibed  with  their  mo- 
ther's milk,  and  which  have  grown  with  their  growth  and 
strengthened  with  their  strength,  cannot  be  made  without  a  mi- 
racle. I  dread  the  consequences  of  this  dissimilitude  of  charac- 
ter, and  without  the  utmost  caution  on  both  sides,  and  the  most 
considerate  forbearance  Avith  one  another,  and  prudent  conde- 
scension on  both  sides,  they  will  certainly  be  fatal.  An  alter- 
ation of  the  southern  Constitutions,  which  must  certainly  take 
place  if  this  war  continues,  will  gi-adually  bring  all  the  continent 
nearer  and  nearer  to  each  other  in  all  respects.  But  this  is  the 
most  critical  moment  we  have  yet  seen.  This  winter  will  cast 
the  die.  For  God's  sake,  therefore,  reconcile  our  people  to  what 
has  been  done,  for  you  may  depend  upon  it  that  nothing  more 
can  be  done  here,  and  I  should  shudder  at  the  thought  of  pro- 
posing a  bounty.  A  burnt  child  dreads  the  fire.  The  pay  of 
the  officers  is  raised  ;  that  of  a  captain  to  twenty-six  dollars  and 
one  third  per  month.  Lieutenants  and  ensigns  in  proportion. 
Regimental  officers  not  raised. 

You  then  hint  that  "  if  Congress  should  repeal  or  explain 
away  the  resolutions  of  18th  July,  respecting  the  appointment 
of  military  officers,  and  vest  the  council  with  the  sole  power, 
it  would  throw  the  colony  into  confusion,  and  end  in  the  de- 
struction of  the  council." 

The  day  before  yesterday  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Honorable 
Board,  in  answer  to  one  from  their  President,  by  order,  to  us 
upon  that  subject,  which  letter  Revere  carried  from  this  city 
yesterday  morning.  Therein  I  candidly  gave  my  opinion  to 
their  honors,  that  our  resolution  was  clear  and  plain,  that  the 
colony  might  use  its  own  discretion,  and  therefore  that  they 
might  yield  this  point  to  the  House.  And  that  the  point  was 
so  plain,  I  did  not  see  the  least  occasion  for  laying  the  contro- 


368  CORRESPONDENCE. 

versy  before  Congress.  But,  my  dear  friend,  I  must  take  the 
freedom  to  tell  you,  that  the  same  has  happened  upon  this  oc- 
casion, which  has  happened  upon  a  thousand  others.  After 
taking  a  great  deal  of  pains  with  my  colleague,  your  friend  Mr, 
Gushing,  I  could  not  get  him  to  agree  with  the  rest  of  us  in 
writing  a  joint  letter,  nor  could  I  get  him  to  say  what  opinion 
he  would  give,  if  it  was  moved  in  Congress.  What  he  has 
written  I  know  not.  But  it  is  very  hard  to  be  linked  and  yoked 
jeternally  with  people,  who  have  either  no  opinions,  or  opposite 


•opinions,  and  to  be  plagued  with  the  opposition  of  our  own 
colony  to  the  most  necessary  measures,  at  the  same  time  that 
you  have  all  the  monarchical  superstition  and  the  aristocratical 
domination  of  nine  other  colonies  to  contend  with.^ 


TO    MRS.    MERCY    WARREN.^ 

Philadelphia,  25  Norember,  1775. 

Madam,  —  I  had  the  pleasure  of  yours  of  Nov.  4th,  several 
days  ago. 

You  know.  Madam,  that  I  have  no  pleasure  or  amusement 
which  has  any  charms  for  me.  Balls,  assemblies,  concerts, 
cards,  horses,  dogs,  never  engaged  any  part  of  my  attention  or 
concern.  Nor  am  I  ever  happy  in  large  and  promiscuous  com-^ 
_£anies.  Business  alone,  with  the  intimate,  unreserved  conver- 
sation of  a  very  few  friends,  books,  and  familiar  correspondence, 
have  ever  engaged  all  my  time  ;  and  I  have  no  pleasure,  no 
ease,  in  any  other  way.  In  this  place,  I  have  no  opportunity 
to  meddle  with  books,  only  in  the  way  of  business.  The  con- 
versation I  have  here,  is  all  in  the  ceremonious,  reserved,  impe- 
netrable way. 

Thus  I  have  sketched  a  character  for  myself,  of  a  morose 
philosopher  and  a  surly  politician,  neither  of  which  is  very 
amiable  or  respectable,  but,  yet  there  is  too  much  truth  in  it, 
and  from  it  you  will  easily  believe  that  I  have  very  little  plea- 
sure here,  excepting  in  the  correspondence  of  my  friends ;  and 
among  these,  I  assure  you,  Madam,  there  is  none  whose  letters 

'  Copy  incomplete. 

2  The  wife  of  James  Warren,  and  the  sister  of  James  Otis. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  369 

I  read  with  more  j)leasure  and  instruction  than  yours.  I  wish 
it  was  in  my  power  to  write  you  oftener  than  1  do,  but  I  am 
really  engaged  in  constant  business  from  seven  to  ten  in  the 
morning  in  committee,  from  ten  to  four  in  Congress,  and  from 
six  to  ten  again  in  committee.  Our  assembly  is  scarcely  nume- 
rous enough  for  the  business  ;  everybody  is  engaged,  all  day  in 
Congress,  and  all  the  morning  and  evening  in  committees.  I 
mention  this.  Madam,  as  an  apology  for  not  writing  you  so 
often  as  I  ought;  and  as  a  reason  for  my  request  that  you  would 
not  wait  for  my  answers. 

The  dispute  you  mention  between  the  House  and  Board,  I 
hope  will  be  easily  settled.  Yet  I  believe  the  Board  acted  with 
great  honor  and  integrity,  and  with  a  wise  design  and  a  virtuous  ■ 
resolution  to  do  nothing  that  should  endanger  the  Union.  But 
I  am  clear  that  it  is  best  the  two  Houses  should  join  in  the  ap- 
pointment of  officers  of  militia,  and  I  am  equally  clear  that  the 
resolve  of  Congress  was  intended  to  leave  it  to  the  discretion 
of  the  colony  to  adopt  such  a  mode  as  should  please  themselves  ; 
and  I  have  done  myself  the  honor  to  write  these  sentiments  to 
the  Board,  who  were  pleased  to  write  to  us  upon  the  occasion. 

Am  obliged  to  you  for  your  account  of  the  state  of  things  in 
Boston.  I  am  ever  anxious  about  our  friends  who  remain  there, 
and  nothing  is  ever  more  acceptable  to  me  than  to  learn  what 
passes  there. 

The  inactivity  of  the  two  armies  is  not  very  agreeable  to  me. 
Fabius's  cunctando  was  wise  and  brave.  But,  if  I  had  submit- 
ted to  it  in  his  situation,  it  would  have  been  a  cruel  mortifica- 
tion to  me.  Zeal,  and  fire,  and  activity,  and  enterprise,  strike 
my  imagination  too  much.  I  am  obliged  to  be  constantly  on 
my  guard  ;  yet  the  heat  within  will  burst  forth  at  times. 

The  characters  drawn  in  your  last,  entertained  me  very  agree- 
ably. They  were  taken  off  by  a  nice  and  penetrating  eye.  I 
hope  you  will  favor  me  with  more  of  these  characters.  I  wish 
I  could  draw  a  number  of  characters  for  your  inspection.  I 
should,  perhaps,  daub  on  the  paint  too  thick,  but  the  features 
would  be  very  strong. 

The  General  1  is  amiable,  and  accomplished,  and  judicious, 
and  cool ;  you  will  soon  know  the  person  and  character  of  his 
lady.    I  hope  she  has  as  much  ambition  for  her  husband's  glory 

^  Washington 


370  CORRESPONDENCE. 

as  Portia  and  Marcia^  have,  and  then — the  Lord  have  mercy 
on  the  souls  of  Howe  and  Burgoyne,  and  all  the  troops  in 
Boston  I 


TO    GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

Watertown,  G  January,  1776. 

As  your  Excellency  has  asked  my  opinion  of  General  Lee's 
plan,  as  explained  in  his  letter  of  the  5th  instant,  I  think  it  my 
duty  to  give  it,  although  I  am  obliged  to  do  it  in  more  haste 
than  I  could  wish. 

I  suppose  the  only  questions  which  arise  upon  that  letter,  are, 
whether  the  plan  is  practicable,  wliether  it  is  expedient,  and 
whether  it  lies  properly  within  your  Excellency's  authority, 
without  further  directions  from  Congress. 

Of  the  practicability  of  it,  I  am  very  ill  qualified  to  judge ; 
but  were  I  to  hazard  a  conjecture,  it  would  be,  that  the  enter- 
prise would  not  be  attended  with  much  difliculty.  The  Con- 
necticut people,  who  are  very  ready  upon  such  occasions,  in 
conjunction  with  the  friends  of  liberty  in  New  York,  I  should 
think  might  easily  accomplish  the  work. 

That  it  is  expedient,  and  even  necessary  to  be  done  by  some 
authority  or  other,  I  believe  will  not  be  doubted  by  any  friend 
of  the  American  caiise,  who  considers  the  vast  importance  of 
that  City,  Province,  and  the  North  River,  which  is  in  it,  in  the 
progress  of  this  war.  As  it  is  the  nexus  of  the  northern  and 
southern  Colonies,  as  a  kind  of  key  to  the  whole  continent,  as 
it  is  a  passage  to  Canada,  to  the  Great  Lakes,  and  to  all  the 
Indian  nations,  no  effort  to  secure  it  ought  to  be  omitted. 

That  it  is  within  the  limits  of  your  Excellency's  command, 
is,  in  my  mind,  perfectly  clear.  Your  commission  constitutes 
you  commander  of  all  the  forces  now  raised,  or  to  be  raised, 
and  of  all  others  who  shall  voluntarily  offer  their  service,  and 
join  the  army  for  the  defence  of  American  liberty,  and  for  re- 
pelling every  hostile  invasion  thereof;  and  you  are  vested  with 
full  power  and  authority  to  act  as  you  shall  think  for  the  good 
and  welfare  of  the  service. 

'  These  were  names  by  which  ISIrs.  Adams  and  Mrs.  Warren  were  desig- 
nated in  the  familiar  letters  of  their  friends  during  the  revolution. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  37I 

Now  if  upon  Long  Island  there  is  a  body  of  people,  who 
have  arms  in  their  hands,  and  are  intrenching  themselves,  pro- 
fessedly to  oppose  the  American  system  of  defence,  who  are 
supplying  our  enemies  both  of  the  army  and  navy,  in  Boston 
and  elsewhere,  as  I  suppose  is  undoubtedly  the  fact,  no  man 
can  hesitate  to  say  that  this  is  a  hostile  invasion  of  American 
liberty,  as  much  as  that  now  made  in  Boston.  Nay,  those  peo- 
ple are  guilty  of  the  very  invasion  in  Boston,  as  they  are  con- 
stantly aiding,  abetting,  comforting,  and  assisting  the  army 
there,  and  that  in  the  most  essential  manner,  by  supplies  of 
provisions. 

If  in  the  city  a  body  of  tories  are  waiting  only  for  a  force  to 
protect  them,  to  declare  themselves  on  the  side  of  our  enemies, 
it  is  high  time  that  city  was  secured.  The  Jersey  troops  have 
already  been  ordered  into  that  city  by  the  Congress,  and  are 
there  undoubtedly  under  your  command,  ready  to  assist  in  this 
service.  That  New  York  is  within  your  command,  as  much 
as  the  Massachusetts,  cannot  bear  a  question.  Your  Excel- 
lency's superiority  in  the  command  over  the  Generals  in  the 
Northern  Department,  as  it  is  called,  has  been  always  carefully 
preserved  in  Congress,  although  the  necessity  of  despatch  has 
sometimes  induced  them  to  send  instructions  directly  to  them, 
instead  of  first  sending  them  to  your  Excellency,  which  would 
have  occasioned  a  circuit  of  many  hundreds  of  miles,  and  have 
lost  much  time. 

Upon  the  whole.  Sir,  my  opinion  is,  that  General  Lee's  is  a 
very  useful  proposal,  and  will  answer  many  good  ends. 


SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Philadelphia,  15  January,  1776. 

Although  I  have  at  present  but  little  leisure,  I  cannot  omit 
writing  you  a  few  lines  by  this  express.  I  have  seen  certain  in- 
structions which  were  given  by  the  capital  of  the  colony  of 
New  Hampshire  to  its  delegates  in  their  provincial  congrega- 
tion, the  spirit  of  which  I  am  not  altogether  pleased  with. 
There  is  one  part  of  them,  at  least,  which   I  think  discovers  a 


372  CORRESPONDENCE. 

timidity  wliich  is  unbecoming  a  people  oppressed  and  insulted 
as  they  are,  and  who,  at  their  own  request,  have  been  advised 
and  authorized  by  Congress  to  set  up  and  exercise  government 
in  such  form  as  they  should  judge  most  conducive  to  their  own 
happiness.  It  is  easy  to  understand  what  they  mean,  when 
they  speak  of  "  perfecting  a  form  of  government  stable  and  per- 
manentP  They  indeed  explain  themselves,  by  saying  that  "  tliey 
sliould prefer  the  government  of  Congress  [i\\e\x  provincial  con- 
vention) till  quieter  times."  The  reason  they  assign  for  it,  I 
fear,  will  be  considered  as  showing  a  readiness  to  condescend 
to  the  humors  of  their  enemies ;  and  their  publicly,  expressly, 
and  totally  disavowing  independence,  either  on  the  nation,  or 
the  man  who  insolently  and  perseveringly  demands  the  surren- 
der of  their  liberties,  with  the  bayonet  pointed  at  their  breasts, 
may  be  considered  to  argue  a  servility  and  baseness  of  soul, 
for  which  language  doth  not  afford  an  epithet.  It  is  by  indis- 
creet resolutions  and  publications,  that  the  friends  of  America 
have  too  often  given  occasion  to  their  enemies  to  injure  her 
cause.  I  hope,  however,  that  the  town  of  Portsmouth  doth  not, 
in  this  instance,  speak  the  sense  of  that  colony.  I  wish,  if  it  be 
not  too  late,  that  you  would  write  your  sentiments  of  the  sub- 
ject to  our  worthy  friend,  Mr.  L ^  who,  I  suppose,  is  now  in 

Portsmouth.  If  that  colony  should  take  a  wrong  step,  I  fear  it 
would  wholly  defeat  a  design,  which,  I  confess,  I  have  much  at 
heart.^ 

A  motion  was  made  in  Congress  the  other  day,  to  the  follow- 
ing purpose  ;  "  That,  whereas  we  had  been  charged  with  aimin^;___ 
at  independency,  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  explain 
to  the  people  at  large,  the  principles  and  grounds  of  our  oppo- 
sition," &c.  The  motion  alarmed  me.  I  thought  Congress  had 
already  been  explicit  enough,  and  was  apprehensive  that  we 
might  get  ourselves  upon  dangerous  ground.  Some  of  us  pre- 
vailed so  far  as  to  have  the  matter  postponed,  but  could  not 
prevent  the  assigning  a  day  to  consider  it.  I  may  perhaps  have 
been  wrong  in  opposing  this  motion  ;  and  I  ought  the  rather  to 
suspect  it,  because  the  majority  of  your  colony,  as  well  as  of 
the  Congress,  were  of  a  different  opinion. 

1  Langdou.     The  instructions  alluded  to  are  printed  iu  Force's  American  Ar- 
chives, 4th  series,  vol.  iv.  c.  459. 

2  See   Gordon's   History  of  the  American  War,  vol.  ii.  pp.   1G8-171.     The 
author,  from  the  coincidence  in  the  language,  must  have  had  access  to  this  lettei*. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  373 

I  had  lately  some  free  conversation  with  an  eminent  gentle- 
man, whom  you  well  know,  and  whom  your  Portia  in  one  of 
her  letters  admired,  if  I  recollect  right,  for  his  expressive  silence, 
about  a  confederation  ;  a  matter  which  our  much  valued  friend 

Colonel   W ,  is  very  solicitous  to  have  completed.^      We 

agreed  that  it  must  soon  be  brought  on,  and  that  if  all  the  colo- 
nies could  not  come  into  it,  it  had  better  be  done  by  those  of 
them  that  inclined  to  it.  I  told  him  that  I  would  endeavor  to 
unite  the  New  England  colonies  in  confederating,  if  none  of  the 
rest  would  join  in  it.  He  approved  of  it,  and  said,  if  I  suc- 
ceeded, he  would  cast  in  his  lot  among  us.     Adieu. 

16  January. 

As  this  express  did  not  set  off  yesterday,  according  to  my 
expectation,  I  have  the  opportunity  of  acquainting  you,  that 
Congress  has  just  received  a  letter  from  General  Washington, 
inclosing  the  copy  of  an  application  of  our  general  assembly  to 
him,  to  order  payment  to  four  companies  stationed  at  Braintree, 
Weymouth,  and  Hingham.  The  General  says  they  were  never 
regimented,  and  he  cannot  comply  with  the  request  of  the  as- 
sembly, without  the  direction  of  Congress.  A  committee  is 
appointed  to  consider  the  letter,  of  which  I  am  one.  I  fear 
there  will  be  a  difficulty,  and  therefore  I  shall  endeavor  to  pre- 
vent a  report  on  this  part  of  the  letter,  unless  I  shall  see  a  pros- 
pect of  justice  being  done  to  the  colony,  till  I  can  receive  from 
you  authentic  evidence  of  those  companies  having  been  ac- 
tually employed  by  the  continental  officers,  as  I  conceive  they 
have  been,  in  the  service  of  the  continent.  I  wish  you  would 
inform  me  whether  the  two  companies  stationed  at  Chelsea  and 
Maiden  were  paid  out  of  the  continent's  chest.  I  suppose 
they  were,  and  if  so,  I  cannot  see  reason  for  any  hesitation 
about  the  payment  of  these.  I  wish  also  to  know  how  many 
men  our  colony  is  at  the  expense  of  maintaining  for  the  defence 
of  its  sea-coasts.  Pray  let  me  have  some  intelligence  from  you 
of  the  colony  which  we  represent.  You  are  sensible  of  the 
danger  it  has  frequently  been  in  of  suffering  greatly  for  want 
of  regular  information. 

1  The  first  allusion  is  to  Dr.  Franklin;  the  second,  probably,  to  George 
Wythe,  as  Gordon  says  the  person  was  from  Virginia. 


VOL.  IX. 


32 


374  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    JAMES    OTIS. 


Philadelphia,  29  April,  1776. 

Sir, —  As  the  day  of  the  general  election  draws  nigh,  I  think 
it  my  duty  to  express  my  grateful  acknowledgments  to  the 
honorable  electors  of  the  last  year,  for  the  honor  they  did  me  in 
choosing  me  into  the  council.  My  station  in  the  continental 
Congress  has  made  it  impossible  for  me  to  attend  my  duty  at 
the  honorable  board ;  and  as  the  same  cause  must  prevent  my 
attendance  during  a  great  part  of  the  ensuing  year,  and  the 
dangers  and  distresses  of  the  times  will  require  the  assistance 
of  the  whole  number,  I  cannot  think  it  becoming  in  me  to  de- 
prive the  colony  of  the  advice  of  a  counsellor,  for  the  sake  of 
keeping  open  a  seat  for  me.  I  must  therefore  beg  the  favor  of 
you,  to  make  my  resignation  known  to  the  two  honorable 
Houses,  and  request  them  to  choose  another  gentleman  to  that 
honorable  seat,  who  will  be  able  to  discharge  the  duties  of  it. 

I  am,  with  great  respect  to  the  two  honorable  Houses,  Sir, 
your  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servant, 

John  Adams. 


R.    H.    LEE    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Williamsburgh,  18  May,  1776. 

Inclosed  you  have  a  printed  resolve,  which  passed  our  conven- 
tion, to  the  infinite  joy  of  our  people.  The  resolve  for  independ- 
ency has  not  that  peremptory  and  decided  air  I  could  wish.^ 
Perhaps  the  proviso  which  reserves  to  this  colony  the  power  of 
forming  its  own  government,  may  be  questionable  as  to  its  fit- 
ness. Would  not  a  uniform  plan  of  government,  prepared  for 
America  by  the  Congress,  and  approved  by  the  colonies,  be  a 
surer  foundation  of  unceasing  harmony  to  the  whole  ?  How^- 
ever,  such  as  they  are,  the  exultation  here  was  extreme.  The 
British  flag  on  the  capitol  was  immediately  struck,  and  the 
continental  hoisted  in  its  room.  The  troops  were  drawn  out, 
and  we  had  a  discharge  of  artillery  and  small  arms. 

'  It  is  moderate  in  tone,  but  sufliciently  comprehensive.     It  is  printed  in 
Force's  American  Archives,  4th  series,  vol.  vi.  c.  1524. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  375 

If  Hopkins's  fleet  were  in  Chesapeake  Bay,  Dunmore's  fleet 
might  be  taken.  My  compliments  to  Mr.  S.  Adams  and  Mr. 
Paine.     I  am,  Sir,  your  respectful,  humble  servant, 

Richard  H.  Lee. 


TO    JAMES    SULLIVAN. 

Philadelpliia,  26  May,  1776. 

Your  favors  of  May  9th  and  17th  are  now  before  me ;  and  I 
consider  them  as  the  commencement  of  a  correspondence  which 
will  not  only  give  me  pleasure,  but  may  be  of  service  to  the 
public,  as  in  my  present  station  I  stand  in  need  of  the  best  in- 
telligence, and  the  advice  of  every  gentleman  of  abilities  and 
public  principles  in  the  colony  which  has  seen  fit  to  place  me 
here. 

Our  worthy  friend,  Mr,  Gerry,  has  put  into  my  hands  a  letter 
from  you,  of  the  sixth  of  May,  in  which  you  consider  the  prin- 
ciples of  representation  and  legislation,  and  give  us  hints  of 
"some  alterations,  which  you  seem  to  think  necessary,  in  the 
qualification  of  voters. 

I  wish.  Sir,  I  could  possibly  find  time  to  accompany  you,  in 
your  investigation  of  the  principles  upon  which  a  representative 
assembly  stands,  and  ought  to  stand,  and  in  your  examination 
whether  the  practice  of  our  colony  has  been  conformable  to 
those  principles.  But,  alas !  Sir,  my  time  is  so  incessantly  en- 
grossed by  the  business  before  me,  that  I  cannot  spare  enough 
to  go  through  so  large  a  field;  and  as  to  books,  it  is  not  easy 
to  obtain  them  here ;  nor  could  I  find  a  moment  to  look  into 
them,  if  I  had  them. 

It  is  certain,  in  theory,  that  the  only  moral  foundation  of  go- 
vernment is,  the  consent  of  the  people.  But  to  what  an  ex- 
tent shall  we  carry  this  principle  ?  Shall  we  say  that  every 
individual  of  the  community,  old  and  young,  male  and  female, 
as  well  as  rich  and  poor,  must  consent,  expressly,  to  every  act 
of  legislation  ?  No,  you  will  say,  this  is  impossible.  How, 
then,  does  the  right  arise  in  the  majority  to  govern  the  minority, 
against  their  will?  Whence  arises  the  right  of  the  men  to 
govern  the  women,  without  their  consent?  Whence  the  right 
of  the  old  to  bind  the  young,  without  theirs  ? 


i 


376  CORRESFONDENCE. 

But  let  us  first  suppose  that  the  whole  community,  of  every 
age,  rank,  sex,  and  condition,  has  a  right  to  vote.  This  com- 
munity is  assembled.  A  motion  is  made,  and  carried  by  a  major- 
ity of  one  voice.  The  minority  will  not  agree  to  this.  Whence 
arises  the  right  of  the  majority  to  govern,  and  the  obligation  of 
the  minority  to  obey  ? 

From  necessity,  you  will  say,  because  there  can  be  no  other 
rule. 

But  why  exclude  women  ? 

You  will  say,  because  their  delicacy  renders  them  unfit  for 
practice  and  experience  in  the  gi'eat  businesses  of  life,  and  the 
hardy  enterprises  of  war,  as  well  as  the  arduous  cares  of  state. 
Besides,  their  attention  is  so  much  engaged  with  the  necessary 
nurture  of  their  children,  that  nature  has  made  them  fittest  for 
domestic  cares.  And  children  have  not  judgment  or  will  of  their 
own.  True.  But  will  not  these  reasons  apply  to  others  ?  Is  it 
not  equally  true,  that  men  in  general,  in  every  society,  who  are 
wholly  destitute  of  property,  are  also  too  little  acquainted  with 
public  affairs  to  form  a  right  judgment,  and  too  dependent  upon 
other  men  to  have  a  will  of  their  own  ?  If  this  is  a  fact,  if 
you  give  to  every  man  who  has  no  property,  a  vote,  will  you 
not  make  a  fine  encouraging  provision  for  corruption,  by  your 
fundamental  law  ?  Such  is  the  frailty  of  the  human  heart,  that 
very  few  men  who  have  no  property,  have  any  judgment  of 
their  own.  They  talk  and  vote  as  they  are  directed  by  some 
man  of  property,  who  has  attached  their  minds  to  his  interest. 

Upon  my  word,  Sir,  I  have  long  thought  an  army  a  piece  of 
clock-work,  and  to  be  governed  only  by  principles  and  maxims, 
as  fixed  as  any  in  mechanics ;  and,  by  all  that  I  have  read  in 
the  history  of  mankind,  and  in  authors  who  have  speculated 
upon  society  and  government,  I  am  much  inclined  to  think  a 
government  must  manage  a  society  in  the  same  manner ;  and 
that  this  is  machinery  too. 

Harrington  has  shown  that  power  always  follows  property. 
This  I  believe  to  be  as  infallible  a  maxim  in  politics,  as  that 
action  and  reaction  are  equal,  is  in  mechanics.  Nay,  I  believe 
we  may  advance  one  step  farther,  and  affirm  that  the  balance 
of  power  in  a  society,  accompanies  the  balance  of  property  in 
land.  The  only  possible  way,  then,  of  preserving  the  balance 
of  power  on   the  side   of  equal  liberty  and   public  virtue,  is  to 


CORRESPONDENCE.  377 

make  the  acquisition  of  land  easy  to  every  member  of  society ; 
to  make  a  division  of  the  land  into  small  quantities,  so  that  the 
multitude  may  be  possessed  of  landed  estates.  If  the  multi- 
tude is  possessed  of  the  balance  of  real  estate,  the  multitude 
will  have  the  balance  of  pawer,  and  in  that  case  the  multitude 
Avill  take  care  of  the  liberty,  virtue,  and  interest  of  the  multi- 
tude, in  all  acts  of  government. 

I  believe  these  principles  have  been  felt,  if  not  understood,  in 
the  Massachusetts  Bay,  from  the  beginning ;  and  therefore  I 
should  think  that  wisdom  and  policy  would  dictate  in  these 
times  to  be  very  cautious  of  making  alterations.  Our  people 
have  never  been  very  rigid  in  scrutinizing  into  the  qualifications 
of  voters,  and  I  presume  they  will  not  now  begin  to  be  so. 
Sut  I  would  not  advise  them  to  make  any  alteration  in  the  laws, 
at  present,  respecting  the  qualifications  of  voters. 

Your  idea  that  those  laws  which  affect  the  lives  and  personal 
liberty  of  all,  or  which  inflict  corporal  punishment,  affect  those 
who  are  not  qualified  to  vote,  as  well  as  those  who  are,  is  just. 
But  so  they  do  women,  as  well  as  men;  children,  as  well  as 
adults.  What  reason  should  there  be  for  excluding  a  man  of 
twenty  years  eleven  months  and  twenty-seven  days  old,  from  a 
vote,  when  you  admit  one  who  is  twenty-one  ?  The  reason  is, 
you  must  fix  upon  some  period  in  life,  when  the  understanding 
and  will  of  men  in  general,  is  fit  to  be  trusted  by  the  public. 
Will  not  the  same  reason  justify  the  state  in  fixing  upon  some 
certain  quantity  of  property,  as  a  qualification  ? 

The  same  reasoning  which  will  induce  you  to  admit  all  men 
who  have  no  property,  to  vote,  with  those  who  have,  for  those 
laws  which  affect  the  person,  will  prove  that  you  ought  to  admit 
women  and  children  ;  for,  generally  speaking,  women  and  child- 
ren have  as  good  judgments,  and  as  independent  minds,  as 
those  men  who  are  wholly  destitute  of  property ;  these  last 
being  to  all  intents  and  purposes  as  much  dependent  upon 
others,  who  will  please  to  feed,  clothe,  and  employ  them,  as 
women  are  upon  their  husbands,  or  children  on  their  parents. 

As  to  your  idea  of  proportioning  the  votes  of  men,  in  money 
matters,  to  the  property  they  hold,  it  is  utterly  impracticable. 
There  is  no  possible  way  of  ascertaining,  at  any  one  time,  how 
much  every  man  in  a  community  is  worth ;  and  if  there  was, 
so  fluctuating  is  trade  and  property,  that  this  state  of  it  would 

32* 


378  CORRESPONDENCE. 

change  in  half  an  hour.  The  property  of  the  whole  commu- 
nity is  shifting  every  hour,  and  no  record  can  be  kept  of  the 
changes. 

Society  can  be  governed  only  by  general  rules.  Government 
cannot  accommodate  itself  to  every  particular  case  as  it  hap- 
pens, nor  to  the  circumstances  of  particular  persons.  It  must 
establish  general  comprehensive  regulations  for  cases  and  per- 
sons. The  only  question  is,  which  general  rule  will  accommo- 
date most  cases  and  most  persons. 

Depend  upon  it,  Sir,  it  is  dangerous  to  open  so  fruitful  a 
source  of  controversy  and  altercation  as  would  be  opened  by  at- 
tempting to  alter  the  qualifications  of  vt)t^rs ;  there  will  be  no 
end  of  it.  New  claims  will  arise  ;  women  will  demand  a  vote  ; 
lads  from  twelve  to  twenty-one  will  think  their  rights  not 
enough  attended  to  ;  and  every  man  who  has  not  a  farthing, 
will  demand  an  equal  voice  with  any  other,  in  all  acts  of  state. 
It  tends  to  confound  and  destroy  all  distinctions,  and  prostrate 
all  ranks  to  one  common  level. 


TO    BENJAMIN    HIGHBORN. 


Philadelphia,  29  May,  1776. 

Your  agreeable  favor  of  20th  May,  was  handed  me  yester- 
day, and  it  gave  me  much  pleasure,  on  various  accounts  ;  one 
particularly,  as  it  gave  me  evidence  of  your  existence,  which 
for  some  time  past  you  have  suffered  to  remain  problematical. 
I  have  long  expected  letters  from  you,  but  yet  I  cannot  find 
fault,  because  I  believe  I  am  much  in  your  debt.  However,  if 
you  had  considered  the  situation  I  am  in,  surrounded  with  de- 
mands for  all,  and  more  than  all,  my  time,  you  would  not  have 
waited  for  regular  payments  from  me. 

I  am  sorry  to  see  you  complain  of  suspicions.  I  hoped  they 
were  forgotten.  Indeed,  I  think  that  upon  your  return  they 
ought  to  have  vanished.^  I  have  none,  nor  am  I  in  the  least 
degree  afraid  of  censure  on  your  account,  nor  of  losing  a  thread 
of  influence.    Fortified  in  innocence,  a  man  should  set  ground- 

'  This  alludes  to  the  letters  intercepted  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Hichborn.  See 
the  Diary,  vol.  ii.  p.  411. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  379 

less  censures  at  defiance ;  and  as  to  influence,  the  more  a  man 
has  of  it,  at  least  of  such  as  mine,  if  I  have  any,  the  more  un- 
fortunate he  is.  If  by  influence  is  understood  the  power  of  do- 
ing good  to  the  public,  or  of  serving  men  of  merit,  this  influ- 
ence is  devoutly  to  be  wished  by  every  benevolent  mind.  Bat 
very  little  of  this  kind  of  influence  has  ever  fallen  to  my  share. 
*  ****** 

I  am  much  pleased  with  your  spirited  project  of  driving  away 
the  wretches  from  the  harbor,  and  never  shall  be  happy  till  I 
hear  it  is  done,  and  the  very  entrance  fortified  impregnably.  I 
cannot  bear  that  an  unfriendly  flag  or  mast  should  be  in  sight 
of  Bacon  Hill. 

You  are  "  checked  by  accounts  from  the  southward,  of  a  dis- 
position in  a  great  majority  to  counteract  independence."  Read 
the  proceedings  of  Georgia,  South  and  North  Carolina,  and  Vir- 
ginia, and  then  judge.  The  middle  colonies  have  never  tasted 
the  bitter  cup  ;  they  have  never  smarted,  and  are  therefore  a  lit- 
tle cooler ;  but  you  will  see  that  the  colonies  are  united  indis- 
solubly.  Maryland  has  passed  a  few  eccentric  resolves,  but 
these  are  only  flashes  which  will  soon  expire.^  The  proprietary 
governments  are  not  only  encumbered  with  a  large  body  of 
Quakers,  but  are  embarrassed  by  a  proprietary  interest;  both 
together  clog  their  operations  a  little,  but  these  clogs  are  falling 
off,  as  you  will  soon  see. 

I  dread  the  spirit  of  innovation  which  I  fear  will  appear  in 
our  new  and  numerous  representative  body.  It  is  much  to  be 
desired  that  their  attention  may  at  present  be  more  fixed  upon 
the  defence  of  the  province  and  military  operations,  than  upon 
opening  sources  of  endless  altercation.  Unanimity,  in  this  time 
of  calamity  and  danger,  is  of  great  importance.  You  ask  my 
sentiments  of  the  political  system  to  be  adopted.  My  opinion, 
I  am  very  certain,  will  not  be  followed.  We  have  able  men  in 
"the  colony,  but  I  am  much  afraid  they  will  not  be  heard.  I 
hope  a  Governor  and  Lieutenant-Governor  will  be  chosen ;  and 
that-  they  will  be  respectable  for  their  fortune,  as  well  as  abilities 
and  integi-ity,  if  such  can  be  found.  The  Judges,  I  hope,  will 
be  made  independent  both  for  the  duration  and  emoluments  of 

1  These  resolves  were  passed  on  the  16th  of  May,  confirming  the  instructions 
given  in  January  preceding  to  the  delegates,  to  oppose  a  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence.    Force's  American  Archives^  Fourth  series,  vol.  vi.  c.  463. 


380  CORRESPONDENCE. 

office.  There  is  nothing  of  more  importance  than  this,  but  yet 
there  is  nothing  less  likely  to  be  done. 

How  the  representation  will  be  settled,  I  cannot  guess;  but  T 
really  hope  they  will  not  attempt  any  material  alteration  in  the 
qualification  of  voters.  This  will  open  a  door  for  endless  dis- 
putes, and  I  am  much  afraid,  for  numberless  corruptions. 

I  wish  I  could  be  at  home  at  this  important  period.  But  you 
will  remember  that  all  the  other  colonies  have  Constitutions  to 
frame,  and  what  is  of  infinitely  greater  delicacy,  intricacy,  and 
importance,  the  continent  has  a  Constitution  to  form.  If  I  could 
be  of  some  little  use  at  home,  I  may  be  of  more  here  at  present. 

You  kindly  and  politely  express  a  concern  for  my  health,  and, 
if  you  have  any  regard  for  me,  it  is  not  without  reason.  I  have 
been  here  four  months,  during  which  time  I  have  never  once 
been  on  horseback,  and  have  found  but  little  time  to  walk. 
Such  uninterrupted  attention  to  cares  and  perplexities  of  various 
kinds,  is  enough  to  destroy  a  more  robust  body  than  mine;  but 
I  cannot  excuse  myself  from  these  duties,  and  I  must  march 
forward  until  it  comes  to  my  turn  to  fall.  Indeed  if  a  few 
things  more  were  fully  accomplished,  I  should  think  it  my  duty 
to  ask  leave  of  my  constituents  to  return  home  to  my  garden. 

The  moment  I  can  see  every  colony  in  possession  and  actual 
exercise  of  all  the  powers  of  government,  and  a  confederation 
well  settled  for  all  the  colonies,  under  a  Congress  with  powers 
clearly  defined  and  limited,  and  sufficient  preparation  and  pro- 
vision made  for  defence  against  the  force  which  is  coming 
against  us,  that  moment  I  shall  return  to  my  family,  from 
which  I  have  been  too  long  divorced.  But  whether  my  consti- 
tution will  hold  out  so  long,  must  be  left  to  him  that  made  it, 
to  whose  wisdom  and  goodness  I  cheerfully  submit. 

N.  B.  The  petition  from  the  independent  corps  in  Boston, 
gave  me  great  pleasure,  and  is  much  to  their  honor.  I  did  my 
endeavor  to  get  the  prayer  granted,  but  it  is  at  last  left  to 
the  General. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  381 


TO    SAMUEL    COOPER. 

Philadelphia,  30  May,  1776. 

Yours  of  the  20th,  was  handed  me  by  the  last  post.  I  con- 
gratulate you  upon  the  first  modern  election,  on  the  last  Wed- 
nesday in  May,  of  counsellors  as  at  the  first.  I  could  not  avoid 
indulging  myself  yesterday  in  imagination  with  my  friends  in 
Boston,  upon  an  occasion  so  joyful.  I  presume  you  must  have 
have  had  a  very  solemn  and  ceremonious  election,  and  wish 
that  no  interruption  may  ever  hereafter  take  place,  like  that  of 
the  last  year. 

You  have  given  me  great  pleasure  by  your  account  of  the 
spirit  and  activity  of  our  people,  their  skill  and  success  in  forti- 
fying the  town  and  harbor.  But  there  are  several  things  still 
wanting,  in  my  judgment.  I  never  shall  be  happy  until  every 
unfriendly  flag  is  driven  out  of  sight,  and  the  Light  House  Is- 
land, George's  and  Lovell's  Islands,  and  the  east  end  of  Long 
Island,  are  secured.  Fire-ships  and  rafts  will  be  of  no  service, 
without  something  to  cover  and  protect  them  from  the  boats  of 
the  men-of-war.  Galleys  are  the  best  engines  in  the  world  for 
this  purpose.  Colonel  Quincy  has  the  best  idea  of  these  gal- 
leys, of  any  man  I  know.  I  believe  he  has  a  perfect  idea  of 
the  Turkish  and  Venetian  galleys ;  some  of  these  are  as  large 
as  British  men-of-war,  but  some  are  small.  Galleys  might  be 
built  and  armed  with  heavy  cannon,  thirty-six  or  forty-two  pound- 
ers, which  would  drive  away  a  ship  of  almost  any  size,  number 
of  guns,  or  weight  of  metal.  The  dexterity  of  our  people  in 
sea  matters,  must  produce  great  things,  if  it  had  any  person  to 
guide  it,  and  stimulate  it.  A  kind  of  dodging  Indian  fight  might 
be  maintained  among  the  islands  in  our  harbor,  between  such 
galleys  and  the  men-of-war. 

Whether  you  have  any  person  sufficiently  acquainted  with 
the  composition  of  those  combustibles  which  are  usually  put 
into  fire-ships  and  rafts,  I  don't  know.  If  you  have  not,  it  would 
be  worth  while  to  send  some  one  here  to  inquire  and  learn.  At 
least,  let  me  know  it;  and  although  I  have  a  demand  upon  me 
for  an  hour  where  I  have  a  minute  to  spare,  yet  will  I  be  at  the 
pains,  though  I  neglect  other  things,  of  informing  myself  as 
well  as  I  can  here,  and  send  you  what  I  learn. 


382  CORRESPONDENCE. 

We  are  making  the  best  provision  we  can  for  the  defence  of 
America.  I  believe  we  shall  make  provision  for  70,000  men  in 
thej;hree  departments,  the  northern,  including  Canada,  the  mid- 
dle, and  the  southern.  The  die  is  cast.  We  must  all  be  sol- 
diers, and  fight  pro  avis  etfocis.  I  hope  there  is  not  a  gentle- 
man in  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  not  even  in  the  town  of  Boston, 
who  thinks  himself  too  good  to  take  his  firelock  and  his  spade. 
Such  imminent  dangers  level  all  distinctions.  You  must,  before 
now,  have  seen  some  important  resolutions  of  this  Congress,  as 
well  as  of  separate  colonies.  Before  many  weeks,  you  will  see 
more. 

Remember  me,  with  every  sentiment  of  friendship  and  re- 
spect, to  all  who  deserve  well  of  their  country.  These  are  all 
my  friends,  and  I  have  and  will  have  no  other. 

P.  S.  Galleys  to  be  used  merely  in  Boston  harbor,  the  less 
they  are,  the  better,  provided  they  are  large  and  strong  enough 
to  sustain  the  weight  of  the  gun,  and  the  shock  of  the  explo- 
sion. The  galleys  first  built  in  Delaware  River  were  too  large 
to  be  handy,  and  too  small  to  live  and  work  in  a  sea.  We  are 
building  two  of  a  different  construction.  They  are  to  carry  two 
large  guns  in  the  stern,  and  two  in  front,  and  five  or  six  three 
pounders  on  each  side,  besides  swivels.  They  are  built  to  put 
to  sea,  live  and  fight  in  a  swell  or  a  storm.  They  are  narrow, 
but  almost  one  hundred  feet  long. 


TO    ISAAC    SMITH. 

Philadelphia,  1  June,  1776. 

Your  favors  of  May  14th  and  22d  are  now  before  me.  The 
first  I  showed  to  Mr.  Morris,  as  soon  as  I  received  it.  The  last 
contains  intelligence  from  Halifax  of  the  straits  to  which  our 
enemies  are  reduced,  which  I  was  very  glad  to  learn. 

I  am  very  happy  to  learn  from  you  and  some  others  of  my 
friends,  that  Boston  is  securely  fortified  ;  but  still  I  cannot  be 
fully  satisfied  until  I  hear  that  every  unfriendly  flag  is  chased 
out  of  that  harbor. 

Cape  Ann,  I  am  sensible,  is  a  most  important  post ;  and  if 


CORRESPONDENCE.  383 

the  enemy  should  possess  themselves  of  it,  they  might  distress 
the  trade  of  the  colony  to  a  great  degree.  For  which  reason,  I 
am  determined  to  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to  get  it  fortified 
at  the  continental  expense.  I  can  not  be  confident  that  I  shall 
succeed,  but  it  shall  not  be  my  fault  if  I  do  not.  I  am  very 
glad  you  gave  me  your  opinion  of  the  utility  of  that  harbor, 
and  of  the  practicability  of  making  it  secure,  because  I  was 
not  enough  acquainted  with  it  before,  to  speak  with  precision 
about  it. 

Your  observations  upon  the  oppressive  severity  of  the  old 
regulations  of  ti'ade,  in  subjecting  ships  and  cargoes  to  confis- 
cation for  the  indiscretion  of  a  master  or  mariner,  and  upon 
the  artifice  and  corruption  which  was  introduced  respecting  hos- 
pital money,  are  very  just.  But  if  you  consider  the  resolution 
of  Congress,  and  that  of  Virginia  of  the  15th  of  May,  the  reso- 
lutions of  the  two  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  each  of  which  colo- 
nies are  instituting  new  governments  under  the  authority  of  the 
people  ;  if  you  consider  what  is  doing  at  New  York,  New  Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania,  and  even  in  Maryland,  which  are  all  gradu- 
ally forming  themselves  into  order  to  follow  the  colonies  to  the 
northward  and  southward,  together  with  the  treaties  with  Hesse, 
Brunswick,  and  Waldeck,  and  the  answer  to  the  mayor,  &c.,  of 
London,  I  believe  you  will  be  convinced  that  there  is  little 
probability  of  our  ever  again  coming  under  the  yoke  of  British 
regulations  of  trade.  The  cords  w^hich  connected  the  two  coun- 
tries are  cut  asunder,  and  it  will  not  be  easy  to  splice  them 
again  together. 

I  agree  with  you  in  sentiment  that  there  will  be  little  diifi- 
culty  in  trading  with  France  and  Spain,  a  great  deal  in  dealing 
with  Portugal,  and  some  with  Holland.  Yet,  by  very  good  in- 
telligence, I  am  convinced  that  there  are  great  merchants  in  the 
United  Provinces,  and  even  in  Amsterdam,  who  will  contract  to 
supply  you  with  any  thing  you  want,  whether  merchandise  or 
military  stores,  by  the  way  of  Nieuport  and  Ostend,  two  towns 
which  are  subject  to  the  Empress  of  Austria,  who  has  never 
taken  any  public  notice  of  the  dispute  between  Britain  and  us, 
and  has  never  prohibited  her  subjects  from  supplying  us  with 
any  thing. 

There  is  a  gentleman  now  in  this  city,  a  native  of  it,  and  a 
very  worthy  man,  who  has  been  lately  in  these  towns,  as  well 


384  CORRESPONDENCE. 

as  Amsterdam,  who  informs  ine  that  he  had  many  conversa- 
tions there  with  merchants  of  figure,  and  that  they  assured  him 
they  should  be  glad  to  contract  to  furnish  us  with  any  supplies, 
even  upon  credit,  for  an  interest  of  four  per  cent.  Other  intel- 
ligence to  the  same  purpose,  with  additions  of  more  import- 
ance, has  been  sent  here.  But  the  particulars  may  not  be  men- 
tioned. 

Europe  seems  to  be  in  a  great  commotion.  Although  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  perfect  calm  is  affected,  I  think  this  American 
contest  will  light  up  a  general  war.  What  it  will  end  in,  God 
alone  knows,  to  whose  wise  and  righteous  providence  I  cheer- 
fullv  submit. 


TO    HENRY    KNOX. 

Philadelpliia,  2  June,  1776. 

Your  esteemed  favor  of  the  16th  of  May,  came  to  my  hand  a 
few  days  ago. 

You  have  laid  me  under  obligations,  by  your  ingenious  ob- 
servations upon  thos^  books  upon  military  science,  which  are 
necessary  to  be  procured  in  the  present  circumstances  of  this 
country.  I  have  been  a  long  time  convinced  of  the  utility  of 
publishing  American  editions  of  those  writers,  and  that  it  is  an 
object  of  sufficient  importance  to  induce  the  public  to  be  at  the 
expense  of  it.  But  greater  objects  press  in  such  numbers  upon 
those  who  think  for  the  public,  as  St.  Drummond^  expresses  it, 
that  this  has  been  hitherto  neglected.  I  could  wish  that  the 
public  would  be  at  the  expense,  not  only  of  new  editions  of 
these  authors,  but  of  establishing  academies  for  the  education 
of  young  gentlemen  in  every  branch  of  the  military  art ;  be- 
cause I  am  fully  of  your  sentiment,  that  we  ought  to  lay  foun- 
dations, and  begin  institutions,  in  the  present  circumstances  of 
this  country,  for  promoting  every  art,  manufacture,  and  science, 
which  is  necessary  for  the  support  of  an  independent  State. 
We  must,  for  the  future,  stand  upon  our  own  legs,  or  fall.    The 

'  Vol.  iii.  p.  31  -  32,  and  the  reference  in  the  note. 


COKRESPONDENCE.  385 

alienation  of  affection  between  the  two  countries,  is  at  Icnsth 
so  great,  that  if  the  morals  of  the  British  nation,  and  their  poli- 
tical principles,  were  much  purer  than  they  are,  it  would  be 
scarcely  possible  to  accomplish  a  cordial  reunion  with  them. 

The  votes  of  the  Congress,  and  the  proceedings  of  the  colo- 
nies, separately,  must,  before  this  time,  have  convinced  you  that 
this  is  the  sense  of  America,  with  infinitely  greater  unanimity 
than  could  have  been  credited  by  many  people,  a  few  months 
ago.  Those  few  persons,  indeed,  who  have  attended  closely  to 
the  proceedings  of  the  several  colonies  for  a  number  of  years 
past,  and  reflected  deeply  upon  the  causes  of  this  mighty  con- 
test, have  foreseen  that  such  an  unanimity  would  take  place  as 
soon  as  a  separation  should  become  necessary.  These  are  not 
at  all  surprised,  while  many  others  really  are,  and  some  affect 
to  be,  astonished  at  the  phenomenon. 

The  policy  of  Rome  in  carrying  their  arms  to  Carthage,  while 
Hannibal  was  at  the  gates  of  their  capital,  was  wise,  and  justi- 
fied by  the  event,  and  would  deserve  imitation,  if  we  could 
march  into  the  country  of  our  enemies.  But,  possessed  as  they 
are  of  the  dominion  of  the  sea,  it  is  not  easy  for  us  to  reach 
them.  Yet,  it  is  possible  that  a  bold  attempt  might  succeed ; 
but  we  have  not  yet  sufficient  confidence  in  our  own  power  or 
skill,  to  encourage  enterprises  of  the  daring,  hardy  kind.  Such 
often  prosper,  and  are  always  glorious.  But  shall  I  give  offence 
if  I  say,  that  our  arms  have  kept  an  even  pace  with  our  coun- 
sels ;  that  both  have  been  rather  slow  and  irresolute  ?  Have 
either  our  officers  or  men,  by  sea  or  land,  as  yet  discovered  that 
exalted  courage  and  mature  judgment,  both  of  which  are  neces- 
sary for  great  and  splendid  actions  ?  Our  forces  have  done 
very  well,  considering  their  poor  appointments,  and  our  infancy. 
But  I  may  say  to  you,  that  I  wish  I  could  see  less  attention  to 
trifles,  and  more  to  the  great  essentials  of  the  service,  both  in 
the  civil  and  military  departments.  I  am  no  prophet,  if  we  are 
not  compelled  by  necessity,  before  the  war  is  over,  to  become 
more  men  of  business,  and  less  men  of  pleasure.  I  have 
formed  great  expectations  from  a  number  of  gentlemen  of  ge- 
nius, sentiment,  and  education,  of  the  younger  sort,  whom  I 
know  to  be  in  the  army,  and  wish  that  additions  might  be  made 
to  the  number.  We  have  had  some  examples  of  magnanimity 
and  bravery,  it  is  true,  which   would  have  done   honor  to   any 

VOL.  IX.  33  Y 


386  CORRESPONDENCE. 

age  or  country ;  but  these  have  been  accompanied  with  a  want 
of  skill  and  experience  which  entitles  the  hero  to  compassion, 
at  the  same  time  that  he  has  our  admiration.  For  ray  own 
part,  I  never  thinlc  of  Warren  or  Montgomery,  without  lament- 
ing, at  the  same  time  that  I  admire,  that  inexperience  to  which 
perhaps  they  both  owed  their  glory. 


TO    PATRICK    HENRY. 

Philadelpliia,  3  June,  1776. 

My  Dear  Sir, —  I  had  this  morning  the  pleasure  of  yours 
of  20  May.i  The  little  pamphlet  you  mention  is  nuUivs  filius ; 
and,  if  I  should  be  obliged  to  maintain  it,  the  world  will  not 
expect  that  I  should  own  it.  My  motive  for  inclosing  it  to  you, 
was  not  the  value  of  the  present,  but  as  a  token  of  friendship, 
and  more  for  the  sake  of  inviting  your  attention  to  the  subject, 
than  because  there  was  any  thing  in  it  worthy  your  perusal. 
The  subject  is  of  infinite  moment,  and  perhaps  more  than  ade- 
quate to  the  abilities  of  any  man  in  America.  I  know  of  none 
so  competent  to  the  task  as  theauthor  of  the  first  Virginia  reso- 
Jutions  against  the  stamp  act,  who  will  have  the  glory  with  pos- 
terity, of  beginning  and  concluding  this  great  revolutiwi^ 
Happy  Virginia,  whose  Constitution  is  to  be  framed  by  so  mas- 
terly a  builder!  Whether  the  plan  of  the  pamphlet  is  not  too 
popular,  whether  the  elections  are  not  too  frequent  for  your 
colony,  I  know  not.  The  usages,  and  genius,  and  manners  of 
the  people  must  be  consulted.  And  if  annual  elections  of  the 
representatives  of  the  people  are  sacredly  preserved,  those  elec- 
tions by  ballot,  and  none  permitted  to  be  chosen  but  inhabit- 
ants, residents  as  well  as  qualified  freeholders  of  the  city,  county, 
parish,  town,  or  borough,  for  which  they  are  to  serve,  three  es- 
sential prerequisites  of  a  free  government,  the  council,  or  mid- 
dle branch  of  the  legislature  may  be  triennial,  or  even  septennial, 
without  much  inconvenience. 

I  esteem  it  an  honor  and  a  happiness,  that  my  opinion  so 
often  coincides  with  yours.     It  has  ever  appeared  to  me  that 

1  This  letter  is  printed  in  a  note  appended  to  the  "  Thoughts  on  Govern- 
niont,"  horn  alhided  to.     Vol.  iv.  p.  201. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  387 

the  natural  course  and  order  of  things  was  this  ;  for  every  colony 
to  institute  a  government ;  for  all  the  colonies  to  confederate, 
and  define  the  limits  of  the  continental  Constitution ;  then  to 
declare  the  colonies  a  sovereign  state,  or  a  number  of  confede- 
rated sovereign  states  ;  and  last  of  all,  to  form  treaties  with 
foreign  powers.  But  I  fear  we  cannot  proceed  systematically, 
and  that  we  shall  be  obliged  to  declare  ourselves  independent 
States,  before  we  confederate,  and  indeed  before  all  the  colonies 
have  established  their  governments. 

I*  is  now  pretty  clear  that  all  these  measures  will  follow  one 
another  in  a  rapid  succession,  and  it  may  not  perhaps  be  of 
much  importance  which  is  done  first. 

The  importance  of  an  immediate  application  to  the  French 
court,  is  clear ;  and  I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  hint 
of  the  route  by  the  Mississippi. 

Your  intimation  that  the  session  of  your  representative  body 
would  be  long,  gave  me  great  pleasure,  because  we  all  look  up 
to  Virginia  for  examples ;  and,  in  the  present  perplexities,  dan- 
gers, and  distresses  of  our  countiy,  it  is  necessary  that  the  su- 
preme councils  of  the  colonies  should  be  almost  constantly  sit- 
ting. Some  colonies  are  not  sensible  of  this ;  and  they  will 
certainly  suffer  for  their  indiscretion.  Events  of  such  magni- 
tude as  those  which  present  themselves  now  in  such  quick  suc- 
cession, require  constant  attention  and  mature  deliberation. 

The  little  pamphlet  you  mention,  which  was  published  here 
as_an  antidote  to  the  "  Thoughts  on  Government,"  and  which 
is  whispered  to  have  been  the  joint  production  of  one  native  of 
Virginia,  and  two  natives  of  New  York,  I  know  not  how  truly, 
will  make  no  fortune  in  the  world.^  It  is  too  absurd  to  be  con- 
sidered twice ;  it  is  contrived  to  involve  a  colony  in  eternal 
war. 

The  dons,  the  bashaws,  the  grandees,  the  patricians,  the  sa- 
chems, the  nabobs,  call  them  by  what  name  you  please,  sigh, 
and  groan,  and  fret,  and  sometimes  stamp,  and  foam,  and  curse, 
but  all  in  vain.  The  decree  is  gone  forth,  and  it  cannot  be  re- 
called, that  a  more  equal  liberty  than  has  prevailed  in  other 
parts  of  the  earth,  must  be  established  in  America.     That  exu- 

'  "An  Address  to  the  Convention  of  the  Colony  and  ancient  dominion  of 
Virginia,  on  the  subject  of  government  in  general,"  &c.  See  vol.  iv.  p.  202, 
note. 


;j88  correspondencj:. 

berance  of  pride  which  has  produced  an  insolent  domination  in 
a  few,  a  very  few,  opulent,  monopolizing  families,  will  be 
brought  down  nearer  to  the  confines  of  reason  and  moderation, 
than  they  have  been  used  to.  This  is  all  the  evil  which  they 
themselves  will  endure.  It  will  do  them  good  in  this  world, 
and  in  every  other.  For  pride  was  not  made  for  man,  only  as 
a  tormentor. 

I  shall  ever  be  happy  in  receiving  your  advice  by  letter,  luitil 
1  can  be  more  completely  so  in  seeing  you  here  in  person,  which 
I  hope  will  be  soon. 


TO    HUGH    HUGHES. 

Philadelphia,  4  June,  1776. 

Yours  of  May  29,  came  safe  to  hand,  and  I  am  much  pleased 
to  find  that  your  citizens  have  behaved  with  so  much  wisdom, 
unanimity,  and  spirit.  Yet  I  was  disappointed  that  you  did 
not  inclose  their  votes.^ 

I  am  very  glad  that  Mr.  J.  is  with  you,  and  hope  he  will  be 
of  great  service  there ;  but  will  he  not  be  for  making  your  go- 
vernor and  counsellors  for  life,  or  during  good  behavior  ?  I 
should  dread  such  a  Constitution  in  these  perilous  times,  be- 
cause however  wise,  and  brave,  and  virtuous  these  rulers  may 
be  at  their  first  appointment,  their  tempers  and  designs  will 
be  very  apt  to  change,  and  then  they  may  have  it  in  their  power 
to  betray  the  people,  who  will  have  no  means  of  redress.  The 
people  ought  to  have  frequently  the  opportunity,  especially  in 
these  dangerous  times,  of  considering  the  conduct  of  their  lead- 
ers, and  of  approving  or  disapproving.  You  will  have  no  safety 
without  it. 

The  province  of  Pennsylvania  is  in  a  good  way,  and  will 
soon  become  an  important  branch  of  the  Confederation.  The 
large  body  of  the  people  will  be  possessed  of  more  power  and 

1  Mr.  Hughes  announced  in  his  letter,  that  the  citizens  of  New  York  "  had  a 
meeting  on  Monday  evening  last,  when  it  was  agreed,  Avithout  a  dissenting 
voice,  to  instruct  our  Convention  on  that  most  important  of  all  sublunary  affairs, 
in  order  that  application  may  be  made  to  your  honorable  House." 

This  probably  refers  to  the  vote  of  the  General  Committee  of  Mechanics  in 
Union,  of  the  city  and  county  of  New  York,  whose  address  is  printed  in  Force's 
American  Archives,  4th  scries,  vol.  vi.  c.  614. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  389 

importance,  and  a  proud  junto  of  less  ;  and  yet  justice  will,  I 
hope,  be  done  to  all. 

I  wish  you  happiness,  promotion,  and  reputation  in  the  ser- 
vice.i 


TO    RICHARD    HENRY    LEE. 

Philadelphia,  4  June,  177G. 

Sir, —  Your  favor  of  18  May,  inclosing  the  momentous  reso- 
lution of  your  wise  and  patriotic  convention,  together  with  the 
American  Crisis,  came  duly  to  hand,  and  yesterday  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  receiving  the  proceedings  of  the  House  of  Burgesses. 
I  thank  you,  Sir,  for  both  these  esteemed  favors. 

Is  it  not  a  little  remarkable,  that  this  Congress  and  your  Con- 
vention should  come  to  resolutions  so  nearly  similar,  on  the  same 
day  ?  and  that  even  the  Convention  of  Maryland  should,  in  that 
critical  moment,  have  proceeded  so  far  as  to  abolish  the  oaths 
of  allegiance,  notwithstanding  that  some  of  their  other  resolves 
are  a  little  eccentric  ? 

Your  resolution  is  consistent  and  decisive ;  it  is  grounded  on 
true  principles,  which  are  fairly  and  clearly  stated ;  and  in  my 
humble  opinion,  the  proviso,  which  reserves  to  yourselves  the  in- 
stitution of  your  own  government,  is  fit  and  right,  this  being  a 
matter  of  wiiich  the  colonies  are  the  best  judges,  and  a  privilege 
which  each  colony  ought  to  reserve  to  itself.  Yet,  after  all,  I 
believe  there  will  be  much  more  uniformity  in  the  governments 
which  all  of  them  will  adopt,  than  could  have  been  expected  a 
few  months  ago. 

The  joy  and  exultation  which  was  expressed  upon  that  great 
occasion,  did  honor  to  their  good  sense  and  public  virtue.  It 
was  an  important  event,  at  a  critical  time,  in  which  the  interest 
and  happiness  of  themselves  and  their  posterity  were  much  con- 
cerned. 

Hopkiiis's  fleet  has  been  very  unfortunate ;  a  dreadful  sick- 
ness has  raged  among  his  men,  and  disabled  him  from  putting 
more  than  two  of  his  vessels  to  sea.  To  what  place  they  are 
gone,  I  know  not ;  perhaps  to  cruise  for  transports. 

1  Mr.  Hughes  had  been  appointed  by  General  Schuyler  Assistant  Quarter- 
master-General of  his  forces. 

33* 


390  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    WILLIAM    GUSHING. 

Philadelphia,  9  June,  1776. 

I  had  yesterday  the  honor  of  your  letter  of  the  28th  May,  and 
I  read  it  with  all  that  pleasure  which  we  feel  on  the  revival  of 
an  old  friendship,  when  we  meet  a  friend  whom  for  a  long 
time  we  have  not  seen. 

You  do  me  great  honor,  Sir,  in  expressing  a  pleasure  at  mj_ 
_appointment  to  the  bench  ;  but  be  assured  that  no  circumstance 


relating  to  that  appointment,  has  given  me  so  much  concern  as 
my  being  placed  at  the  head  of  it,  in  preference  to  another, 
who  in  my  opinion  was  so  much  better  qualified  for  it,  and  en- 
titled to  it.  I  did  all  in  my  power  to  have  it  otherwise,  but  I 
was  told  that  our  sovereign  lords  the  people  must  have  it  so. 
When,  or  where,  or  how,  the  secret  imagination  seized  you,  as 
you  say  it  did  heretofore,  that  I  was  destined  to  that  place,  I 
cannot  conjecture.  Nothing,  I  am  sure,  was  further  from  my 
thoughts  or  wishes.  I  am  not  a  little  chagrined  that  Sargeant 
has  declined.  I  had  great  hopes  from  his  solid  judgment  and 
extensive  knowledge.  Paine  has  acted  in  his  own  character, 
although  I  think  not  consistent  with  the  public  character  which 
he  has  been  made  to  wear.  However,  I  confess  I  am  not  much 
mortified  with  this,  for  the  bench  will  not  be  the  less  respecta- 
ble for  having  the  less  wit,  humor,  drollery,  or  fun  upon  it ;  very 
difl'erent  qualities  are  necessary  for  that  department.^ 

Warren  has  an  excellent  head  and  heart ;  and  since  we  can- 
not be  favored  and  honored  with  the  judgment  of  lawyers,  I 
know  not  where  a  better  man  could  have  been  found  ;  I  hope 
he  will  not  decline ;  if  he  should,  I  hope  that  Lowell  or  Dana 
will  be  thought  of. 

I  am  happy  in  your  appointment  of  good  Mr.  Winthrop,^ 
whose  experience  will  be  useful  in  that  station,  and  whose  con- 
duct and  principles  have  deserved  it. 

You  have  my  hearty  concurrence  in  telling  the  jury  the  nul- 
lity of  acts  of  parliament,  whether  we  can  prove  it  by  the  jus 


1  Notwithstanding  all  which,  Mr.  Paine  subsequently  accepted  a  seat  on  the 
bench,  and  served  with  dignity  and  reputation  for  fourteen  years,  until  1804. 

2  "  We  have  appointed  good  Mr.  Winthrop,  clerk."     Extract  from  Mr.  C.'s 
letter. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  391 

gladii,  or  not.^     I  am  determined  to  die  of  that  opinion,  let  the 
jus  g-ladii  say  what  it  will. 

The  system  and  rules  of  the  common  law  must  be  adopted, 
I  suppose,  until  the  legislature  shall  make  alterations  in  either ; 
and  how  much  soever  I  may  heretofore  have  found  fault  with 
the  powers  that  were,  I  suppose  I  shall  be  well  pleased  now  to 
hear  submission  inculcated  to  the  powers  that  are.  It  wotlld 
give  me  great  pleasure  to  ride  this  eastern  circuit  with  you,  and 
prate  before  you  at  the  bar,  as  I  used  to  do.  But  I  am  destined 
to  another  fate,  to  drudgery  of  the  most  wasting,  exhausting,_ 
consuming  kind,  that  I  ever  went  through  in  my  whole  life. 
Objects  of  the  most  stupendous  magnitude,  and  measures  in 
which  the  lives  and  liberties  of  millions  yet  unborn  are  inti- 
mately interested,  are  now  before  us.  We  are  in  the  very 
midst  of  a  revolution,  the  most  complete,  unexpected,  and  re- 
markable, of  any  in  the  history  of  nations,  A  few  important 
subjects  must  be  despatched  before  I  can  return  to  my  family. 
Every  colony  must  be  induced  to  institute  a  perfect  govern- 
ment. All  the  colonies  must  confederate  together  in  some  so- 
lemn band  of  union.  The  Congress  must  declare  the  colonies 
free  and  independent  States,  and  ambassadors  must  be  sent 
abroad  to  foreign  courts,  to  solicit  their  acknowledgment  of  us, 
as  sovereign  States,  and  to  form  with  them,  at  least  with  some 
of  them,  commercial  treaties  of  friendship  and  alliance.  When 
these  things  are  once  completed,  I  shall  think  that  I  have  an- 
swered the  end  of  my  creation,  and  sing  my  nunc  diinittis,  re- 
turn to  my  farm,  family,  ride  circuits,  plead  law,  or  judge 
causes,  just  which  you  please. 

The  rumors  you  heard  of  a  reinforcement  in  Canada,  and 
those  you  must  have  heard  before  now,  of  many  disasters  there, 
are  but  too  true.  Canada  has  been  neglected  too  much,  to 
my  infinite  grief  and  regret,  and  against  all  the  remonstrances 
which  I  could  make,  and  many  others.  This  has  been  owing 
to  causes,  which  it  would  tire  you  to  explain,  if  I  was  at  liberty, 
which  I  am  not.  However,  nothing  on  my  part,  or  that  of  my 
colleagues,  will  be  wanting  to  secure  a  reverse  of  fortune  there. 
Dunmore  is  fled  to  an  island.     Our  little  fleet  has  had  a  shock- 

'  "  I  can  tell  the  grand  jury  the  nullity  of  acts  of  parliament,  but  must  leave 
you  to  prove  it  by  the  more  powerful  arguments  of  the  Jus  gladii  divinum,  a 
power  not  peculiar  to  kings  or  ministers."     Mr.  C.'s  letter. 


392  CORRESPONDENCE. 

ing  sickness,  which  has  disabled  so  many  men,  that  the  com- 
modore has  sent  on  a  cruise  two  of  his  ships  only. 

The  difficulty  of  defending  so  extended  a  sea-coast,  is  prodi- 
gious, but  the  spirit  of  the  people  is  very  willing,  and  they  exert 
themselves  nobly  in  most  places.  The  British  men-of-war  are 
distressed  for  provisions,  and  even  for  water,  almost  every- 
where.    They  have  no  comfort  in  any  part  of  America. 

My  good  genius  whispers  me  very  often,  that  I  shall  enjoy 
many  agreeable  hours  with  you ;  but  fortune  often  disappoints 
the  hopes  which  my  good  genius  inspires.  But  in  the  mean 
time,  I  shall  ever  be  happy  to  receive  a  line  from  you.  Should 
be  much  obliged  to  you  for  some  account  of  occurrences  in  your 
eastern  circuit.  Remember  me  with  every  sentiment  of  respect 
to  the  bench,  the  bar,  and  all  other  friends. 


TO    JOHN    LOWELL. 

Philadelphia,  12  June,  1776. 

Yesterday's  post  brought  me  a  newspaper  of  the  3d  instant, 
containing  a  list  of  your  House  and  Board ;  and,  upon  my  word, 
I  read  it  with  more  pleasure  than  I  ever  read  any  other  list 
of  the  tw^o  Houses.  I  do  not  believe  the  records  of  the  pro- 
vince can  show  a  more  respectable  set  of  representatives  or 
counsellors.  Sargeant,  Lowell,  Pickering,  Angier,  are  great 
acquisitions  in  the  House  ;  so  are  Dana  and  Sewall  at  the  Board, 
not  to  mention  many  other  very  respectable  characters  among 
the  new  members  of  each. 

From  this  collection  of  wise  and  prudent  men  I  hope  great 
things.  I  hope  that  the  most  vigorous  exertions  will  be  made 
to  put  the  province  in  the  best  state  of  defence.  Every  seaport 
in  it  ought  to  be  fortified  in  such  a  manner  that  you  may  set 
the  enemy  at  defiance.  To  this  end,  large  additions  must  be 
made  to  the  cannon  of  the  colon  v.  I  wish  to  know  whether 
they  are  cast  at  any  furnace  in  the  province ;  if  not,  no  expense, 
I  think,  should  be  spared  to  procure  them.  They  are  casting 
them  successfully  in  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  and  Rhode  Island. 
Another   article,  essentially  necessary,  is  that  of  muskets. I 


CORRESPONDENCE.  393 

wish  that  every  man  in  tlie  province,  who  can  work  about  any 
part  of  a  gun  or  bayonet,  was  set  to  work.  No  price  should  be 
thought  extravagant. 

^altpetre,Jt  seems,  you  are  in  a  way  to  procure  in  sufficient 
quantities ;  but  sulphur  and  lead  I  have  not  yet  learnt  to  be 
made  among  you.  I  hope  you  will  take  effectual  measures  to 
make  salt.  You  must  do  it.  The  other  colonies  are  too  lazy 
and  shiftless  to  do  any  thing  until  you  set  them  the  example. 

The  defence  of  the  colony  is  the  first  object.  The  second  is 
the  formation  of  a  Constitution.  In  this  business  I  presume 
you  will  proceed  slowly  and  deliberately.  It  is  a  difficult 
work  to  achieve;  and  the  spirit  of  levelling,  as  well  as  that  of 
innovation,  is  afloat.  Before  I  saw  the  list  of  the  new  election, 
I  was  under  fearful  apprehension,  I  confess.  But  my  mind  is 
now  at  ease  in  this  respect.  There  are  so  many  able  men  in 
each  House,  that  I  think  they  will  have  influence  enough  to 
prevent  any  dangerous  innovations,  and  yet  to  carry  any  neces- 
sary and  useful  improvements. 

Some  of  you  must  prepare  your  stomachs  to  come  to  Phila- 
delphia. I  am  weary,  and  must  ask  leave  to  return  to  my 
family,  after  a  little  time,  and  one  of  my  colleagues  at  least 
must  do  the  same,  or  I  greatly  fear  do  worse.  You  and  I  know 
very  well  the  fatigues  of  practice  at  the  bar,  but  I  assure  you 
this  incessant  round  of  thinking  and  speaking  upon  the  greatest 
subjects  that  ever  employed  the  mind  of  man,  and  the  most  per- 
plexing dilliculties  that  ever  puzzled  it,  is  beyond  all  comparison 
more  exhausting  and  consuming. 

Our  affairs  in  Canada  are  in  a  confused  and  disastrous  situa- 
tion. But  I  hope  they  will  not  be  worse.  We  have  made 
large  requisitions  upon  you ;  how  you  can  possibly  comply 
with  them  I  know  not ;  but  I  hope  you  will  do  as  much  as  you 
can. 

We  have  no  resource  left,  my  friend,  bat  our  own  fortitude 
and  the  favor  of  heaven.  If  we  have  the  first  I  have  no  doubt 
we  shall  obtain  the  last,  and  these  will  be  sufficient.  All  ideas 
of  reconciliation  or  accommodation  seem  to  be  gone  with  the 
years  before  the  flood. 

I  have  nothing  new  to  communicate  but  what  is  in  every 
newspaper,  and  I  began  this  letter  only  to  make  my  compli- 
ments to  you,  and  ask  the  favor  of  your  correspondence.     But 


394  CORRESPONDENCE. 

I  have  wandered,  I  know  not  whither.     It  is  time  to  subscribe 
myself  your  friend  and  servant. 


TO    OAKES    ANGIER. 


Philadelphia,  12  June,  177G. 

It  was  with  great  pleasure,  and  perhaps  some  little  mixture 
of  pride,  that  I  read  your  name  among  the  representatives  of 
Bridgewater,  in  the  Boston  Gazette.  I  rejoiced  to  find  that 
your  townsmen  had  so  much  confidence  in  your  abilities  and 
patriotism,  and  that  you  had  so  much  confidence  in  the  justice 
of  our  cause,  and  the  abilities  of  America  to  support  it,  as  to 
embark  your  fortune  in  it.  Your  country  never  stood  so  nrach 
in  need  of  men  of  clear  heads  and  steady  hearts  to  conduct 
her  affairs.  Our  civil  governments  as  well  as  military  prepara- 
tions want  much  improvement,  and  to  this  end  a  most  vigilant 
attention,  as  well  as  great  patience,  caution,  prudence,  and 
firmness,  is  necessary. 

You  will  excuse  the  freedom  of  a  friend,  when  I  tell  you  that 
I  have  never  entertained  any  doubt  that  your  political  prin- 
ciples and  public  affections  corresponded  with  those  of  your 
country.  But  you  know  that  jealousies  and  suspicions  have 
been  entertained  and  propagated  concerning  you.  These  jea- 
lousies arose,  I  am  well  persuaded,  from  an  unreserved  freedom 
of  conversation,  and  a  social  disposition  a  little  addicted  to  dis- 
putation, which  was  sometimes,  perhaps,  incautiously  indulged. 
Your  present  situation,  which  is  conspicuous,  and  not  only 
exposed  to  observation  but  to  misconstruction  and  misrepre- 
sentation, will  make  it  necessary  for  you  to  be  upon  your  guard. 

Let  me  recommend  to  you  an  observation  that  one  of  my 
colleagues  is  very  fond  of,  "  The  first  virtue  of  a  politician  is 
patience;  the  second  is  patience;  and  the  third  is  patience!" 
as  Demosthenes  observed  that  action  was  the  first,  second,  and 
third  quality  of  an  orator.  You  will  experience  in  public  life 
such  violent,  sudden,  and  unexpected  provocations  and  disap- 
pointments, that  if  you  are  not  now  possessed  of  all  the  patience 
of  Job,  I  would  advise  you  to  acquire  it  as  soon  as  possible. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  395 

News  I  can  tell  you  none.  I  have  written  to  Colonel  Warren, 
JMr.  Sewall,  and  Mr.  Lowell,  a  few  broken  hints,  upon  subjects 
which  I  wish  you  would  turn  your  thoughts  to.  Be  so  good 
as  to  wTite  me  any  remarkables  in  the  legislature  or  the  courts 
of  justice. 


TO    FRANCIS    DANA. 


Philadelphia,  12  June,  1776. 

In  the  lists  of  the  House  and  Board  I  was  as  much  pleased 
to  find  your  name  among  the  latter,  as  I  was  chagrined  to 
find  it  omitted  in  the  former.  This  is  one  among  numberless 
advantages  of  a  middle  branch  of  the  legislature,  that  a  place 
may  be  found  in  it  for  such  distinguished  friends  of  their 
country  as  are  omitted  by  the  people  in  the  choice  of  their  re- 
presentatives. This  is  an  advantage  which  Pennsylvania  never 
enjoyed  and  some  ignorant  pretenders  to  the  art  of  building 
civil  governments  seem  to  wish  should  not  prevail  in  other 
colonies.  But,  so  far  from  succeeding,  every  colony  on  the 
continent  in  their  new  Constitutions,  even  Pennsylvania  itself, 
will  have  a  middle  branch.  I  hope  you  will  now  go  on  and 
complete  your  government  by  choosing  a  governor  and  lieute- 


nant-governor. 


I  think  the  province  never  had  so  fair  a  representation  or  so 
respectable  a  House  or  Board.  You  have  a  great  number  of 
ingenious,  able  men  in  each.  I  sincerely  congratulate  the  pro- 
vince upon  it,  and  think  it  forebodes  much  good.  I  am  anxious 
to  be  informed  of  the  state  of  the  province,  and  of  the  progress 
you  make  step  by  step.  Should  be  much  obliged  to  you  for  a 
letter  now  and  then. 

We  are  drudging  on  as  usual;  sometimes  it  is  seven  o'clock 
before  we  rise.  We  have  greater  things  in  contemplation  than 
ever;  the  greatest  of  all  which  we  ever  shall  have.  Be  silent 
and  patient,  and  time  will  bring  forth,  after  the  usual  groans, 
throes,  and  pains  upon  such  occasions,  a  fine  child,  a  fine,  vigor- 
ous, healthy  boy,  I  presume.  God  bless  him  and  make  him  a 
great,  wise,  virtuous,  pious,  rich,  and  powerful  man! 

Prepare  yourself  for  vexation  enough,  for  my  tour  of  duty  is 


396  CORRESPONDENCE. 

almost  out;   and  when  it  is,  you  or  Lowell,  or  both,  must  come 
here  and  toil  a  little,  while  we  take  a  little  breath. 


TO    SAMUEL    CHASE. 

Philadelphia,  14  June,  1776. 

Mr.  Bedford  put  into  my  hand  this  moment  a  card  from  you, 
containing  a  reprehension  for  the  past,  and  a  requisition  for  the 
time  to  come.i  For  the  past,  I  kiss  the  rod;  but  from  comply- 
ing with  the  requisition,  at  least  one  part  of  it,  I  must  be  ex-, 
cused.  I  have  no  objection  to  writing  you  facts,  but  I  would 
not  meddle  with  characters  for  the  world.  A  burnt  child  dreads 
the  fire.  I  have  smarted  too  severely  for  a  few  crude  expressions 
written  in  a  pet  to  a  bosom  friend,  to  venture  on  such  bold- 
nesses again.  Besides,  if  I  were  to  tell  you  all  that  I  think  of 
all  characters,  I  should  appear  so  ill  natured  and  censorious  that 
I  should  detest  myself.  By  my  soul,  I  think  very  heinously,  I 
cannot  think  of  a  better  word,  of  some  people.  They  think  as 
badly  of  me,  I  suppose;  and  neither  of  us  care  a  farthing  for 
that.  So  the  account  is  balanced,  and  perhaps,  after  all,  both 
sides  may  be  deceived,  both  may  be  very  honest  men. 

But  of  all  the  animals  on  earth  that  ever  fell  in  my  way,  your 
trimmers,  your  double-tongued  and  double-minded  men,  your 
disguised  folk,  I  detest  most.  The  devil,  I  think,  has  a  better 
title  to  these,  by  half,  than  he  has  to  those  who  err  openly,  and 
are  barefaced  villains. 

Mr.  Adams  ever  was  and  ever  will  be  glad  to  see  Mr.  Chase ; 
but  Mr.  Chase  never  was  nor  will  be  more  welcome  than  if  he 
should  come  next  Monday  or  Tuesday  fortnight,  with  the  voice 
of  Maryland  in  favor  of  independence  and  a  foreign  alliance. 

1  As  this  note  is  brief,  it  is  given  entire  : 

"_Mr.  Chase  will  excuse  the  late  neglect  and  inattention  of  Mr.  John  Adams 
to  him,  upon  the  express  condition  that  in  future  he  constantly  communicate  to 
Mr.  Chase  every  matter  relating  to  persons  or  things.  Mr.  Chase  Hatters  him- 
self with  seeing  Mr.  Adams  on  Monday  or  Tuesday  fortnight  with  the  voice  of 
Maryland  in  favor  of  independence  and  a  foreign  alliance,  which  are,  in  Mr. 
Chase's  opinion,  the  only  and  best  measures  to  preserve  the  liberties  of  America. 
Direct  to  AnnapoUs." 


CORRESPONDENCE.  397 

I  have  never  had  the  honor  of  knowing  many  people  from  Mary- 
land, but  by  what  I  have  learnt  of  them  and  seen  of  then-  dele- 
gates, they  are  an  open,  sincere,  and  united  people.  A  little 
obstinate,  to  be  sure,  but  that  is  very  pardonable,  when  accom- 
panied with  frankness.  From  all  which  I  conclude  that  when 
they  shall  be  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  those  measures,  they 
will  all  be  convinced  at  once,  and  afterwards  be  as  active  and 
forward  as  any,  perhaps  more  so  than  most. 

I  have  one  bone  to  pick  with  your  colony ;  I  suspect  they 
levelled  one  of  their  instructions  at  my  head.  This  is  a  distinc- 
tion of  which  you  may  suppose  I  am  not  very  ambitious.  One 
of  your  colleagues  moved  a  resolution  that  no  member  of  Con- 
gress should  hold  any  oflice  under  any  of  the  new  governments, 
and  produced  an  instruction  to  make  him  feel  strong.^  I 
seconded  the  motion,  with  a  trifling  amendment,  that  the  reso- 
lution should  be,  that  no  member  of  Congress  should  hold  any 
office,  civil  or  military,  in  the  army  or  in  the  militia,  under  any 
government,  old  or  new.  This  struck  through  the  assembly 
like  an  electric  shock,  for  every  member  was  a  governor,  or 
general,  or  judge,  or  some  mighty  thing  or  other  in  the  militia,  or 
under  the  old  government  or  some  new  one.  This  was  so  im- 
portant a  matter  that  it  required  consideration,  and  I  have  never 
heard  another  word  about  it. 

The  truth,  as  far  as  it  respects  myself,  is  this.  The  govern- 
ment of  the  Massachusetts,  without  my  solicitation  and  much 
against  my  inclination,  were  pleased  some  time  last  summer  to 
nominate  me  to  an  office.  It  was  at  a  time  when  offices  under 
new  governments  were  not  in  much  demand,  being  considered 
rather  precarious.  I  did  not  refuse  this  office,  although,  by 
accepting  it,  I  must  resign  another  office,  which  I  held  under 
the  old  government,  three  times  as  profitable,  because  I  was 
well  informed,  that,  if  I  had  refused  it,  no  other  man  would  have 
accepted  it,  and  this  would  have  greatly  weakened,  perhaps 
ruined  the  new  constitution.  This  is  the  truth  of  fact.  So 
that  one  of  the  most  disinterested  and  intrepid  actions  of  my 
whole  life  has  been  represented  to  the  people  of  Maryland  to 
my  disadvantage.  I  told  the  gentlemen  that  I  should  be  much 
obliged,  if  they  would  find  me  a  man  who  would  accept  of  my 

1  See  vol.  iil.  page  26,  for  the  instruction,  and  further  comments  upon  it.  The 
paper  is  printed  in  full  in  Force's  American  Archioes,  4th  series,  vol.  iv.  c.  739. 

VOL.  IX.  34 


398  CORRESPONDENCE. 

office,  or  by  passing  the  resolution  furnish  me  with  a  justifica- 
tion for  refusing  it.  In  either  case,  I  would  subscribe  my  renun- 
ciation of  that  office  before  I  left  that  room.  Nay,  I  would  go 
further,  I  would  vote  with  them  that  every  member  of  this 
Congi-ess  should  take  an  oath  that  he  never  would  accept  of 
any  office  during  life,  or  procure  any  office  for  his  father,  his 
son,  his  brother,  or  his  cousin.     So  much  for  egotism  I 

McKean  has  returned  from  the  lower  counties  with  full 
powers.  Their  instructions  are  in  the  same  words  with  the 
new  ones  to  the  delegates  of  Pennsylvania.  New  Jersey  has 
dethroned  Franklin,^  and  in  a  letter,  which  is  just  come  to  my 
hand  from  indisputable  authority,  I  am  told  that  the  delegates 
from  that  colony  "will  vote  plump I"^  Maryland  now  stands 
alone.  I  presume  she  will  soon  join  company;  if  not,  she  must 
be  left  alone. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Philadelplila,  16  June,  1776, 

Your  favors  of  June  2d  and  5th,  are  now  before  me. 

The  address  to  the  Convention  of  Virginia,  makes  a  small 
fortune  in  the  world.  Colonel  Henry,  in  a  letter  to  me,  expresses 
infinite  contempt  of  it,^  and  assures  me  that  the  constitution  of 
Virginia  will  be  more  like  the  "  Thoughts  on  Government."  I 
believe,  however,  they  will  make  the  election  of  their  council 
iseptennial;  that  of  representatives  and  governor,  annual.  But 
;I  am  amazed  to  find  an  inclination  so  prevalent  throughout  all 
the  southern  colonies,  to  adopt  plans  so  nearly  resembling  that 
jin  the  "  Thoughts  on  Government."  I  assure  you,  until  the  ex- 
periment was  made,  I  had  no  conception  of  it.  But  the  pride 
of  the  haughty  must,  I  see,  come  down  a  little  in  the  south. 

You  suppose  "  it  would  not  do  to  have  the  two  regiments  you 
are  now  raising,  converted  into  continental  regiments."  But 
why?  "Would  the  officers  or  men  have  any  objection?  If  they 
would  not.   Congress  would  have  none  ;  this  was  what  I  ex- 

1  W.  T.  Franklin. 

2  See  the  letter  of  J.  D.  Sergeant  in  volume  iii.  p.  55,  note.  As  it  is  dated 
at  Burlington  the  15th,  the  probability  is  that  this  letter  was  not  finished  until 
the  16th. 

3  Vol.  iv.  p.  201. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  399 

pected  and  intended,  when  the  measure  was  in  agitation.  In- 
deed, I  thought,  that  as  our  battalions,  with  their  arras,  were 
can-ied  to  New  York  and  Canada,  in  the  service  of  the  united 
colonics,  the  town  of  Boston  and  the  province  ought  to  be 
guarded  against  danger  by  the  united  colonies. 

You  have  been  since  called  upon  for  six  thousand  militia  for 
Canada  and  New  York.  How  you  will  get  the  men,  I  know 
not.  The  smallpox,  I  suppose,  will  be  a  great  discouragement. 
But  we  must  maintain  our  ground  in  Canada.  The  regulars, 
if  they  get  full  possession  of  that  province,  and  the  navigation 
of  St.  Lawrence  river  above  Deschambault,  at  least  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Sorel,  will  have  nothing  to  interrupt  their  commu- 
nication with  Niagara,  Detroit,  Michilimackinac;  they  will  have 
the  navigation  of  the  five  great  lakes  quite  as  far  as  the  Missis- 
sippi River ;  they  will  have  a  free  communication  with  all  the 
numerous  tribes  of  Indians  extended  along  the  frontiers  of  all 
the  colonies,  and,  by  their  trinkets  and  bribes,  will  induce  them 
to  take  up  the  hatchet,  and  spread  blood  and  fire  among  the  in- 
habitants ;  by  which  means,  all  the  frontier  inhabitants  will  be 
driven  in  upon  the  middle  settlements,  at  a  time  when  the  in- 
habitants of  the  seaports  and  coasts  will  be  driven  back  by  the 
British  navy.  Is  this  picture  too  high  colored?  Perhaps  it  is  ; 
but  surely  we  must  maintain  our  power  in  Canada. 

You  may  depend  upon  my  rendering  Mr.  Winthrop  all  the 
service  in  my  power. 

I  believe  it  will  not  be  long  before  all  property  belonging  to 
British  subjects,  whether  in  Europe,  the  West  India  islands,  or 
elsewhere,  will  be  made  liable  to  capture.  A  few  weeks  may 
possibly  produce  great  things. 


TO    ZABDIEL    ADAMS.^ 

Philadelphia,  21  June,  1776. 

Your  letter,  Sir,  gave  me  great  pleasure,  and  deserves  my 
most  hearty  thanks. 

I  am  fully  with  you  in  sentiment,  that  although  the  author- 
ity of  the  Congress,  founded  as  it  has  been  in  reason,  honor, 

1  Vol.  ii.  p.  83,  note. 


400  CORRESPONDENCE. 

and  the  love  of  liberty,  has  been  sufficient  to  govern  the  colonies 
in  a  tolerable  manner,  for  their  defence  and  protection,  yet  that 
it  is  not  prudent  to  continue  very  long  in  the  same  way ;  and 
that  a  permanent  constitution  should  be  formed,  and  foreign 
aid  obtained.  In  these  points,  and  thus  far,  the  colonies  and 
their  representatives,  the  Congress,  are  extremely  well  united. 
But  concerning  a  declaration  of  independency,  there  is  some 
diversity  of  sentiment.  Two  arguments  only  are  urged  with 
any  plausibility  against  such  a  measure.  One  is,  that  it  will 
unite  all  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  against  us ;  the  other, 
that  it  will  put  us  too  much  in  the  power  of  foreign  States. 

The  first  has  little  weight  in  it,  because  the  people  of  Great 
Britain  are  already  as  much  united  against  us  as  they  ever  are 
in  any  thing,  and  the  probability  is,  that  such  a  declaration 
would  excite  still  greater  divisions  and  distractions  among  them. 

The  second  has  less  weight  still ;  for  foreign  powers  already 
know  that  we  are  as  obnoxious  to  the  British  court  as  we  can 
be.  They  know  that  parliament  have  in  effect  declared  us  in- 
dependent, and  that  we  have  acted  these  thirteen  months  to  all 
intent  and  purposes  as  if  we  were  so. 

The  reports  of  fifty-five  thousand  men  coming  against  us,  are 
chiefly  ministerial  gasconade.  However,  we  have  reason  to  fear 
that  they  will  send  several  very  powerful  armaments  against  us, 
and  therefore  our  most  strenuous  exertions  will  be  necessary  as 
well  as  our  most  fervent  prayers.  America  is  yet  in  her  in- 
fancy, or  at  least  but  lately  arrived  to  manhood,  and  is  inex- 
perienced in  the  perplexing  mysteries  of  policy,  as  well  as  the 
dangerous  operations  of  war. 

I  assure  you.  Sir,  that  your  employment  in  investigating  the 
moral  causes  of  our  miseries,  and  in  pointing  out  the  remedies, 
is  devoutly  to  be  wished.  There  is  no  station  more  respectable, 
nor  any  so  pleasant  and  agreeable.  Those  who  tread  the  pub- 
lic stage  in  characters  the  most  extensively  conspicuous,  meet 
with  so  many  embarrassments,  perplexities,  and  disappoint- 
ments, that  they  have  often  reason  to  wish  for  the  peaceful 
retreats  of  the  clergy.  Who  would  not  wish  to  exchange  the 
angry  contentions  of  the  former  for  the  peaceful  contemplations 
of  the  closet? 

"Where  Contemplation  prunes  her  ruffled  wings, 
And  the  free  soul  looks  down  to  pit}'  kings." 


CORRE8rOND£NCE.  401 

Who  would  not  exchange  the  discordant  scenes  of  envy, 
pride,  vanity,  malice,  revenge,  for  the  sweet  consolations  of 
philosophy,  the  serene  composure  of  the  passions,  the  divine 
enjoyments  of  Christian  charity  and  benevolence? 

Statesmen,  my  dear  Sir,  may  plan  and  speculate  for  liberty, 
but  it  is  religion  and  morality  alone,  which  can  establish  the 
principles  upon  wiiich  freedom  can  securely  stand.  The  only 
foundation  of  a  free  constitution  is  pure  virtue ;  and  if  this 
cannot  be  inspired  into  our  people  in  a  greater  measure  than 
they  have  it  now,  they  may  change  their  rulers  and  the  forms 
of  government,  but  they  will  not  obtain  a  lasting  liberty. 
They  will  only  exchange  tyrants  and  tyrannies.  You  cannot, 
therefore,  be  more  pleasantly  or  usefully  employed  than  in  the 
way  of  your  j^rofession,  pulling  down  the  strong-holds  of  Satan. 
This  is  not  cant,  but  the  real  sentiment  of  my  heart.  Remem- 
ber me  with  much  respect  to  your  worthy  family  and  to  all 
friends. 


TO    BENJAMIN    KENT. 

Pliiladelpliia,  22  June,  1776. 

Your  letters  of  April  24th  ^  and  May  26th  are  before  me  ;  both 
dated  at  Boston;  a  circumstance  which  alone  would  have  given 
pleasure  to  a  man  who  has  such  an  attachment  to  that  town, 
and  who  has  suffered  so  much  anxiety  for  his  friends  in  their 
exile  from  it. 

We  have  not  many  of  the  fearful,  and  still  less  of  the  unbe- 
lieving among  us,  how  slowly  soever  you  may  think  we  pro- 
ceed. Is  it  not  a  want  of  faith,  or  a  predominance  of  fear,  which 
makes  some  of  you  so  impatient  for  declarations  in  words,  of 
what  is  every  day  manifested  in  deeds  of  the  most  determined 
nature  and  unequivocal  signification  ? 

That  we  are  divorced  a  vinculo,  as  well  as  from  bed  and 
board,  is  to  me  very  clear.  The  only  question  is  concerning 
the  proper  time  for  making  an  explicit  declaration  in  words. 
Some  people  must  have  time  to  look  around  them;  before, 

'  Printed  in  vol.  ii.  p.  291,  note. 

34*  Z 


402  CORRESPONDENCE. 

behind,  on  the  right  hand,  and  on  the  left;  then  to  think,  and, 
after  all  this,  to  resolve.  Others  see  at  one  intuitive  glance 
into  the  past  and  the  future,  and  judge  with  precision  at  once. 
But  remember  you  cannot  make  thirteen  clocks  strike  precisely 
alike  at  the  same  second. 

I  am  for  the  most  liberal  toleration  of  all  denominations  of 
religionists,  but  I  hope  that  Congress  will  never  meddle  with 
religion  further  than  to  say  their  own  prayers,  and  to  fast  and 
give  thanks  once  a  year.  Let  every  colony  have  its  own  reli- 
gion without  molestation. 

The  Congress  ordered  Church  ^  to  the  Massachusetts  Coun- 
cil to  be  let  out  upon  bail.  It  was  represented  to  them  that  his 
health  was  in  a  dangerous  way,  and  it  was  thought  he  would 
not  now  have  it  in  his  power  to  do  any  mischief.  Nobody 
knows  what  to  do  with  him.  There  is  no  law  to  try  him  upon, 
and  no  court  to  try  him.  I  am  afraid  he  deserves  more  punish- 
ment than  he  will  ever  meet. 


TO    NATHANAEL    GREENE. 

Philadelphia,  22  June,  1776. 

Your  favor  of  the  2d  instant  has  lain  by  me,  I  suppose,  these 
eighteen  days ;  but  I  fear  I  shall  often  have  occasion  to  make 
apologies  for  such  omissions,  which  will  never  happen  from 
want  of  respect,  but  I  fear  very  often  for  want  of  time. 

Your  reasoning  to  prove  the  equity  and  the  policy  of  making 
provision  for  the  unfortunate  officer  or  soldier,  is  extremely 
just,  and  cannot  be  answered ;  and  I  hope  that  when  we  get  a 
little  over  the  confusions  arising  from  the  revolutions  which  are 
now  taking  place  in  the  colonies,  and  get  an  American  Consti- 
tution formed,  something  will  be  done.  I  should  be  much 
obliged  to  you  for  your  thoughts  upon  the  subject.  What 
pensions  should  be  allowed,  or  what  other  provision  made. 
Whether  it  would  be  expedient  to  establish  a  hospital,  &c.  It 
is  a  matter  of  importance,  and  the  plan  should  be  well  digested. 

I  think  with  you,  that  every  colony  should  furnish  its  propor- 

1  Dr.  Church. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  403 

tion  of  men,  and  I  hope  it  will  come  to  this.  But  at  present 
some  colonies  have  such  bodies  of  Quakers,  and  Mennonists, 
and  Moravians,  who  are  principled  against  war,  and  others  have 
such  bodies  of  tories,  or  cowards,  or  unprincipled  people,  who 
will  not  wage  war,  that  it  is,  as  yet,  impossible. 

The  dispute  is,  as  you  justly  observe,  in  all  human  probabi- 
lity but  in  its  infancy.  We  ought,  therefore,  to  study  to  bring 
every  thing  in  the  military  department  into  the  best  order. 
Fighting  is  not  the  greatest  branch  of  the  science  of  war.  Men 
must  be  furnished  with  good  and  wholesome  provisions  in 
sufficient  plenty.  They  must  be  well  paid.  They  must  be 
well  clothed,  and  well  covered  with  barracks  and  tents.  They 
must  be  kept  warm,  with  suitable  fuel.  In  these  respects  we 
have  not  been  able  to  do  so  well  as  we  wished.  But  why  the 
regiments  have  not  been  furnished  with  proper  agents,  I  do  not 
know.  Congress  is  ever  ready  to  hearken  to  the  advice  of  the 
general,  and  if  he  had  recommended  such  officers,  they  would 
have  been  appointed.  Colonels  should  neither  be  agents  nor 
sutlers.  Congress  have  lately  voted  that  there  shall  be  regi- 
mental paymasters,  who  shall  keep  the  accounts  of  the  regi- 
ments. If  any  other  agent  is  necessary,  let  me  know  it.  Good 
officers  are  no  doubt  the  soul  of  an  army,  but  our  difficulty  is 
to  get  men.  Officers  present  themselves  in  supernumerary 
abundance. 

As  to  pay,  there  is  no  end  to  the  desire  and  demand  of  it. 
Is  there  not  too  much  extravagance  and  too  little  economy 
among  the  officers  ? 

I  am  much  at  a  loss  whether  it  would  not  be  the  best  policy 
to  leave  every  colony  to  raise  its  own  troops,  to  clothe  them, 
to  pay  them,  to  furnish  them  with  tents,  and  indeed  with  every 
thing  but  provisions,  fuel,  and  forage.  The  project  of  abolish- 
ing provincial  distinctions  was  introduced  with  a  good  inten- 
tion, I  believe,  at  first,  but  I  think  it  will  do  no  good  upon  the 
whole.  However,  if  Congress  is  to  manage  the  whole,  I  am  in 
hopes  they  will  get  into  a  better  train.  They  have  establish- 
ed a  war-office,  and  a  board  of  war  and  ordnance,  by  means 
of  which  I  hope  they  will  get  their  affairs  into  better  order.^ 

'  Mr.  Adams  had  been  appointed  by  Congress,  on  the  13th  of  June,  Chairman 
of  this  Board.  From  this  date  his  correspondence  with  the  military  officers 
commences. 


404  CORRESPONDENCE. 

They  will  be  better  informed  of  the  state  of  the  army  and  of 
all  its  wants. 

That  the  promotion  of  extraordinary  merit  may  give  disgust 
to  those  officers  over  whom  the  advancement  is  made,  is  true; 
but  I  think  it  ought  not.  That  this  pov^er  may  be  abused  or 
misapplied,  is  also  true.  That  interest,  favor,  private  friend- 
ship, prejudice,  may  operate  more  or  less  in  the  purest  assembly 
is  true.  But  where  will  you  lodge  this  power  ?  To  place  it  in 
the  General  would  be  more  dangerous  to  the  public  liberty,  and 
not  less  liable  to  abuse  from  sinister  and  unworthy  motives. 
Will  it  do,  is  it  consistent  with  common  prudence,  to  lay  it 
down  as  an  invariable  rule,  that  all  officers,  in  all  cases,  shall 
rise  in  succession? 

I  am  obliged  to  you  for  your  caution,  not  to  be  too  confident. 
The  fate  of  war  is  uncertain ;  so  are  all  sublunary  things.  But 
we  must  form  our  conjectures  of  effects  from  the  knowledge  we 
have  of  causes,  and  in  circumstances  like  ours  must  not  attempt 
to  penetrate  too  far  into  futurity.  There  are  as  many  evils, 
and  more,  which  arise  in  human  life  from  an  excess  of  diffi- 
dence, as  from  an  excess  of  confidence.  Proud  as  mankind  is, 
there  is  more  superiority  in  this  world  yielded  than  assumed. 
I  learned  long  ago  from  one  of  the  greatest  statesmen  this 
world  ever  produced,  Sully,  neither  to  adventure  upon  rash 
attempts  from  too  much  confidence,  nor  to  despair  of  success 
in  a  great  design  from  the  appearance  of  difficulties.  Without 
attempting  to  judge  of  the  future,  which  depends  upon  too 
many  accidents,  much  less  to  subject  it  to  our  precipitation  in 
bold  and  difficult  enterprises,  we  should  endeavor  to  subdue  one 
obstacle  at  a  time,  nor  suffer  ourselves  to  be  depressed  by  their 
greatness  and  their  number.  We  oiig-ht  never  to  despair  of  what 
has  been  once  accomplished.  How  many  things  has  the  idea  of 
impossible  been  annexed  to,  that  have  become  easy  to  those 
who  knew  how  to  take  advantage  of  time,  opportunity,  lucky 
moments,  the  faults  of  others,  different  dispositions,  and  an 
infinite  number  of  other  circumstances! 

I  will  inclose  to  you  a  copy  of  the  resolution  establishing  a 
board  of  war  and  ordnance.  And,  as  you  may  well  imagine 
we  are  all  inexperienced  in  this  business,  I  should  be  extremely 
obliged  to  you  for  any  hints  for  the  improvement  of  the  plan, 
which  may  occur  to  you,  and  for  any  assistance  or  advice  you 


CORRESPONDENCE.  405 

may  give  me  as  a  private  correspondent,  in  the  execution  of  it. 
It  is  a  great  mortification  to  me,  I  confess,  and  I  fear  it  will  too 
often  be  a  misfortune  to  our  country,  that  I  am  called  to  the 
discharge  of  trusts  to  which  I  feel  myself  so  unequal,  and  in 
the  execution  of  which  I  can  derive  no  assistance  from  my 
education  or  former  course  of  life.  But  my  country  must  com- 
mand me,  and  wherever  she  shall  order  me,  there  I  will  go 
without  dismay. 


TO    SAMUEL    H.    PARSONS. 

Philadelphia,  22  June,  177G. 

Your  obliging  favor  of  the  3d  of  June  has  been  too  long  un- 
answered. I  acknowledge  the  difficulty  in  ascertaining  the 
comparative  merit  of  officers,  and  the  danger  of  advancing 
friends,  where  there  is  no  uncommon  merit.  This  danger  cannot 
be  avoided  by  any  other  means  than  making  it  an  invariable 
rule  to  promote  officers  in  succession.  For  if  you  make  a  King 
the  judge  of  uncommon  merit,  he  will  advance  favorites  without 
merit,  under  color  or  pretence  of  merit.  If  you  make  a  Minister 
of  State  the  judge,  he  will  naturally  promote  his  relations,  con- 
nections, and  friends.  If  you  place  the  power  of  judging  of 
extraordinary  merit  in  an  Assembly,  you  do  not  mend  the 
matter  much.  For,  by  all  the  experience  J  have  had,  I  find 
that  assemblies  have  favorites,  as  well  as  kings  and  ministers. 
The  favorites  of  assemblies  or  the  leading  members,  are  not 
always  the  most  w^orthy ;  I  do  not  know  whether  they  ever  are. 
These  leading  members  have  sons,  brothers,  and  cousins,  ac- 
quaintances, friends,  and  connections  of  one  sort  or  another, 
near  or  remote ;  and  I  have  ever  found  these  leading  members 
of  assemblies  as  much  under  the  influence  of  nature,  and  her 
passions  and  prejudices,  as  kings  and  ministers.  The  principal 
advantage  and  difference  lies  in  this,  that  in  an  assembly  there 
are  more  guards  and  checks  upon  the  infirmities  of  leading 
members,  than  there  are  upon  kings  and  ministers. 

What,  then,  shall  we  say?  Shall  we  leave  it  to  the  General 
and  the  army?  Is  there  not  as  much  favoritism,  as  much  of 
nature,  passion,  prejudice,  and  partiality  in  the  army,  as  in  an 
assembly?     As  much  in  a  General,  as  a  King  or  Minister? 


406  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  Relieve  it  wisest  to  depart  from  the  line  of 
succession  as  seldom  as  possible.  But  I  cannot  but  think  that 
the  power  of  departing  from  it  at  all,  though  liable  to  abuses 
everywhere,  yet  safest  in  the  hands  of  an  Assembly. 

But,  in  our  American  army,  as  that  is  circumstanced,  it  is  as 
difficult  to  settle  a  rule  of  succession  as  a  criterion  of  merit. 
We  have  troops  in  every  province,  from  Georgia  to  New  Hamp- 
shire. A  Colonel  is  killed  in  New  Hampshire.  The  next  Colonel 
in  the  American  Army  to  him  is  in  Georgia.  Must  we  send 
the  Colonel  from  Georgia  to  command  the  regiment  in  New 
Hampshire  ?  Upon  his  journey  he  is  seized  with  a  fever  and 
dies.  The  next  Colonel  is  in  Canada.  We  must  then  send  to 
Canada  for  a  Colonel  to  go  to  Portsmouth ;  and,  as  the  next 
Colonel  to  him  is  in  South  Carolina,  we  must  send  a  Colonel 
from  South  Carolina  to  Canada  to  command  that  regiment. 
These  marches  and  counter-marches  must  run  through  all  the 
corps  of  officers,  and  will  occasion  such  inextricable  perplexities, 
delays,  and  uncertainties,  that  we  need  not  hesitate  to  pronounce 
it  impracticable  and  ruinous.  Shall  we  say,  then,  that  succes- 
sion shall  take  place  among  the  officers  of  every  distinct  army, 
or  in  every  distinct  department  ? 

My  own  private  opinion  is,  that  we  shall  never  be  quite  right 
until  every  colony  is  permitted  to  raise  its  own  troops,  and  the 
rule  of  succession  is  established  among  the  officers  of  the  colony. 
This,  where  there  are  troops  of  several  colonies,  serving  in  the 
same  camp,  may  be  liable  to  some  inconveniences.  But  these 
will  be  fewer  than  upon  any  other  plan  you  can  adopt. 

It  is  right,  I  believe,  to  make  the  rule  of  promotion  among 
captains  and  subalterns  regimental  only ;  and  that  among  field- 
officers  more  general.  But  the  question  is,  how  general  it  shall 
be.  Shall  it  extend  to  the  whole  American  army  ?  or  only  to 
the  whole  district  or  department?  or  only  to  the  army  serving 
at  a  particular  place  ? 

That  it  is  necessary  to  enlist  an  army  to  serve  during  the 
war,  or  at  least  for  a  longer  period  than  one  year,  and  to  offer 
some  handsome  encouragement  for  that  end,  I  have  been  con- 
vinced a  long  time.i  I  would  make  this  temptation  to  consist 
partly  in  money  and  partly  in  land,  and  considerable  in  both. 

'  Compare  with  tliis  sentiment  the  statement  made  by  Mr.  Hamilton.  Ha- 
millon's  Works,  vol.  vii.  p.  G89. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  407 

It  has  been  too  long  delayed,  but  I  think  it  will  now  be  soon 
done. 

What  is  the  reason  that  New  York  must  continue  to  embar- 
rass the  continent  ?  Must  it  be  so  forever  ?  What  is  the  cause 
of  it?  Have  they  no  politicians  capable  of  instructing  and 
forming  the  sentiments  of  their  people  ?  Or  are  their  people 
incapable  of  seeing  and  feeling  like  other  men  ?  One  would 
think  that  their  proximity  to  New  England  would  assimilate 
their  opinions  and  principles.  One  would  think,  too,  that  the 
army  would  have  some  influence  upon  them.  But  it  seems  to 
have  none.  New  York  is  likely  to  have  the  honor  of  being  the 
very  last  of  all  in  imbibing  the  genuine  principles  and  the  true 
system  of  American  policy.  Perhaps  she  will  never  entertain 
them  at  all. 


TO    JOHN    SULLIVAN. 

Philadelphia,  23  June,  1776. 

Your  agreeable  favor  of  May  4th  has  lain  by  me  unanswered 
till  now.  The  relation  of  your  negotiations  at  New  York  in 
order  to  convince  the  people  of  the  utility  and  necessity  of  in- 
stituting a  new  government,  is  very  entertaining;  and  if  you 
had  remained  there  a  few  weeks  longer,  I  conjecture  you  would 
have  effected  a  change  in  the  politics  of  that  region.^  Is  it 
deceit  or  simple  dulness  in  the  people  of  that  colony,  which 
occasions  their  eccentric  and  retrograde  politics  ? 

Your  late  letter  from  Sorel  gave  us  here  many  agreeable 
feelings.  We  had  read  nothing  but  the  doleful,  the  dismal, 
and  the  horrible  from  Canada  for  a  long  time. 

The  sun-ender  of  the  Cedars  appears  to  have  been  a  most 
infamous  piece  of  cowardice.  The  officer,^  if  he  has  nothing  to 
say  for  himself  more  than  I  can  think  of,  deserves  the  most 
infamous  death.  It  is  the  first  stain  upon  American  arms. 
May  immortal  disgrace  attend  his  name  and  character  I  I  wish, 
however,  that  he  alone  had  been  worthy  of  blame.     We  have 

1  The  greater  part  of  the  letter  referred  to  is  printed  anonymously  in  Gor- 
don's History,  vol.  ii.  p.  269.  It  is  a  curious  specimen  of  the  poUtical  manoeuvring 
of  that  day. 

-  Major  Butterfield. 


408  CORRESPONDENCE. 

thrown  away  Canada  in  a  most  scandalous  manner.  Pray  did 
not  opening  the  trade  to  the  upper  country,  and  letting  loose  the 
tories,  bring  upon  us  so  many  disasters  ?  For  God's  sake  ex- 
plain to  me  the  causes  of  our  miscarriages  in  that  province. 
Let  us  know  the  truth,  which  has  too  long  been  hidden  from 
us.  All  the  military  affairs  in  that  province  have  been  in  great 
confusion,  and  we  have  never  had  any  proper  returns  or  regular 
information  from  thence.  There  is  now  a  corps  of  officers  who 
will  certainly  act  with  more  system  and  more  precision,  and 
more  spirit.  Pray  make  us  acquainted  with  every  thing  that  is 
\vanted,  whether  men,  money,  arms,  ammunition,  clothing,  tents, 
barracks,  forage,  medicines,  or  whatever  else.  Keep  us  con- 
stantly informed ;  give  us  line  upon  line. 

I  fear  there  is  a  chain  of  toryism  extending  from  Canada 
through  New  York  and  New  Jersey  into  Pennsylvania,  which 
conducts  misrepresentation  and  false  information,  and  makes 
impression  here  upon  credulous,  unsuspecting,  ignorant  whigs. 
I  wish  it  may  not  have  for  its  object  treasons  and  conspiracies 
of  a  deeper  die. 

There  is  a  young  gentleman  bred  at  college  and  the  bar,  an 
excellent  soldier,  a  good  scholar,  and  a  virtuous  man,  in  your 
brigade,  who  deserves  a  station  far  above  that  in  which  he 
stands,  that  of  adjutant  to  Colonel  Greaton's  regiment.  Any 
notice  you  may  take  of  him  will  be  gratefully  acknowledged  by 
me  as  well  as  him.^  Prav  let  me  know  the  state  of  the  small- 
pox,  an  enemy  which  we  have  more  cause  to  fear  than  any 
other.  Is  it  among  our  troops  ?  Is  it  among  the  Canadians  ? 
I  mean  the  inhabitants  of  the  country.  Can  no  effectual  means 
be  used  to  annihilate  the  infection  ?  Cannot  it  be  kept  out  of 
the  army  ?  The  New  England  militia  will  be  of  no  use,  if  they 
come  in  ever  so  great  numbers,  if  that  distemper  is  to  seize  them 
as  soon  as  they  arrive. 

1  Nathan  Rice,  -who  had  been  a  student  in  the  office  of  Mr.  Adams  at  the 
breaking  out  of  the  revolution,  and  left  it  to  join  the  army,  in  which  he  served 
with  credit  and  distinction. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  409 


TO    JOHN    AVINTHROP. 

Plailadelpliia,  23  June,  1776. 

Your  favor  of  June  1st  is  before  me.  It  is  now  universally 
acknowledged  that  we^are  and  must  be  independent.  But  still, 
objections  are  made  to  a  declaration  of  it.  It  is  said  that  such 
a  declaration  will  arouse  and  unite  Great  Britain.  But  are  they 
not  already  aroused  and  united,  as  much  as  they  will  be  ?  Will 
not  such  a  declaration  arouse  and  unite  the  friends  of  liberty, 
the  few  who  are  left,  in  opposition  to  the  present  system?  It 
is  also  said  that  such  a  declaration  will  put  us  in  the  power 
of  foreign  States ;  that  France  will  take  advantage  of  us  when 
they  see  we  cannot  recede,  and  demand  severe  terms  of  us  ;  that 
she,  and  Spain  too,  will  rejoice  to  see  Britain  and  America 
wasting  each  other.  But  this  reasoning  has  no  weight  with 
me,  because  I  am  not  for  soliciting  any  political  connection,  or 
military  assistance,  or  indeed  naval,  from  France.  I  wish  for 
nothing  but  commerce,  a  mere  marine  treaty  with  them.i  And 
this  they  will  never  grant  until  we  make  the  declaration,  and 
this,  I  think,  they  cannot  refuse,  after  we  have  made  it. 

The  advantages  which  will  result  from  such  a  declaration,  are, 
in  my  opinion,  very  numerous  and  very  great.  After  that  event 
the  colonies  will  hesitate  no  longer  to  complete  their  govern- 
ments. They  will  establish  tests,  and  ascertain  the  criminality 
of  toryism.  The  presses  will  produce  no  more  seditious  or 
traitorous  speculations.  Slanders  upon  public  men  and  mea- 
sures will  be  lessened.  The  legislatures  of  the  colonies  will 
exert  themselves  to  manufacture  saltpetre,  sulphur,  powder, 
arms,  cannon,  mortars,  clothing,  and  every  thing  necessary  for 
the  support  of  life.  Our  civil  governments  will  feel  a  vigor 
hitherto  unknown.  Our  military  operations  by  sea  and  land 
will  be  conducted  w4th  greater  spirit.  Privateers  will  swarm  in 
vast  numbers.  Foreigners  will  then  exert  themselves  to  supply 
us  with  what  we  want.      A  foreimi  court  will  not  disdain  to 


"&' 


'  See  vol.  ii.  pp.  488,  489,  503,  504.  In  a  brief  but  very  vahiable  essay, 
entitled,  The  Diplomacy  of  the  Revolution,  published  at  New  York  in  1852,  Mr. 
AV.  H.  Trescott  points  out  with  great  clearness  the  origin  of  the  neutral  policy 
of  the  United  States.  The  language  of  this  letter  is  only  further  corroborative 
of  the  correctness  of  the  statement  in  the  autobiography,  very  properly  noticed 
by  him  as  written  at  a  much  later  jieriod.     See  that  volume,  p.  21,  note. 

VOL.  IX.  ^^ 


410  CORRESPONDENCE. 

treat  with  us  upon  equal  terms.  Nay  farther,  in  my  opinion, 
such  a  declaration,  instead  of  uniting  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
against  us,  will  raise  such  a  storm  against  the  measures  of  ad- 
ministration as  will  obstruct  the  war,  and  throw  the  kingdom 
into  confusion. 

A  committee  is  appointed  to  prepare  a  confederation  of  the 
colonies,  ascertaining  the  terms  and  ends  of  the  compact,  and 
the  limits  of  the  Continental  Constitution ;  and  another  com- 
mittee is  appointed  to  draw  up  a  declaration  that  these  colonies 
are  free  and  independent  States.  And  other  committees  are 
appointed  for  other  purposes,  as  important.  These  committees 
will  report  in  a  week  or  two,  and  then  the  last  finishing  strokes 
will  be  given  to  the  politics  of  this  revolution.  Nothing  after 
that  will  remain  but  war.  I  think  I  may  then  petition  my 
constituents  for  leave  to  return  to  my  family,  and  leave  the  war 
to  be  conducted  by  some  others  who  understand  it  better.  I 
am  w^eary,  thoroughly  weary,  and  ought  to  have  a  little  rest. 

I  am  grieved  to  hear,  as  I  do  from  various  quarters,  of  that 
rage  for  innovation,  which  appears  in  so  many  wild  shapes  in 
our  province.  Are  not  these  ridiculous  projects  prompted,  ex- 
cited, and  encouraged  by  disaffected  persons,  in  order  to  divide, 
dissipate,  and  distract  the  attention  of  the  people  at  a  time  when 
every  thought  should  be  employed,  and  every  sinew  exerted  for 
the  defence  of  the  country  ?  Many  of  the  projects  that  I  heard 
of  are  not  repairing  the  building  that  is  on  fire.  They  are  pull- 
ing the  building  down,  instead  of  laboring  to  extinguish  the 
flames.  The  projects  of  county  assemblies,  town  registers,  and 
town  probates  of  wills,  are  founded  in  narrow,  contracted  no- 
tions, sordid  stinginess,  and  profound  ignorance,  and  tend 
directly  to  barbarism.  I  care  not  whom  I  offend  by  this  lan- 
guage. I  blush  to  see  such  stuff  in  our  public  papers,  which 
used  to  breathe  a  spirit  much  more  liberal. 

I  rejoice  to  see  in  the  lists  of  both  Houses  so  many  names 
respectable  for  parts  and  learning.  I  hope  their  fortitude  and 
zeal  will  be  in  proportion,  and  then  I  am  sure  their  country  will 
have  great  cause  to  bless  them. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  411 


TO    AVILLIAM    TUDOR. 

Philadelpliia,  24  June,  1776. 

Your  favor  of  May  4th  has  lain  by  me  till  this  time  unan- 
swered, and  I  have  heard  nothing  from  you  since.  I  have 
entertained  hopes  of  seeing  you  here  before  now,  as  I  heard 
you  intended  such  an  excursion.  I  was  much  obliged  to  you 
for  your  particular  account  of  Major  Austin  and  Mr.  Rice ;  the 
first  I  find  has  the  command  at  Castle  William.  The  last  is 
gone  to  Canada,  where,  if  he  lives  through  the  dangers  of  famine, 
pestilence,  and  the  sword,  I  hope  General  Gates  will  promote 
him.  I  have  written  to  the  General  concerning  him,  recom- 
mending him  to  the  General's  notice  and  favor  in  as  strong  and 
warm  terms  as  I  ever  used  in  recommending  any  one.  Rice 
has  got  possession  of  my  heart  by  his  prudent  and  faithful 
attention  to  the  service. 

What  is  the  reason  that  New  York  is  still  asleep  or  dead  in 
politics  and  war  ?  Must  it  be  always  so  ?  Cannot  the  whole 
congregation  of  patriots  and  heroes  belonging  to  the  army,  now 
in  that  province,  inspire  it  with  one  generous  sentiment  ?  Have 
they  no  sense,  no  feeling,  no  sentiment,  no  passions  ?  While 
every  other  colony  is  rapidly  advancing,  their  motions  seem  to 
be  rather  retrograde.  The  timid  and  trimming  politics  of  some 
men  of  large  property  here  have  almost  done  their  business  for 
them.  They  have  lost  their  influence,  and  grown  obnoxious. 
The  quakers  and  proprietarians  together  have  little  weight. 
New  Jersey  shows  a  noble  ardor.  Is  there  any  thing  in  the 
air  or  soil  of  New  York  unfriendly  to  the  spirit  of  liberty? 
Are  the  people  destitute  of  reason  or  of  virtue  ?  Or  what  is 
the  cause  ? 

I  agree  with  you  in  your  hopes  that  the  Massachusetts  will 
proceed  to  complete  her  government.  Y^ou  wish  me  to  be 
there,  but  I  cannot.  Mr.  Bowdoin  or  Dr.  Winthrop,  I  hope, 
will  be  chosen  governor.  When  a  few  mighty  matters  are 
accomplished  here,  I  retreat,  like  Cincinnatus,  to  my  plough, 
and,  like  Sir  William  Temple,  to  my  garden,  and  farewell  poli- 
tics. I  am  wearied  to  death  ;  some  of  you  younger  folk  must 
take  your  trick,  and  let  me  go  to  sleep.  My  children  will 
scarcely  thank  me  for  neglecting  their  education  and  interest 


412  CORRESPONDENCE. 

so  long.  They  will  be  worse  off  than  ordinary  beggars,  because 
I  shall  teach  them  as  a  first  principle  not  to  beg.  Pride  and 
want,  though  they  may  be  accompanied  with  liberty,  or  at  least 
may  live  under  a  free  Constitution,  are  not  a  very  pleasant 
mixture  nor  a  very  desirable  legacy,  yet  this  is  all  that  I  shall 
leave  them.     Pray  write  me  as  often  as  you  can. 

It  is  reported  here  that  Colonel  Reed  is  intended  for  the  Go- 
vernor of  New  Jersey.  I  wish  with  all  my  heart  he  may.  That 
province  is  a  spirited,  a  brave,  and  patriotic  people.  They  want 
nothing  but  a  man  of  sense  and  principle  at  their  head.  Such 
a  one  is  Reed.  His  only  fault  is  that  he  has  not  quite  fire 
enough.  But  this  may  be  an  advantage  to  him  as  governor. 
His  coolness,  and  candor,  and  goodness  of  heart,  with  his  abili- 
ties, will  make  that  people  very  happy. 


TO    SAMUEL    CHASE. 

Philadelphia,  24  June,  1776. 

I  received  your  obliging  favor  of  the  21st  this  morning,  and  I 
thank  you  for  it.  Do  not  be  angry  with  me.^  I  hope  I  shall 
atone  for  past  sins  of  omission  soon. 

The  express,  which  you  mention,  brought  me  such  contradict- 
ory accounts  that  I  did  not  think  it  worth  while  to  write  to 
you  upon  it.  In  general,  Sullivan  writes  that  he  was  intrench- 
ing at  the  Sorel ;  that  the  Canadians  expressed  a  great  deal  of 
joy  at  his  appearance;  that  they  assisted  him  with  teams  and 
with  wheat ;  that  he  had  ordered  General  Thompson  with  two 
thousand  men  to  attack  the  enemy,  consisting  of  about  two 
hundred,  according  to  his  intelligence,  at  the  Three  Rivers,  where 
they  were  fortifying,  and  from  the  character  of  Thompson  and 
the  goodness  of  his  troops,  he  had  much  confidence  of  his  suc- 

1  "  I  am  almost  resolved  not  to  inform  you,  that  a  general  dissatisfaction  pre- 
vails here  with  our  Convention.  Read  the  papers,  and  be  assured  Frederick 
speaks  the  sense  of  many  counties.  I  have  not  been  idle.  I  have  appealed  in 
writing  to  the  people.     County  after  county  is  instructing. 

"  Remember  me  to  Mrs.  Adams,  and  all  independent  souls.  Shall  1  send  you 
my  circular  letter '?     Adieu. 

"  Your  friend, 

"S.  Chase." 


CORKESrONDENCE.  413 

cess  ;  that  lie  hoped  to  drive  away  the  enemy's  ships,  which  had 
passed  the  rapids  of  Richelieu.  This  narration  of  Sullivan's 
was  animating.  But  a  letter  from  Arnold  of  the  same  date,  or 
the  next  day  rather,  was  wholly  in  the  dismals. 

Gates  is  gone  to  Canada,  and  we  have  done  every  thing  that 
you  recommended,  and  more,  to  support  him.  But  for  my  own 
part,  I  confess  my  mind  is  impressed  with  other  objects,  the 
neglect  of  which  appears  to  me  to  have  been  the  source  of  all 
our  misfortunes  in  Canada  and  everywhere  else.  Make  the 
tree  good,  and  the  fruit  will  be  good.  A  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, confederation,  and  foreign  alliances,  in  season,  would 
have  put  a  stop  to  that  embarrassing  opposition  in  Congress, 
which  has  occasioned  us  to  do  the  work  of  the  Lord  deceitfully 
in  Canada  and  elsewhere. 

A  resolution  of  your  Convention  was  read  in  Congress  this 
morning,^  and  the  question  was  put  whether  your  delegates 
should  have  leave  to  go  home,  and  whether  those  gi-eat  ques- 
tions should  be  postponed  beyond  the  1st  of  July.  The  deter- 
mination was  in  the  negative.  We  should  have  been  happy  to 
have  obliged  your  Convention  and  your  delegates.  But  it  is 
now  become  public  in  the  colonies  that  those  questions  are  to 
be  brought  on  the  1st  of  July.  The  lower  counties  have  in- 
structed their  members,  as  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  have. 
Jersey  has  chosen  five  new  members,  all  independent  souls,  and 
instructed  them  to  vote  on  the  1st  of  July  for  independence. 

There  is  a  conference  of  committees  from  every  county  in 
Pennsylvania  now  sitting  in  this  city,  who  yesterday  voted  that 
the  delegates  for  this  colony  ought  on  the  1st  of  July  to  vote 
for  independence.  This  vote  was  not  only  unanimous,  but  I 
am  told  by  one  of  them,  that  all  the  members  declared  seriatim 
that  this  was  their  opinion,  and  the  opinion  of  the  several  coun- 
ties and  towns  they  represented,  and  many  of  them  produced 
instructions  from  their  constituents  to  vote  for  that  measure. 
You  see,  therefore,  that  there  is  such  a  universal  expectation 
that  the  great  question  will  be  decided  the  1st  of  July,  and  it 
has  been  already  so  often  postponed,  that  to  postpone  it  again 
would  hazard  convulsions  and  dangerous  conspiracies.  It  must 
then  come  on  and  be  decided.      I   hope  that  before  Monday 

'  This  resolution  is  found  in  the  American  Archices,  4th  series,  vol.  vi.  c.  1845. 
But  no  trace  of  it  is  to  be  seen  in  the  Journal  of  Congress  for  this  day. 

35* 


414  CORRESPONDENCE. 

morning  next  we  shall  receive  from  Maryland  instructions  to 
do  right. 

Pray  send  me  yom*  circular  letter,  and  believe  me,  &c. 


TO    ARCHIBALD    BULLOCK. 


Philadelphia,  1  July,  1776. 

Two  days  ago  I  received  your  favor  of  May  1st.  I  was 
greatly  disappointed,  Sir,  in  the  information  you  gave  me,  that 
you  should  be  prevented  from  revisiting  Philadelphia.  I  had 
flattered  myself  with  hopes  of  your  joining  us  soon,  and  not 
only  affording  us  the  additional  strength  of  your  abilities  and 
fortitude,  but  enjoying  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  a  temper  and 
conduct  here  somewhat  more  agreeable  to  your  wishes  than 
those  which  prevailed  when  you  were  here  before.  But  I  have 
since  been  informed  that  your  countrymen  have  done  them- 
selves the  justice  to  place  you  at  the  head  of  their  affairs,  a 
station  in  which  you  may  perhaps  render  more  essential  service 
to  them  and  to  America  than  you  could  here. 

There  seems  to  have  been  a  great  change  in  the  sentiments 
of  the  colonies  since  you  left  us,  and  I  hope  that  a  few  months 
will  bring  us  all  to  the  same  way  of  thinking. 

This  morning  is  assigned  for  the  greatest  debate  of  all.  A 
declaration,  that  these  colonies  are  free  and  independent  States, 
has  been  reported  by  a  committee  appointed  some  w^eeks  ago 
for  that  purpose,  and  this  day  or  to-morrow  is  to  determine  its 
fate.  May  Heaven  prosper  the  new-born  republic,  and  make  it 
more  glorious  than  any  former  republics  have  been ! 

The  smallpox  has  ruined  the  American  army  in  Canada,  and 
of  consequence  the  American  cause.  A  series  of  disasters  has 
happened  there,  partly  owing,  I  fear,  to  the  indecision  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  partly  to  the  mistakes  or  misconduct  of  our  officers 
in  that  department.  But  the  smallpox,  which  infected  every 
man  we  sent  there,  completed  our  ruin,  and  has  compelled  us 
to  evacuate  that  important  province.  We  must,  however,  regain 
it  sometime  or  other. 

My  countrymen  have  been  more  successful  at  sea  in  driving 


CORRESPONDENCE.  415 

all  the  men-of-war  completely  out  of  Boston  harbor,  and  in 
making  prizes  of  a  great  number  of  transports  and  other  vessels. 

We  are  in  daily  expectation  of  an  armament  before  New 
York,  where,  if  it  comes,  the  conflict  must  be  bloody.  The 
object  is  great  which  we  have  in  view,  and  we  must  expect  a 
great  expense  of  blood  to  attain  it.  But  we  should  always 
remember  that  a  free  constitution  of  civil  government  cannot 
be  purchased  at  too  dear  a  rate,  as  there  is  nothing  on  this  side 
of  the  new  Jerusalem  of  equal  importance  to  mankind. 

It  is  a  cruel  reflection,  that  a  little  more  wisdom,  a  little  more 
activity,  or  a  little  more  integrity  would  have  preserved  us 
Canada,  and  enabled  us  to  support  this  trying  conflict  at  less 
expense  of  men  and  money.  But  irretrievable  miscarriages 
ought  to  be  lamented  no  further  than  to  enable  and  stimulate 
us  to  do  better  in  future. 

Your  colleagues,  Hall  and  Gwinnet,  are  here  in  good  health 
and  spirits,  and  as  firm  as  you  yourself  could  wish  them.  Pre- 
sent my  compliments  to  Mr.  Houston.  Tell  him  the  colonies 
will  have  republics  for  their  government,  let  us  lawyers  and 
your  divine  ^  say  what  we  will. 


TO    SAMUEL    CHASE. 

Philadelphia,  1  July,  1776. 
Your  favor  by  the  post  this  morning,  gave  me  much  pleasure,^ 
but  the  generous  and  unanimous  vote  of  your  Convention  gave 
me  much  more.  It  was  brought  into  Congress  this  morning, 
just  as  we  were  entering  on  the  great  debate.  That  debate 
took  up  the  most  of  the  day,  but  it  was  an  idle  mispence  of 
time,  for  nothing  was  said  but  what  had  been  repeated  and  hack- 
neyed in  that  room  before,  a  hundred  times,  for  six  months  past. 
In  the  committee  of  tiie  whole,  the  question  was  carried  in 
the  affirmative,  and  reported  to  the  house.  A  colony  desired 
it  to  be  postponed  until  to-morrow.     Then  it  will  pass  by  a 

1  Dr.  Zubly. 

2  An  exact  imitatloa  of  this  letter  is  inserted  in  vol.  iv.  of  this  work,  p.  56. 


416  CORRESPONDENCE. 

great  majority;  perhaps  with  almost  unanimity.  Yet  I  cannot 
promise  this.  Because  one  or  two  gentlemen  may  possibly  be 
found,  who  will  vote  point-blank  against  the  known  and  de- 
clared sense  of  their  constituents.  Maryland,  however,  I  have 
the  pleasure  to  inform  you,  behaved  well.  Paca,  generously 
and  nobly. 

Alas,  Canada  I  we  have  found  misfortune  and  disgrace  in 
that  quarter.  Evacuated  at  last.  Transports  arrived  at  Sandy 
Hook,  from  whence  we  may  expect  an  attack  in  a  short  time 
upon  New  York  or  New  Jersey,  and  our  army  not  so  strong  as 
we  could  wish.  The  militia  of  New  Jersey  and  New  England 
not  so  ready  as  they  ought  to  be. 

The  Romans  made  it  a  fixed  rule  never  to  send  or  receive  am- 
bassadors to  treat  of  peace  with  their  enemies,  while  their  affairs 
were  in  an  adverse  and  disastrous  situation.  There  was  a  gene- 
rosity and  magnanimity  in  this,  becoming  freemen.  It  flowed 
from  that  temper  and  those  principles,  which  alone  can  preserve 
the  freedom  of  a  people.  It  is  a  pleasure  to  find  our  Americans 
of  the  same  temper.  It  is  a  good  symptom,  foreboding  a  good 
end. 

If  you  imagine  that  I  expect  this  declaration  will  ward  off" 
calamities  from  this  country,  you  are  much  mistaken.  A  bloody 
conflict  we  are  destined  to  endure.  This  has  been  my  opinion 
from  the  beginning.  You  will  certainly  remember  my  declared 
opinion  was,  at  the  first  Congress,  when  we  'found  that  we 
could  not  agree  upon  an  immediate  non-exportation,  that  the 
contest  would  not  be  settled  without  bloodshed  ;  and  that  if 
hostilities  should  once  commence,  they  would  terminate  in  an 
incurable  animosity  between  the  two  countries.  Every  politi- 
cal event  since  the  nineteenth  of  April,  1775,  has  confirmed  me 
in  this  opinion.  If  you  imagine  that  I  flatter  myself  with  hap- 
piness and  halcyon  days  after  a  separation  from  Great  Britain, 
you  are  mistaken  again.  I  do  not  expect  that  our  new  govern- 
ment will  be  so  quiet  as  I  could  wish,  nor  that  happy  harmony, 
confidence,  and  affection  between  the  colonies,  that  every  good 
American  ought  to  study,  labor,  and  pray  for,  for  a  long  time. 

But,  freedom  is  a  counterbalance  for  poverty,  discord,  and 
war,  and  more.  It  is  your  hard  lot  and  mine  to  be  called  into 
life  at  such  a  time.     Yet,  even  these  times  have  their  pleasures. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  417 


TO    MRS.    ADAMS. 

Philadelphia,  3  July,  1776. 

Your  favor  1  of  17th  June,  dated  at  Plymouth,  was  handed 
me  by  yesterday's  post.  I  was  much  pleased  to  find  that  you 
had  taken  a  journey  to  Plymouth,  to  see  your  friends,  in  the 
long  absence  of  one  whom  you  may  wish  to  see.  The  excur- 
sion will  be  an  amusement,  and  will  serve  your  health.  How 
happy  would  it  have  made  me  to  have  taken  this  journey  with 
you  I 

I  was  informed,  a  day  or  two  before  the  receipt  of  your  letter, 
that  you  was  gone  to  Plymouth,  by  Mrs.  Polly  Palmer,  who 
was  obliging  enough,  in  your  absence,  to  send  me  the  particu- 
lars of  the  expedition  to  the  lower  harbor  against  the  men-of- 
war.  Her  narration  is  executed  with  a  precision  and  perspicuity 
which  would  have  become  the  pen  of  an  accomplished  historian. 

I  am  very  glad  you  had  so  good  an  opportunity  of  seeing 
one  of  our  little  American  men-of-war.  Many  ideas  new  to 
you  must  have  presented  themselves  in  such  a  scene ;  and  you 
will  in  future  better  understand  the  relations  of  sea  engage- 
ments. 

I  rejoice  extremely  at  Dr.  Bulfinch's  petition  to  open  a  hos- 
pital. But  I  hope  the  business  will  be  done  upon  a  larger 
scale.  I  hope  that  one  hospital  will  be  licensed  in  every  county, 
if  not  in  every  town.  I  am  happy  to  find  you  resolved  to  be 
with  the  children  in  the  first  class.  Mr.  Whitney  and  Mrs. 
Katy  Quincy  are  cleverly  through  inoculation  in  this  city. 

The  information  you  give  me,  of  our  friend's  refusing  his 
appointment,^  has  given  me  much  pain,  grief,  and  anxiety.  I 
believe  I  shall  be  obliged  to  follow  his  example.  I  have  not 
fortune  enough  to  support  my  family,  and,  what  is  of  more 
importance,  to  support  the  dignity  of  that  exalted  station.^  It 
is  too  high  and  lifted  up  for  me,  who  delight  in  nothing  so 
much  as  retreat,  solitude,  silence,  and  obscurity.  In  private 
life,  no  one  has  a  right  to  censure  me  for  following  my  own 
inclinations  in  retirement,  simplicity,  and  frugality.     Jn  public 

'  Letters  of  Mrs.  Adams,  vol.  i.  p.  102. 

2  James  Warren  had  been  appointed  a  Judge  of  the  Superior  Court. 

3  That  of  Chief  Justice. 

a2 


418  COERESPONDENCE. 

life,  every  man  has  a  right  to  remark  as  he  pleases.  At  least 
he  thinks  so. 

Yesterday,  the  greatest  question  was  decided,  which  ever 
was  debated  in  America,  and  a  greater,  perhaps,  never  was  nor 
wiU  be  decided  among  men.  A  resolution  was  passed  without 
one  dissenting  colony,  "  that  these  United  Colonies  are,  and  of 
right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States,  and  as  such 
they  have,  and  of  right  ought  to  have,  full  power  to  make  war, 
conclude  peace,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts 
and  things  which  other  States  may  rightfully  do."  You  will 
see  in  a  few  days  a  Declaration  setting  forth  the  causes  which 
have  impelled  us  to  this  mighty  revolution,  and  the  reasons 
which  will  justify  it  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man.  A  plan  of 
confederation  will  be  taken  up  in  a  few  days. 

When  I  look  back  to  the  year  1761,  and  recollect  the  argu- 
ment concerning  writs  of  assistance  in  the  superior  court,  which 
I  have  hitherto  considered  as  the  commencement  of  this  contro- 
versy between  Great  Britain  and  America,  and  run  through  the 
whole  period,  from  that  time  to  this,  and  recollect  the  series  of 
political  events,  the  chain  of  causes  and  effects,  I  am  surprised 
at  the  suddenness  as  well  as  greatness  of  this  revolution.  Bri- 
tain has  been  filled  with  folly,  and  America  with  wisdom.  At 
least,  this  is  my  judgment.  Time  must  determine.  It  is  the 
will  of  Heaven  that  the  two  countries  should  be  sundered  for- 
ever. It  may  be  the  will  of  Heaven  that  America  shall  suffer 
calamities  still  more  wasting,  and  distresses  yet  more  dreadful. 
If  this  is  to  be  the  case,  it  will  have  this  good  effect  at  least. 
It  will  inspire  us  with  many  virtues,  which  we  have  not,  and 
correct  many  errors,  follies  and  vices  which  threaten  to  disturb, 
dishonor,  and  destroy  us.  The  furnace  of  affliction  produces 
refinement,  in  States  as  well  as  individuals.  And  the  new 
governments  we  are  assuming  in  every  part  will  require  a 
purification  from  our  vices,  and  an  augmentation  of  our  virtues, 
or  they  will  be  no  blessings.  The  people  will  have  unbounded 
power,  and  the  people  are  extremely  addicted  to  corruption  and 
venality,  as  well  as  the  great.  But  I  must  submit  all  my  hopes 
and  fears  to  an  overruling  Providence,  in  which,  unfashionable 
as  the  faith  may  be,  I  firmly  believe. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  419 

3  July. 

Had  a  Declaration  of  Independency  been  made  seven  months 
ago,  it  would  have  been  attended  with  many  great  and  glorious 
effects.  We  might,  before  this  hour,  have  formed  alliances  with 
foreign  States.  We  should  have  mastered  Quebec,  and  been 
in  possession  of  Canada.  You  will  perhaps  wonder  how  such 
a  declaration  would  have  influenced  our  affairs  in  Canada,  but 
if  I  could  write  with  freedom,  I  could  easily  convince  you  that 
it  would,  and  explain  to  you  the  manner  how.  Many  gentle- 
men in  high  stations  and  of  great  influence  have  been  duped  by 
the  ministerial  bubble  of  commissioners  to  treat.  And  in  real, 
sincere  expectation  of  this  event,  which  they  so  fondly  wished, 
they  have  been  slow  and  languid  in  promoting  measures  for  the 
reduction  of  that  province.  Others  there  are  in  the  colonies 
who  really  wished  that  our  enterprise  in  Canada  would  be  de- 
feated, that  the  colonies  might  be  brought  into  danger  and  dis- 
tress between  two  fires,  and  be  thus  induced  to  submit.  Others 
really  wished  to  defeat  the  expedition  to  Canada,  lest  the  con- 
quest of  it  should  elevate  the  minds  of  the  people  too  much  to 
hearken  to  those  terms  of  reconciliation,  which,  they  believed, 
would  be  offered  us.  These  jarring  views,  wishes,  and  designs, 
occasioned  an  opposition  to  many  salutary  measures,  which 
were  proposed  for  the  support  of  that  expedition,  and  caused 
obstructions,  embarrassments,  and  studied  delays,  which  have 
finally  lost  us  the  province. 

All  these  causes,  however,  in  conjunction,  would  not  have 
disappointed  us,  if  it  had  not  been  for  a  misfortune  which  could 
not  be  foreseen,  and,  perhaps,  could  not  have  been  prevented  — 
I  mean  the  prevalence  of  the  smallpox  among  our  troops.  This 
fatal  pestilence  completed  our  destruction.  It  is  a  frown  of 
providence  upon  us,  which  we  ought  to  lay  to  heart. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  delay  of  this  declaration  to  this 
time  has  many  great  advantages  attending  it.  The  hopes  of 
reconciliation,  which  were  fondly  entertained  by  multitudes  of 
honest  and  well-meaning,  though  weak  and  mistaken  people, 
have  been  gradually  and,  at  last,  totally  extinguished.  Time 
has  been  given  for  the  whole  people  maturely  to  consider  the 
gi-eat  question  of  independence,  and  to  ripen  their  judgment, 
dissipate  their  fears,  and  allure  their  hopes,  by  discussing  it  in 


420  CORRESPONDENCE. 

newspapers  and  pamphlets,  by  debating  it  in  assemblies,  con- 
ventions, committees  of  safety  and  inspection,  in  town  and 
county  meetings,  as  well  as  in  private  conversations,  so  that 
the  whole  people,  in  every  colony  of  the  thirteen,  have  now 
adopted  it  as  their  own  act.  This  will  cement  the  union,  and 
avoid  those  heats,  and  perhaps  convulsions,  which  might  have 
been  occasioned  by  such  a  declaration  slx  months  ago. 

But  the  day  is  past.  The  second  day  of  July,  1776,  will  be 
the  most  memorable  epocha  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am 
apt  to  believe  that  it  will  be  celebrated  by  succeeding  genera- 
tions as  the  great  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to  be  com- 
memorated, as  the  day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion 
to  God  Almighty.  It  ought  to  be  solemnized  with  pomp  and 
parade,  with  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells,  bonfires,  and 
illuminations,  from  one  end  of  this  continent  to  the  other,  from 
this  time  forward,  forevermore. 

You  will  think  me  transported  with  enthusiasm,  but  I  am 
not.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  and  blood,  and  treasure,  that 
it  will  cost,  us  to  maintain  this  declaration,  and  support  and 
defend  these  States.  Yet,  through  all  the  gloom,  I  can  see  the 
rays  of  ravishing  light  and  glory.  I  can  see  that  the  end  is 
more  than  worth  all  the  means,  and  that  posterity  will  triumph 
in  that  day's  transaction,  even  although  we  should  rue  it,  which 
I  trust  in  God  we  shall  not. 


TO    SAMUEL    CHASE. 

Philadelphia,  9  July,  1776. 

Yours  of  the  5th  came  to  me  the  8th.  You  will  see  by  this 
post,  that  the  river  is  passed,  and  the  bridge  cut  away.  The 
Declaration  was  yesterday  published  and  proclaimed  from  that 
awful  stage  in  the  State-house  yard;  by  whom,  do  you  think? 
By  the  Committee  of  Safety,  the  Committee  of  Inspection,  and 
a  great  crowd  of  people.  Three  cheers  rended  the  welkin.  The 
battalions  paraded  on  the  Common,  and  gave  us  ihefeu  de  joie, 
notwithstanding  the  scarcity  of  powder.  The  bells  rang  all  day 
and  almost  all  night.      Even  the  chimers  chimed  away.     The 


CORRESPONDENCE.  421 

election  for  the  city  was  carried  on,  amidst  all  this  lurry,  with 
the  utmost  decency  and  order.  Who  are  chosen,  I  cannot  say; 
but  the  list  was  Franklin,  Rittenhouse,  Owen  Biddle,  Cannon, 
Schlosser,  Matlack,  and  Kuhl.  Thus  you  see  the  efTect  of  men 
of  fortune  acting  against  the  sense  of  the  people ! 

As  soon  as  an  American  seal  is  prepared,  I  conjecture  the 
Declaration  will  be  subscribed  by  all  the  members,  which  will 
give  you  the  opportunity  you  wish  for,  of  transmitting  your 
name  among  the  votaries  of  independence.^ 

I  agree  with  you  that  we  never  can  again  be  happy  under  a 
single  particle  of  British  power.  Indeed,  this  sentiment  is  very 
universal.     The  arms  are  taken  down  from  every  public  place. 

The  army  is  at  Crown  Point.  We  have  sent  up  a  great  num- 
ber of  shipwrights  to  make  a  respectable  fleet  upon  the  lakes. 

We  have  taken  every  measure  to  defend  New  York.  The 
militia  are  marching  this  day  in  a  great  body  from  Pennsylva- 
nia. That  of  Jersey  has  behaved  well,  turned  out  universally. 
That  of  Connecticut,  I  was  told  last  night  by  Mr.  Huntington, 
was  coming  in  the  full  number  demanded  of  them,  and  must  be 
there  before  now.  We  shall  make  it  do,  this  year,  and  if  we 
can  stop  the  torrent  for  this  campaign,  it  is  as  much  as  we 
deserve,  for  our  weakness  and  sloth  in  politics  the  last.  Next 
year  we  shall  do  better.  New  governments  will  bring  new  men 
into  the  play,  I  perceive ;  men  of  more  mettle. 

Your  motion  last  fall  for  sending  ambassadors  to  France 
with  conditional  instructions,  was  murdered ;  terminating  in  a 
committee  of  secret  correspondence,  which  came  to  nothing. 

Thank  you  for  the  paper  and  resolves.  You  are  atoning  for 
all  past  imperfections  by  your  vigor,  spirit,  and  unanimity. 

Send  along  your  militia  for  the  flying  camp ;  do  not  let  them 
hesitate  about  their  harvest.     They  must  defend  the  field  before 
they  can  eat  the  fruit.     I  shall  inclose  to  you  Dr.  Price.^     He  i /^ 
is  an  independent,  I  think. 

My  compliments  to  Mr.  Johnson,  Mr.  Carroll,  and  all  your 
friends  whom  I  have  the  honor  to  know. 

•  "  I  hope  ere  this  time  the  decisive  blow  is  struck.  Oppression,  inhumanity, 
and  perfidy  have  compelled  us  to  it.  Blessed  be  men  who  effect  the  work  !  I 
envy  you.  How  shall  I  transmit  to  posterity  that  I  gave  my  assent  ?  "  Mr.  C.'s 
letter. 

2  Observations  on  Civil  Liberty,  for  which  Mr.  Chase  had  written. 


VOL.    IX. 


36 


422  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    JOSEPH    WARD. 

Philadelphia,  10  July,  1776. 

Yours  of  1st  July  came  duly  to  hand.  The  establishment  of 
the  war-office,  as  you  observe,  has  given  me  work  enough ;  more 
than  I  have  a  relish  for,  and  of  a  kind  not  very  suitable  to  my 
taste;  but  I  must  acquiesce.  Should  be  greatly  obliged  to  any 
officer  of  the  army  for  a  hint  of  any  improvement  in  the  plan, 
and  for  any  assistance  in  the  execution  of  it. 

The  continual  reports  of  our  disasters  in  Canada  have  not 
intimidated  the  Congress.  On  the  contrary,  in  the  midst  of 
them,  more  decisive  steps  have  been  taken  than  ever,  as  you 
must  have  seen,  or  will  see  before  this  reaches  you.  The  Ro- 
mans never  would  send  or  receive  an  ambassador  to  treat  of 
peace,  when  their  affairs  were  in  an  adverse  situation.  This 
generous  temper  is  imitated  by  the  Americans. 

You  hear  there  is  not  candor  and  harmony  between  some  of 
the  members  of  this  body.  I  wish  you  would  mention  the 
names  and  particulars  of  the  report.  The  names,  I  mean,  of  the 
members  between  whom  it  is  reported  there  is  not  candor  and 
harmony.  The  report  is  groundless.  There  is  as  much  candor 
and  harmony  between  the  members  as  generally  takes  place  in 
assemblies,  and  much  more  than  could  naturally  be  expected 
in  such  an  assembly  as  this.  But  there  is  a  prospect  now  of 
greater  harmony  than  ever.  The  principal  object  of  dispute  is 
now  annihilated,  and  several  members  are  left  out. 

In  making  a  return  of  your  division  of  the  army,  pray  give 
us  the  name  and  rank  of  every  officer.  We  want  to  make  an 
army  list  for  publication. 


TO    JONATHAN    MASON. 

Philadelphia,  18  July,  1776. 

Your  agreeable  letter  from  Boston  the  7th  July  was  handed 
me  on  Tuesday  last  by  the  post. 

The  confusions  in  America,  inseparable  from  so  great  a  revo- 
lution in  affairs,  are  sufficient  to  excite  anxieties  in  the  minds  of 


CORRESPONDENCE.  423 

young  gentlemen  just  stepping  into  life.  Your  concern  for 
the  event  of  these  commotions  is  not  to  your  dishonor.  But 
let  it  not  affect  your  mind  too  much.  These  clouds  will  be 
dispersed,  and  the  sky  will  become  more  serene. 

I  cannot  advise  you  to  quit  the  retired  scene  of  which  you 
have  hitherto  appeared  to  be  so  fond,  and  engage  in  the  noisy 
business  of  war.  I  doubt  not  you  have  honor  and  spirit  and 
abilities  sufficient  to  make  a  figure  in  the  field ;  and  if  the  future 
circumstances  of  your  country  should  make  it  necessary,  I  hope 
you  would  not  hesitate  to  buckle  on  your  armor.  But  at  pre- 
sent I  see  no  necessity  for  it.  Accomplishments  of  the  civil 
and  political  kind  are  no  less  necessary  for  the  happiness  of 
mankind  than  martial  ones.  We  cannot  all  be  soldiers ;  and 
there  will  probably  be  in  a  very  few  years  a  greater  scarcity  of 
lawyers  and  statesmen  than  of  warriors. 

The  circumstances  of  this  country  from  the  years  1755  to 
1758,  during  which  period  I  was  a  student  in  Mr.  Putnam's 
office,  were  almost  as  confused  as  they  are  now,  and  the  pros- 
pect before  me,  my  young  friend,  was  much  more  gloomy  than 
yours.^  I  felt  an  inclination,  exactly  similar  to  yours,  for  engag- 
ing in  active  martial  life,  but  I  was  advised,  and,  upon  a  con- 
sideration of  all  circumstances,  concluded,  to  mind  my  books. 
Whether  my  determination  was  prudent  or  not,  it  is  not  possible 
to  say,  but  I  never  repented  it.  To  attain  the  real  knowledge 
which  is  necessary  for  a  lawyer,  requires  the  whole  time  and 
thoughts  of  a  man  in  his  youth,  and  it  will  do  him  no  good  to 
dissipate  his  mind  among  the  confused  objects  of  a  camp. 
Noctiirnd  versate  manu^  versate  diurnd,  must  be  your  motto. 

I  wish  you  had  told  me  particularly  what  lawyers  have  opened 
offices  in  Boston,  and  what  progress  is  made  in  the  practice, 
and  in  the  courts  of  justice.  I  cannot  undertake  to  advise  you, 
whether  you  had  better  go  into  an  office  in  Boston  or  not.  I 
rather  think  that  the  practice  at  present  is  too  inconsiderable  to 
be  of  much  service  to  you.  You  will  be  likely  to  be  obliged 
to  waste  much  of  your  time  in  running  of  errands,  and  doing 
trifling  drudgery,  without  learning  much.  Depend  upon  it,  it 
is  of  more  importance  that  you  read  much  than  that  you  draw 
many  writs.     The  common  writs  upon   notes,  bonds,  and   ac- 

'  Mr.  Mason  had  been  entered  as  a  student  in  Mr.  Adams's  office 


424  CORRESPONDENCE. 

counts,  are  mastered  in  half  an  hour.  Common  declarations 
for  rent,  and  ejectment,  and  trespass,  both  of  assault  and  bat- 
tery and  quare  clausum  fregit,  are  learned  in  very  nearly  as 
short  a  time.  The  more  difficult  special  declarations,  and 
especially  the  refinements  of  special  pleadings,  are  never  learned 
in  an  office.  They  are  the  result  of  experience  and  long  habits 
of  thinking.  If  you  read  Plowden's  Commentaries,  you  will 
see  the  nature  of  special  pleadings.  In  addition  to  these,  read 
Instructor  Clericalis,  Mallory,  Lilly,  and  look  into  Rastall  and 
Coke.  Your  time  will  be  better  spent  upon  these  authors  than 
in  dancing  attendance  upon  a  lawyer's  office  and  his  clients. 
Many  of  our  most  respectable  lawyers  never  did  this  at  all. 
Gridley,  Pratt,  Thacher,  Sewall,  Paine,  never  served  regularly 
in  any  office. 

Upon  the  whole,  my  young  friend,  I  wish  that  the  state  of 
public  affairs  would  have  admitted  of  my  spending  more  time 
with  you.  I  had  no  greater  pleasure  in  this  life  than  in  assist- 
ing young  minds  possessed  of  ambition  to  excel,  which  I  very 
well  know  to  be  your  case.  Let  me  entreat  you  not  to  be  too 
anxious  about  futurity.  Mind  your  books.  Sit  down  patiently 
to  Plowden's  Commentaries ;  read  them  through  coolly,  delibe- 
rately, and  attentively ;  read  them  in  course ;  endeavor  to 
make  yourself  master  of  the  point  on  which  the  case  turns  ; 
remark  the  reasoning  and  the  decision  ;  and  tell  me  a  year 
hence  whether  your  time  has  not  been  more  agreeably  and 
profitably  spent  than  in  drawing  writs  and  running  of  errands. 
I  hope  to  see  you  ere  long.  I  am  obliged  to  you  for  this  letter, 
and  wish  a  continuance  of  your  correspondence.  I  am  anxious, 
very  anxious,  for  my  dear  Mrs.  Adams  and  my  babes.  God 
preserve  them.     I  can  do  them  no  kind  office  whatever. 


TO    J.    D.    SERGEANT. 


Philadelphia ,  21  July,  1776. 
Your  favor  of  the  19th,  from  Trenton,  reached  me  yesterday. 
It  is  very  true  that  Ave  were  somewhat  alarmed  at  the  last  clause 
in  your  constitution.      It  is  a  pity  that  the  idea  of  returning 


CORRESPONDENCE.  425 

under  the  yoke  was  held  up  in  so  good  a  system,  because  it 
gives  something  to  say  to  a  very  unworthy  party.^ 

I  hope  you  will  assume  the  style  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Neiu 
Jersey^  as  soon  as  your  new  government  is  completed.  Virginia 
has  done  it,  and  it  is  the  most  consistent  style.^ 

It  is  a  great  pleasure  to  learn  that  you  have  formally  ratified 
independency,  and  that  your  unanimity  and  firmness  increase. 
This  will  be  the  case  everywhere,  as  the  war  approaches  nearer. 
An  enemy's  army  brings  a  great  heat  with  it,  and  warms  all 
before  it.  Nothing  makes  and  spreads  patriotism  so  fast.  Your 
ordinance  against  treasons  will  make  whigs  by  the  thousand.^ 
Nine  tenths  of  the  toryism  in  America  has  arisen  from  sheer 
cowardice  and  avarice.  But  when  persons  come  to  see  there 
is  greater  danger  to  their  persons  and  property  from  toryism 
than  whiggism,  the  same  avarice  and  pusillanimity  will  make 
them  whigs.  A  treason  law  is  in  politics  like  the  article  for 
shooting  upon  the  spot  a  soldier  who  shall  turn  his  back.  It 
turns  a  man's  cowardice  and  timidity  into  heroism,  because  it 
places  greater  danger  behind  his  back  than  before  his  face. 

While  you  are  attending  to  military  matters,  do  not  forget 
saltpetre,  sulphur,  powder,  flints,  lead,  cannon,  mortars. 

It  grieves  me  to  hear  that  your  people  have  a  prejudice 
against  liberal  education.*  There  is  a  spice  of  this  everywhere. 
But  liberty  has  no  enemy  more  dangerous  than  such  a  prejudice. 
It  is  your  business,  my  friend,  as  a  statesman,  to  soften  and 
eradicate  this  prejudice.      The  surest  mode  of  doing  it  is  to 

'  "  I  am  told  you  are  alarmed  at  Philadelphia  Avith  the  last  clause  in  our  char- 
ter. That,  aud  another  respecting  judges,  was  hard  fought ;  especially  that  of 
reconciliation,  upon  a  motion  to  defer  printing  the  copy  till  it  could  be  con- 
sidered."    Mr.  S.'s  letter. 

8  "  However,  we  have  formally  ratified  Independency,  and  assumed  the  style 
of  the  Convention  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  This,  very  unanimously,  and  the 
votes  go  down  by  this  express  to  the  printer."     3Ir.  S.'s  letter. 

3  "  We  are  mending  very  fast  here.  East  Jersey  was  always  firm.  West 
Jersey  will  now  move  with  vigor.  The  tories  in  some  parts  disturbed  us,  but 
they  have  hurt  us  more  by  impeding  the  business  of  the  Convention,  and  harass- 
ing with  an  infinity  of  hearings.  But  for  this  we  have  provided  a  remedy  by 
an  ordinance  for  trying  treasons,  seditions,  and  counterfeltings."     il/r.  &'s  letter. 

4  "  We  want  wisdom  here.  Raw,  young,  and  inexperienced  as  your  humble 
servant  is,  I  am  really  forced  to  bear  a  principal  part.  Would  to  Heaven  that 
I  could  look  round  here,  as  when  with  you,  and  see  a  number  in  whose  under- 
standing I  could  confide.  But  we  have  a  miserable  prejudice  against  men  of 
education  in  this  State ;  plain  men  are  generally  returned,  of  sufficient  honesty 
and  spirit,  but  most  of  them  hardly  competent  to  the  penning  of  a  common 
vote."     Mr.  S.'s  letter. 

36* 


426  CORRESPONDENCE, 

persuade  gentlemen  of  education  to  lay  aside  some  of  their  airs 
of  scorn,  vanity,  and  pride,  in  which  it  is  a  certain  truth  that 
they  sometimes  indulge  themselves.  Gentlemen  cannot  expect 
the  confidence  of  the  common  people,  if  they  treat  them  ill,  or 
refuse  haughtily  to  comply  with  some  of  their  favorite  notions, 
which  may  be  most  obligingly  done,  without  the  least  deviation 
from  honor  or  virtue.  Your  delegates  behave  very  well ;  but  I 
wish  for  you  among  them.  I  think,  however,  that  you  judged 
wisely  in  continuing  in  Convention,  where  I  believe  you  have 
been  able  to  do  more  good  than  you  could  have  done  here. 

I  should  be  obliged  to  you  for  a  line  now  and  then.  Mr.  S. 
Adams  received  your  letter  from  Bristol.  You  will  see  the 
new  delegates  for  Pennsylvania.  What  is  the  cause  that  Mr. 
Dickinson  never  can  maintain  his  popularity  for  more  than  two 
or  three  years  together,  as  they  tell  me  has  ever  been  the  case  ? 
He  may  have  a  good  heart,  and  certainly  is  very  ready  with  his 
pen,  and  has  a  great  deal  of  learning,  but  his  head  is  not  very 
long  nor  clear. 


TO  THE  DEPUTY  SECRETARY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

Pliiladelphia,  25  July,  1776. 

Sir, —  I  find  myself  under  a  necessity  of  applying  to  the 
honorable  General  Court  for  leave  to  return  home.  I  have 
attended  here  so  long  and  so  constantly  that  I  feel  myself 
necessitated  to  ask  this  favor,  on  account  of  my  health  as  well 
as  on  many  other  accounts. 

I  beg  leave  to  propose  to  the  honorable  the  General  Court  an 
alteration  in  their  plan  of  delegation  in  Congress,  which,  it  ap- 
pears to  me,  would  be  more  agreeable  to  the  health  and  conve- 
nience of  the  members,  and  much  more  conducive  to  the  public 
good  than  the  present.  No  gentleman  can  possibly  attend  to 
an  incessant  round  of  thinking,  speaking,  and  writing  upon  the 
most  intricate  as  well  as  important  concerns  of  human  society, 
from  one  end  of  the  year  to  another,  without  injury  to  his  men- 
tal and  bodily  health.  I  would,  therefore,  humbly  propose  that 
the  honorable  Court  would  be  pleased  to  appoint  nine  members 
to  attend  in  Congress,  three  or  five  at  a  time.     In  this  case,  six 


CORRESPONDENCE.  427 

or  four  might  be  at  home  at  a  time,  and  every  member  might 
be  relieved  once  in  three  or  four  months.  In  this  way  you 
would  always  have  members  in  Congress  who  would  have  in 
their  minds  a  complete  chain  of  the  proceedings  here,  as  well 
as  in  the  General  Court,  both  kinds  of  which  knowledge  are 
necessary  for  a  proper  conduct  here.  In  this  way  the  lives  and 
health,  and,  indeed,  the  sound  minds  of  the  delegates  here  would 
be  in  less  danger  than  they  are  at  present,  and  in  my  humble 
opinion,  the  public  business  would  be  much  better  done. 

This  proposal,  however,  is  only  submitted  to  the  consideration 
of  that  body  whose  sole  right  it  is  to  judge  of  it.  For  myself, 
I  must  entreat  the  General  Court  to  give  me  leave  to  resign, 
and  immediately  to  appoint  soiTie  other  gentleman  in  my  room. 
The  consideration  of  my  own  health  and  the  circumstances  of 
my  family  and  private  affairs  would  have  little  weight  with  me, 
if  the  sacrifice  of  these  was  necessary  for  the  public ;  but  it  is 
not.  Because  those  parts  of  the  business  of  Congress  for  which, 
if  for  any,  I  have  any  qualifications,  being  now  nearly  com- 
pleted, and  the  business  that  remains  being  chiefly  military  and 
commercial,  of  which  I  know  very  little,  there  are  multitudes  of 
gentlemen  in  the  province  much  fitter  for  the  public  service  here 
than  I  am. 

With  great  respect  to  the  General  Court,  &c. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 


Philadelphia,  27  July,  1776. 

I  have  directed  a  packet  to  you  by  this  day's  post,  and  shall 
only  add  a  few  words  by  Fessenden.  I  assure  you  the  neces- 
sity of  your  sending  along  fresh  delegates  here  is  not  chime- 
rical. Mr.  Paine  has  been  very  ill  for  this  whole  week,  and 
remains  in  a  bad  way.  He  has  not  been  able  to  attend  Con- 
gress for  several  days,  and  if  I  was  to  judge  by  his  eye,  his 
skin,  and  his  cough,  I  should  conclude  he  never  w^ould  be 
fit  to  do  duty  there  again,  without  a  long  intermission,  and  a 
course  of  air,  exercise,  diet,  and  medicine.     In  this  T  may  be 


428  COREESPONDENCE. 

mistaken.  Mr.  S.  Adams,  between  you  and  me,  is  completely 
worn  out.  I  wish  he  had  gone  home  six  months  ago,  and  rested 
himself.  Then  he  might  have  done  it  without  any  disadvan- 
tage. But,  in  plain  English,  he  has  been  so  long  here,  and  his 
strength,  spirits,  and  abilities  so  exhausted,  that  a  hundred  such 
delegates  here  would  not  be  worth  a  groat.  My  case  is  worse. 
My  face  is  grown  pale,  my  eyes  weak  and  inflamed  again,  my 
nerves  tremulous,  and  my  mind  weak  as  water.  Night  sweats 
and  feverous  heats  by  day  are  returned  upon  me,  which  is  an 
infallible  symptom  with  me  that  it  is  time  to  throw  off  all  care 
for  a  time,  and  take  my  rest.  I  have  several  times,  with  the 
blessing  of  God,  saved  my  life  in  this  way,  and  am  now  deter- 
mined to  attempt  it  once  more. 

You  must  be  very  speedy  in  appointing  other  delegates,  or 
you  will  not  be  represented  here.  Go  home  I  will,  if  I  leave 
the  Massachusetts  without  a  member  here.  You  know  my 
resolutions  in  these  matters  are  as  fixed  as  fate;  or  if  you  do  not 
know  it,  I  do.  I  know  better  than  anybody  what  my  constitu- 
tion will  bear,  and  what  it  will  not,  and,  you  may  depend  upon 
it,  I  have  already  tempted  it  beyond  prudence  and  safety.  A 
few  months'  rest  and  relaxation  will  recruit  me,  but  this  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  that  end.  I  have  written  a  resignation  to 
the  General  Court,  and  am  determined  to  take  six  months'  rest 
at  least.  I  wish  to  be  released  from  Philadelphia  forever,  but 
in  case  the  General  Court  should  wish  otherwise,  which  I  hope 
they  will  not,  I  do  not  mean  surlily  to  refuse  to  serve  them.  If 
you  appoint  such  a  number  that  we  can  have  a  respite  once  in 
six  months  at  least,  or  once  in  three,  if  that  is  more  convenient, 
I  should  be  willing  to  take  another  trick  or  two.  But  I  will 
never  again  undertake  upon  any  other  terms,  unless  I  should 
undertake  for  a  year,  and  bring  my  wife  and  four  children 
with  me,  as  many  other  gentlemen  here  have  done.  Which,  as 
I  know  it  would  be  infinitely  more  agreeable,  and  for  the  benefit 
of  my  children,  so  in  my  sincere  opinion  it  would  be  cheaper 
for  the  province;  because  I  am  sure  I  could  bring  my  whole 
family  here  and  maintain  it  cheaper  than  I  can  live  here  single 
at  board  with  a  servant  and  two  horses. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  429 


TO    FRANCIS    DANA. 

Philadelphia,  IG  August,  1776. 

Your  obliging  favor  of  July  28th  I  duly  received.  I  am  glad 
to  hear  that  your  third  freshmaiiship  is  a  busy  one.  I  think 
you  commence  a  fourth,  at  Philadelphia,  very  soon.  I  have  pre- 
sumed to  lay  before  the  General  Court  a  proposal  to  choose 
nine  delegates,  that  their  duty  may  be  discharged  here  in  rota- 
tion. The  service  here  is  too  hard  for  any  one  to  be  continued 
so  long,  at  least  for  me.  Who  will  be  thought  of,  I  know  not. 
I  wish  they  may  be  characters  respectable  in  every  point  of 
view.  Mr.  Bowdoin,  Dr.  Winthrop,  Major  Hawley,  General 
Warren,  Dana,  Lowell,  Sewall,  Sullivan,  Sargeant,  present 
themselves,  with  many  others,  and  cannot  leave  the  Court  at  a 
loss. 

You  inform  me  that  the  House  have  taken  up  the  subject  of 
government,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  a  form. 
And  although  they  have  not  joined  the  Board  in  this  important 
business,  yet  I  hope  they  will  prepare  a  plan  which  the  Board 
will  approve.  I  fear  I  was  mistaken,  when,  in  my  last  to  you,  I 
foretold  that  every  colony  would  have  more  than  one  branch  to 
its  legislature.  The  Convention  of  Pennsylvania  has  voted  for 
a  single  Assembly.  Such  is  the  force  of  habit;  and  what  sur- 
prises me  not  a  little  is,  that  the  American  philosopher  ^  should 
have  so  far  accommodated  himself  to  the  customs  of  his  coun- 
trymen as  to  be  a  zealous  advocate  for  it.  No  country  ever 
will  be  long  happy,  or  ever  entirely  safe  and  free,  which  is  thus 
governed.     The  curse  of  2ijus  vag'um  will  be  their  portion. 

I  wish  with  you  that  the  genius  of  this  country  may  expand 
itself,  now  the  shackles  are  knocked  off,  which  have  heretofore 
confined  it.  But  there  is  not  a  little  danger  of  its  becoming 
still  more  contracted.  If  a  sufficient  scope  is  not  allowed  for 
the  human  mind  to  exert  itself,  if  genius  and  learning  are  not 
sufficiently  encouraged,  instead  of  improving  by  this  revolution, 
we  shall  become  more  despicably  narrow,  timid,  selfish,  base, 
and  barbarous. 

The  little  pamphlet  you  mention  was  printed  by  Colonel 
Lee,  who  insisted  upon  it  so  much  that  it  could  not  be  decently 

'  Franklin. 


430  CORKESPONDENCE. 

refused.  Instead  of  wondering  that  it  was  not  enlarged,  the 
wonder  ought  to  be  that  it  was  ever  written.^  It  is  a  poor 
scrap.  The  negative  given  in  it  to  the  first  magistrate  will  be 
adopted  nowhere  but  in  South  Carolina.  Virginia  has  done 
very  well.  I  hope  the  next  sister  will  do  equally.  I  hope  the 
Massachusetts  will  call  their  government  a  commonwealth. 
Let  us  take  the  name  manfully,  and  let  the  first  executive 
magistrate  be  the  head  of  the  Council  Board,  and  no  more. 
Our  people  will  never  submit  to  more,  and  I  am  not  clear  that 
it  is  best  they  should.  The  "  Thoughts  on  Government"  were 
calculated  for  southern  latitudes,  not  northern.  But  if  the 
House  should  establish  a  single  Assembly  as  a  legislature,  I 
confess  it  would  grieve  me  to  the  very  soul ;  and  however 
others  may  be,  I  shall  certainly  never  be  happy  under  such  a 
government.  However,  the  right  of  the  people  to  establish  such 
a  government  as  they  please,  will  ever  be  defended  by  me, 
whether  they  choose  wisely  or  foolishly. 

Mr.  Wrixon  has  found  hard  luck  in  America  as  well  as  in 
Europe.  I  have  never  seen  nor  heard  of  any  reason  to  doubt 
the  sincerity  of  his  professions  of  regard  to  our  country.  But 
he  is  about  returning.  I  am  sorry  that  he  has  just  cause  to 
return.     The  Baron ^  is  dead;  has  not  left  a  very  good  character. 

There  is  one  particular,  my  friend,  in  which  our  province  uses 
her  delegates  here  very  unkindly,  and  by  the  same  means  injures 
herself  and  all  the  United  States.  I  mean  in  not  sending  us 
your  journals.  To  this  moment,  I  do  not  know  one  step  that 
has  been  taken  to  raise  the  troops  for  New  York  and  Ticon- 
deroga.  Nor  the  name  of  one  officer,  nor  when  they  marched. 
The  interest  and  reputation  of  our  province  suffer  beyond 
measure  by  such  a  confused  way  of  doing  business.  We  ought 
to  be  minutely  informed  of  the  characters  and  connections  of 
all  the  officers  you  send  into  the  service,  as  well  as  of  their 
names.  You  ought  to  rank  and  number  the  Massachusetts 
regiments,  and  publish  a  list  of  all  the  officers'  names. 

'  Thoughts  on  Government.  2  Woedtke. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  431 


TO    SAMUEL    H.    PARSONS. 

Philadelphia,  19  August,  1776. 

Your  favors  of  the  13th  and  15th  are  before  me.  The  gentle- 
men you  recommend  for  Majors,  Chapman  and  Dyer,  will  be 
recommended  by  the  Board  of  War,  and  I  hope  agreed  to  in 
Congress. 

I  thank  you  for  your  observations  upon  certain  field-officers. 
Patterson,  Shepard,  and  Brooks,  make  the  best  figure,  I  think, 
upon  paper.  It  is  my  misfortune  that  1  have  not  the  least 
acquaintance  with  any  of  these  gentlemen,  having  never  seen 
any  one  of  them,  or  heard  his  name  till  lately.  This  is  a  little 
remarkable.  Few  persons  in  the  province  ever  travelled  over 
the  whole  of  it  more  than  I  have,  or  had  better  opportunities  to 
know  every  conspicuous  character.  But  I  do  not  so  much  as 
know  from  what  parts  of  the  province  Shepard  and  Brooks 
come,  of  what  families  they  are,  their  education  or  employ- 
ments.    Should  be  very  glad  to  be  informed. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Henshaw  has  been  recommended  to  me 
by  Colonel  Reed  for  promotion  as  a  useful  officer.  But  upon 
the  whole,  I  think  the  list  you  have  given  me  does  not  shine. 
I  am  very  much  ashamed  of  it.  I  am  so  vexed  sometimes  as 
almost  to  resolve  to  make  interest  to  be  a  Colonel  myself.  I 
have  almost  vanity  enough  to  think  that  I  could  make  a  figure 
in  such  a  group.  But  a  treacherous,  shattered  constitution  is 
an  eternal  objection  against  my  aspiring  to  military  command. 
If  it  was  not  for  this  insuperable  difficulty,  I  should  certainly 
imitate  old  Noll  Cromwell  in  one  particular,  that  is,  in  launching 
into  military  life  after  forty,  as  much  as  I  dislike  his  character 
and  example  in  others.     But  enough  of  this. 

I  wish  I  could  find  materials  anywhere  in  sufficient  quantities 
to  make  good  officers.  A  brave  and  able  man,  wherever  he  is, 
shall  never  want  my  vote  for  his  advancement ;  nor  shall  an 
ignorant,  awkward  dastard  ever  want  it  for  his  dismission. 
Congress  must  assume  a  higher  tone  of  discipline  over  officers 
as  well  as  over  the  men. 

With  regard  to  encouragements  in  money  and  in  land  for 
soldiers  to  enlist  during  the  war,  I  have  ever  been  in  favor  of  it, 
as  the  best  economy  and  the  best  policy,  and  I  have  no  doubt 


432  CORRESPONDENCE. 

that  rewards  in  land  will  be  given,  after  the  war  is  over.  But 
the  majority  are  not  of  my  mind  for  promising  it  now.  I  am 
the  less  anxious  about  it,  for  a  reason  which  does  not  seem  to 
have  much  weight  however  with  the  majority.  Although  it 
may  cost  us  more,  and  we  may  put  now  and  then  a  battle  to 
hazard  by  the  method  we  are  in,  yet  we  shall  be  less  in  danger 
of  corruption  and  violence  from  a  standing  army,  and  our  mili- 
tia will  acquire  courage,  experience,  discipline,  and  hardiness  in 
actual  service. 

I  wish  every  man  upon  the  continent  was  a  soldier,  and 
obliged,  upon  occasion,  to  fight,  and  determined  to  conquer  or 
to  die.  Flight  was  unknown  to  the  Romans.  I  wish  it  was 
to  Americans.  There  was  a  flight  from  Quebec,  and  worse 
than  a  flight  at  the  Cedars.  If  we  do  not  atone  for  these  dis- 
graces, we  are  undone. 

A  more  exalted  love  of  their  country,  a  more  enthusiastic 
ardor  for  military  glory,  and  deeper  detestation,  disdain,  and 
horror  of  martial  disgrace  must  be  excited  among  our  people,  or 
we  shall  perish  in  infancy.  I  will  certainly  give  my  voice  for 
devoting  to  the  infernal  gods  every  man,  high  or  low,  who  shall 
be  convicted  of  bashfulness  on  the  day  of  battle. 

P.  S.  Since  the  above  was  written  Congress  has  accepted 
the  report  of  the  Board  of  War,  and  appointed  Dyer  and  Chap- 
man, Majors.  I  had  much  pleasure  in  promoting  Dyer,  not 
only  from  his  own  excellent  character,  but  from  respect  to  my 
good  friend  his  father. 


TO    JONATHAN    MASON. 

Philadelphia,  21  August,  1776. 

I  had  by  yesterday's  post  the  pleasure  of  your  letter  of  the 
12th  instant.  The  account  you  give  me  of  the  books  you  have 
read  and  studied  is  very  agreeable  to  me.  Let  me  request  you 
to  pursue  my  lord  Coke.  The  first  Institute  you  say  you  have 
diligently  studied.  Let  me  advise  you  to  study  the  second, 
third,  and  fourth  Institutes  with  equal  diligence.  My  lord  Coke 
is  justly  styled  the  oracle  of  the  law,  and  whoever  is  master  of 


COERESPONDENCE.  433 

his  writings,  is  master  of  the  laws  of  England.  I  should  not 
have  forgotten  his  Reports  or  his  Entries.  These,  equally  with 
his  Institutes,  demand  and  deserve  the  attention  of  the  student. 

It  is  a  matter  of  curiosity  rather  than  use,  of  speculation 
rather  than  practice,  to  contemplate  what  Mr.  Selden  calls  the 
anliquce  leg-is  fades.  Yet  I  know  a  young  mind  as  active  and 
inquisitive  as  yours  will  not  be  easy  without  it.  Home,  Brac- 
ton,  Britton,  Fleta,  Thornton,  Glanville,  and  Fortescue  will 
exhibit  to  you  this  ancient  face,  and  there  you  may  contem- 
plate all  its  beauties. 

The  Year-Books  are  also  a  great  curiosity.  You  must  make 
yourself  sufficiently  acquainted  with  law-french  and  with  the 
abbreviated  law-hand,  to  read  and  understand  the  cases  reported 
in  these  books,  when  you  have  occasion  to  search  a  point.  The 
French  language  will  not  only  be  necessary  for  you  as  a  lawyer, 
but,  if  I  mistake  not,  it  will  become  every  day  more  and  more 
a  necessary  accomplishment  of  a  gentleman  in  America. 

There  is  another  science,  my  dear  Sir,  that  I  must  recom- 
mend to  vour  most  attentive  consideration,  and  that  is  the  Civil 
Law.  You  will  find  it  so  interspersed  with  history,  oratory,  law, 
politics,  and  war  and  commerce,  that  you  will  find  advantages 
in  it  every  day.  Wood,  Domat,  Aylitfe,  Taylor,  ought  to  be 
read.  But  these  should  not  suffice.  You  should  go  to  the  foun- 
tain-head, and  drink  deep  of  the  Pierian  spring.  Justinian's 
Institutes,  and  all  the  commentators  upon  them  that  you  can 
find,  you  ought  to  read.  The  Civil  Law  will  come  as  fast  into 
fashion  in  America  as  the  French  language,  and  from  the  same 
causes. 

I  think  myself  much  obliged  to  Mr.  Martin  for  his  politeness 
to  you,  and  should  advise  you  to  accept  of  his  kind  offer,  pro- 
vided you  do  not  find  the  practice  of  his  office  interferes  too 
much  with  your  studies,  which  I  do  not  think  it  will. 


TO    JOSEPH    HAWLEY. 


Philadelphia,  25  August,  1776, 

It  is  so  long  since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  you,  or  the 
honor  of  receiving  a  letter  from  you,  that  I  have  forgotten  on 
voTi.  Tx.  37  B  2 


434  CORRESPONDENCE. 

which  side  the  balance  of  the  account  lies,  at  least  which  wrote 
the  last  letter.  But  ceremonies  of  this  kind  ought  not  to  inter- 
rupt a  free  communication  of  sentiments  in  times  so  critical 
and  important  as  these. 

We  have  been  apt  to  flatter  ourselves  with  gay  prospects  of 
happiness  to  the  people,  prosperity  to  the  State,  and  glory  to 
our  arms,  from  those  free  kinds  of  governments  which  are  to  be 
created  in  America.  And  it  is  very  true  that  no  people  ever 
had  a  finer  opportunity  to  settle  things  upon  the  best  founda- 
tions. But  yet  I  fear  that  human  nature  will  be  found  to  be 
the  same  in  America  as  it  has  been  in  Europe,  and  that  the 
true  principles  of  liberty  will  not  be  sufliciently  attended  to. 

Knowledge  is  among  the  most  essential  foundations  of 
liberty.  But  is  there  not  a  jealousy  or  an  envy  taking  place 
among  the  multitude,  of  men  of  learning,  and  a  wish  to  exclude 
them  from  the  public  councils  and  from  military  command?  I 
could  mention  many  phenomena  in  various  parts  of  these  States 
which  indicate  such  a  growing  disposition.  To  what  cause 
shall  I  attribute  the  surprising  conduct  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  ?  How  has  it  happened  that  such  an  illiterate  group  of 
general  and  field-ofhcers  have  been  thrust  into  public  view  by 
that  commonwealth,  which,  as  it  has  an  indisputable  superiority 
of  power  to  every  other  in  America,  as  well  as  of  experience 
and  skill  in  war,  ought  to  have  set  an  example  to  her  sisters,  by 
sending  into  the  field  her  best  men,  men  of  the  most  genius, 
learning,  reflection,  and  address  ?  Instead  of  this,  every  man 
you  send  into  the  army,  as  a  General  or  a  Colonel,  exhibits  a 
character  which  nobody  ever  heard  of  before,  as  an  awkward, 
illiterate,  illbred  man.  Who  is  General  Fellows  ?  And  who 
is  General  Brickett  ?  Who  is  Colonel  Holman,  Cary,  Smith  ? 
This  conduct  is  sinking  the  character  of  the  province  into  the 
lowest  contempt,  and  is  injuring  the  service  beyond  description. 
Able  officers  are  the  soul  of  an  army.  Good  officers  will  make 
good  soldiers,  if  you  give  them  human  nature  as  a  material  to 
work  upon.  But  ignorant,  unambitious,  unfeeling,  unprincipled 
officers  will  make  bad  soldiers  of  the  best  men  in  the  world. 

I  am  ashamed  and  grieved  to  my  inmost  soul  for  the  disgrace 
brought  upon  the  Massachusetts  in  not  having  half  its  propor- 
tions of  general  officers.  But  there  is  not  a  single  man  among 
all  our  Colonels  that  I  dare  to  recommend  for  a  general  officer, 


i 


CORRESPONDENCE.  435 

except  Knox  and  Porter,  and  these  are  so  low  down  in  the  list, 
that  it  is  dangerous  promoting  them  over  the  heads  of  so  many. 
If  this  is  the  effect  of  popular  elections,  it  is  but  a  poor  pane- 
gyric upon  such  elections.  I  fear  we  shall  find  that  popular 
elections  are  not  oftener  determined  upon  pure  principles  of 
merit,  virtue,  and  public  spirit  than  the  nominations  of  a  Court, 
if  we  do  not  take  care.  I  fear  there  is  an  infinity  of  coiTuption 
in  our  elections  already  crept  in.  All  kinds  of  favor,  intrigue, 
and  partiality  in  elections  are  as  real  corruption,  in  my  mind, 
as  threats  and  bribes.  A  popular  government  is  the  worst  curse 
to  which  human  nature  can  be  devoted,  when  it  is  thoroughly 
corrupted.  Despotism  is  better.  A  sober,  conscientious  habit 
of  electing  for  the  public  good  alone  must  be  introduced,  and 
every  appearance  of  interest,  favor,  and  partiality  reprobated, 
or  you  will  very  soon  make  wise  and  honest  men  wish  for 
monarchy  again ;  nay,  you  will  make  them  introduce  it  into 
America. 

There  is  another  particular  in  which  it  is  manifest  that  the 
principles  of  liberty  have  not  sufficient  weight  in  men's  minds, 
or  are  not  well  understood. 

Equality  of  representation  in  the  legislature  is  a  first  prin- 
ciple of  liberty,  and  the  moment  the  least  departure  from  such 
equality  takes  place,  that  moment  an  inroad  is  made  upon 
liberty.  Yet,  this  essential  principle  is  disregarded  in  many 
places  in  several  of  these  republics.  Every  county  is  to  have 
an  equal  voice,  although  some  counties  are  six  times  more 
numerous  and  twelve  times  more  wealthy.  The  same  iniquity 
will  be  established  in  Congress.  Rhode  Island  will  have  an 
equal  weight  with  the  Massachusetts,  the  Delaware  govern- 
ment with  Pennsylvania,  and  Georgia  with  Virginia.  Thus 
we  are  sowing  the  seeds  of  ignorance,  corruption,  and  injustice 
in  the  fairest  field  of  liberty  that  ever  appeared  upon  earth,  even 
in  the  first  attempts  to  cultivate  it.  You  and  I  have  very  little 
to  hope  or  expect  for  ourselves.  But  it  is  a  poor  consolation, 
under  the  cares  of  a  whole  life  spent  in  the  vindication  of  the 
principles  of  liberty,  to  see  them  violated  in  the  first  formation 
of  governments,  erected  by  the  people  themselves  on  their  own 
authority,  without  the  poisonous  interposition  of  kings  or 
priests. 


436  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    AVILLIAM    TUDOR. 

Philadelphia,  29  August,  1776. 

I  sit  down  now  in  the  character  of  a  schoolmaster,  or  a  fellow 
of  a  college,  to  give  myself  airs,  the  pedantry  and  impertinence 
of  which  I  have  no  doubt  you  will  pardon,  as  the  precepts  I  am 
about  to  deliver  are  of  such  vast  importance  to  the  public  and 
so  little  practised,  although  they  are  so  very  easy  and  natural. 

You  must  be  sensible  that  intelligence  is  of  the  last  conse- 
quence to  the  Congress,  to  the  Assemblies,  and  to  the  public 
at  large.  It  ought,  therefore,  to  be  transmitted  as  quick  and 
frequently,  and  with  as  much  exactness  and  particularity,  as 
possible.  In  time  of  war,  the  letters  from  Generals  and  other 
officers  of  the  army  are  usually  the  memorials  and  documents 
from  whence  annals  are  afterwards  compiled  and  histories 
composed.  They  cannot  be  too  careful,  therefore,  to  transmit 
circumstantial  narrations  of  facts,  any  more  than,  for  their  own 
safety,  success,  and  glory,  they  can  omit  any  means  of  obtain- 
ing the  most  exact,  particular,  and  constant  information.  I 
have  suffered  inexpressible  vexation  upon  many  occasions,  when 
I  have  seen  public  letters  containing  vague  sketches  and  imper- 
fect hints  of  enterprises  and  movements  both  of  friends  and 
enemies. 

When  an  officer  sits  down  to  write  a  relation  of  a  skirmish 
or  a  battle,  I  should  think  his  first  care  would  be  to  ascertain 
and  describe  the  force  of  the  enemy,  their  numbers,  their  com- 
manders, their  appointments,  their  motions,  the  situation  of 
their  encampment,  the  ground  they  occupied,  or  were  attempt- 
ing to  possess  themselves  of.  In  the  next  place,  I  should  think 
he  would  tell  you  the  number  of  men  which  he  sent  against  the 
enemy,  the  officer  to  whom  he  gave  the  command,  the  other 
general  officers  under  him,  the  names  of  the  regiments  which 
composed  the  party,  and  then  give  you  a  detail  of  the  marches 
and  countermarches,  the  motions  and  manoeuvres  of  both  ene- 
mies and  friends  during  the  contention,  the  result  of  the  whole 
transaction,  on  which  side  victory  declared  herself,  and  the 
number  of  killed  and  wounded  on  each  side,  the  number  of 
officers  especially,  and  among  them  the  most  eminent  by  name. 
All  these  particulars,  together  with  the  loss  or  acquisition  of 


CORRESPONDENCE.  437 

arms,  ammunition,  baggage,  ordnance,  and  stores,  ought  to  be 
related  with  as  much  precision  as  the  writer  can  obtain.  Re- 
collect the  letter  of  Colonel  Campbell,  lately  taken  prisoner  at 
Boston,  relating  the  circumstances  of  his  captivity  ;  how  clearly 
and  precisely  he  states  his  own  strength  and  that  of  his  enemy! 
how  minutely  he  remembers  every  circumstance  of  the  engage- 
ment! When  facts  are  related  in  this  manner,  the  reader,  the 
public,  and  posterity  are  enabled  to  form  a  judgment  upon  the 
whole,  to  decide  what  is  the  consequence  of  the  event,  to  deter- 
mine the  character  and  conduct  of  commanders  and  of  troops, 
to  ascertain  their  merit  or  demerit.  In  short,  to  pass  just  reflec- 
tions, to  praise  or  blame  with  propriety,  to  reward  or  punish 
with  justice. 

Read  the  relation  of  the  battle  between  Catiline  and  his 
adversaries,  in  Sallust.  You  see  the  combatants.  You  feel  the 
ardor  of  the  battle.  You  see  the  blood  of  the  slain,  and  you 
hear  the  wounded  sigh  and  groan.  But  if  you  read  our  Ame- 
rican relations  of  battles  and  sieges,  in  our  newspapers  or  in 
private  letters,  or  indeed  in  public  official  letters,  you  see  little 
of  this  accuracy.  You  are  left  in  confusion  and  uncertainty 
about  every  thing.  It  may  one  day  be  your  fortune  to  be 
obliged  to  convey  information  to  the  public  of  the  course  of  the 
events  and  transactions  of  a  war,  and  whenever  it  is,  I  doubt 
not  it  will  be  faithfully  done.  At  present,  except  by  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, and  one  or  two  others,  it  is  done  very  super- 
ficially, crudely,  and  confusedly.  A  general  officer  should  spare 
no  pains  to  make  himself  master  of  the  epistolary  style,  which 
is  easy,  natural,  simple,  and  familiar,  and  of  the  historical  style, 
too,  which  is  equally  simple,  although  a  little  more  grave, 
solemn,  and  noble.  Xenophon,  Caesar,  Wolfe,  Lee,  are  all 
indebted  for  a  very  large  share  of  their  fame  to  their  pens. 

The  strange  uncertainty  in  which  we  are  still  involved,  con- 
cerning the  late  skirmishes  upon  Long  Island,  has  given  rise 
to  the  foregoing  observations.  My  friends  have  been  a  little 
negligent  in  not  writing  me  a  line  upon  this  occasion.  1  think 
we  have  suffered  in  our  reputation  for  generalship  in  permitting 
the  enemy  to  steal  a  march  upon  us.  Greene's  sickness,  I  con- 
jecture, has  been  the  cause  of  this.  We  have  not  been  suffi- 
ciently vigilant  in  obtaining  information  of  the  motions  and 
numbers  of  the  enemy  after  their  landing  on  Long  Island,  in 

37* 


438  CORRESPONDENCE. 

reconnoitring  them,  and  in  keeping  out  advanced  guards  and 
patrolling  parties.  Our  officers  do  not  seem  sufficiently  sensible 
of  the  importance  of  an  observation  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  that 
stratagem^  ambuscade,  and  ambush  are  the  sublimest  chapter 
in  the  art  of  war.  Regular  forces  are  never  surprised.  They 
are  masters  of  rules  for  guarding  themselves  in  every  situation 
and  contingency.  The  old  officers  among  them  are  full  of 
resources,  wiles,  artifices,  and  stratagems,  to  deceive,  decoy, 
and  overreach  their  adversaries.  We  must  oppose  art  to  art. 
We  must  not  disdain  to  learn  of  them.  Fas  est  et  ah  hoste 
doceri. 

My  mind  is  more  and  more  engaged  with  the  thoughts  of  the 
importance  of  introducing  into  our  army  officers  of  parts  and 
ambition.  Captain  Lee  has  been  constantly  upon  my  mind 
ever  since  you  mentioned  him.  His  father's  merit  and  his  own 
demand  promotion  for  him.  Pray  let  me  know  who  are  Nixon's 
Lieutenant- Colonel  and  Major.  Who  are  Learned's  Lieute- 
nant-Colonel and  Major?  You  said  there  were  other  young 
officers  of  parts  and  spirit  in  Glover's  regiment.  Let  me  know 
the  name  and  character  of  every  one  of  them,  I  conjure  you. 

Have  we  not  put  too  much  to  the  hazard  in  sending  the 
greatest  part  of  the  army  over  to  Long  Island,  from  whence 
there  is  no  retreat?  Will  not  the  enemy,  by  making  regular 
approaches  upon  us,  be  able  to  force  us,  by  means  of  their 
bombs  and  carcasses,  out  of  our  lines  ? 

2  September. 

Sol  The  fishers  have  set  a  seine,  and  a  whole  school,  a 
whole  school  of  fish  have  swum  into  it,  and  been  caught !  The 
fowlers  have  set  a  net,  and  a  whole  flock  of  pigeons  have 
alighted  on  the  bed,  and  the  net  has  been  drawn  over  them. 
But  the  most  insolent  thing  of  all  is,  sending  one  of  those  very 
pigeons  as  a  flutterer  to  Philadelphia,^  in  order  to  decoy  the 
great  flock  of  all.  Did  you  ever  see  a  decoy  duck  or  a  decoy 
brant  ? 

Thank  you  for  your  last  letter.  There  are  a  few  words  in  it, 
which  contain  a  hint  of  something,  which,  if  fact,  has  been 
industriously  hidden  from  us.  "  By  the  action  of  last  Tuesday, 
we  are  convinced  that  many  of  our  men  are  cowards."     I  beg 

1  John  Sullivan. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  439 

of  you  to  explain  this,  in  detail.  Do  you  mean  the  men  who 
were  in  the  skirmish  ?  Those  in  the  lines  on  Long  Island,  or 
those  in  New  York  ?  Do  not  subscribe  your  name.  It  shall 
be  a  secret.  But  I  conjure  you,  as  you  love  your  country,  to 
let  me  know. 

20  September. 

We  have  so  many  reports  here  of  the  infamous  cowardice  of 
the  New  England  troops,  especially  of  Fellows's  and  Parsons's 
brigades,  in  running  away  in  spite  of  their  two  Generals,  and 
General  Washington  too,  that  I  am  ashamed  of  my  country. 
Pray,  let  me  know  the  truth,  and  w^iether  there  is  less  courage 
in  the  northern  than  southern  troops.  The  report  of  Fellows's 
and  Parsons's  brigades  is  confirmed  by  the  General's  letter. 


TO    SAMUEL    COOPER, 

Philadelphia,  4  September,  1776. 

Mr.  Hare,  a  brother  of  Mr.  Robert  Hare,  the  porter  brewer  in 
this  city,  is  bound  to  Boston.  He  has  boarded  some  time  in 
the  same  house  with  me,  and  is  very  desirous  of  seeing  the 
town  of  Boston.  He  is  travelling  to  Boston  merely  from  the 
curiosity  of  a  traveller,  and  meddles  not  with  politics.  He  has 
an  inclination  to  see  the  public  buildings,  your  church  and  the 
chapel  particularly.  I  should  be  much  obliged  to  you,  if  you 
would  procure  him  the  sight  of  as  many  of  the  public  buildings 
in  town  as  you  can  conveniently. 

Our  Generals,  I  fear,  have  made  a  mistake  in  retreating  from 
Long  Island.  I  fear  they  will  retreat  from  the  city  of  New 
York  next.  These  are  disagreeable  events.  I  do  not  like  these 
measures.  I  wish  there  was  more  firmness.  But  let  not  these 
things  discourage.  If  they  get  possession  of  New  York,  Long 
Island,  and  Staten  Island,  these  are  more  territory  than  their 
whole  army  can  defend  this  year.  They  must  keep  their  force 
together.  The  instant  they  divide  it  they  are  ruined.  They 
cannot  march  into  the  country,  for  before  they  get  ten  miles  into 
the  country  they  are  surrounded,  or  their  retreat  cut  off.  They 
cannot  go  up  the  North  River  to  any  purpose,  because  a  few 


440  CORRESPONDENCE. 

months  will  make  ice  in  it,  in  which  their  vessels  cannot  live. 
They  must  keep  the  most  of  their  ships  in  the  harbor  of  New 
York  to  defend  their  army.  I  sometimes  think  that  Providence, 
against  our  own  opinions  and  inclinations,  has  provided  better 
for  us  in  this  instance  than  our  own  wisdom  would  have  done. 
Had  the  enemy's  fleet  and  army  been  kept  from  Long  Island, 
they  must  and  would  have  made  an  effort  elsewhere  for  winter 
quarters.  At  Staten  Island  they  could  not  have  wintered.  They 
must  therefore  have  wintered  at  Boston,  Rhode  Island,  or  have 
gone  to  the  southward,  to  Virginia,  one  of  the  Carolinas,  or 
Georgia,  and  either  of  these  cases  would  perhaps  have  been 
worse  for  us.  The  panic  w^hich  is  spread  upon  this  occasion,  is 
weak  and  unmanly ;  it  excites  my  shame  and  indignation. 
But  it  is  wearing  off.  If  our  whole  army  had  been  cut  to 
pieces,  it  would  have  been  shameful  to  have  been  so  intimi- 
dated, as  some  are  or  pretend  to  be.  Congress,  I  hope,  will 
stand  firm. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN.^ 

Philadelphia,  8  September,  1776. 

I  am  going  to-morrow  m.orning  on  an  errand  to  Lord  Howe, 
not  to  beg  a  pardon,  I  assure  you,  but  to  hear  what  he  has  to 
say.  He  sent  Sullivan  here  to  let  us  know  that  he  wanted  a 
conversation  with  some  members  of  Congress.  We  are  going 
to  hear  him.  But  as  Congress  have  voted  that  they  cannot 
send  members  to  talk  with  him  in  their  private  capacities,  but 
will  send  a  committee  of  their  body  as  representatives  of  the 
free  and  independent  States  of  America,  I  presume  his  Lord- 
ship cannot  see  us,  and  I  hope  he  will  not;  but  if  he  should, 
the  whole  will  terminate  in  nothing.  Some  think  it  will  occa- 
sion a  delay  of  military  operations,  which  they  say  we  much 
want.  I  am  not  of  this  mind.  Some  think  it  will  clearly 
throw  the  odium  of  continuing  this  war  on  his  Lordship  and  his 
master.  I  wish  it  may.  Others  think  it  will  silence  the  tories  and 
establish  the  timid  whigs.     I  wish  this  also,  but  do  not  expect 

1  The  letters  which  follow,  relating  to  the  visit  of  the  committee  ot  Congress 
to  Lord  Howe,  should  be  read  in  connection  with  the  autobiography,  vol.  iv. 
pp.  75-81. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  441 

it.  But  all  these  arguments,  and  twenty  others  as  mighty, 
would  not  have  convinced  me  of  the  necessity,  propriety,  or 
utility  of  this  embassy,  if  Congress  had  not  determined  on  it. 
I  was  totis  viribiis  against  it,  from  first  to  last.  But  upon  this 
occasion  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  and  even  Virginia  gave 
way.  All  sides  agreed  in  sending  me.  The  stanch  and  intre- 
pid, I  suppose,  such  as  were  enemies  to  the  measure,  as  well  as 
myself,  pushed  for  me,  that  as  little  evil  might  come  of  it  as 
possible.  Others  agreed  to  vote  for  me  in  order  to  entice  some 
of  our  inflexiblcs  to  vote  for  the  measure.  You  will  hear  more 
of  this  embassy.     It  will  be  famous  enough. 

Your  secretary  1  will  rip  about  this  measure,  and  well  he 
may.  Nothing,  I  assure  you,  but  the  unanimous  vote  of  Con- 
gress, the  pressing  solicitation  of  the  firmest  men  in  Congress, 
and  the  particular  advice  of  my  own  colleagues,  at  least  of  Mr. 
Hancock  and  Mr.  Gerry,  would  have  induced  me  to  accept  this 
trust. 


TO    SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

8  Sei^tember,  1770. 

To-morrow  morning  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Rutledge,  and  your 
humble  servant  set  off  to  see  that  rare  curiosity.  Lord  Howe. 
Do  not  imagine  from  this  that  a  panic  has  spread  to  Philadel- 
phia. By  no  means.  This  is  only  refinement  in  policy.  It 
has  a  deep,  profound  reach,  no  doubt.  So  deep  that  you  can- 
not see  to  the  bottom  of  it,  I  dare  say.  I  am  sure  I  cannot. 
Do  not,  however,  be  concerned.  When  you  see  the  whole,  as 
you  will  ere  long,  you  will  not  find  it  very  bad.  I  will  write  you 
the  particulars  as  soon  as  I  shall  be  at  liberty  to  do  it. 


SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Boston,  16  September,  1776. 

I  very  gratefully  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  dated 
the  2     of  August.     I  should  have  written  to  you  from  this  place 

'  Samuel  Adams. 

-  Left  blank  in  the  original.     It  refers  to  a  letter  written  tlie  18th. 


442  CORRESPONDENCE. 

before,  but  I  have  not  had  leisure.  My  time  is  divided  between 
Boston  and  Watertown,  and  though  we  are  not  engaged  in 
matters  of  such  magnitude  as  now  employ  your  mind,  there  are 
a  thousand  things  which  call  the  attention  of  every  man  who  is 
concerned  for  his  country. 

Our  Assembly  have  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  a  form 
of  government ;  they  have  not  yet  reported.  I  believe  they  will 
agree  in  two  legislative  branches.  Their  great  difficulty  seems 
to  be  to  determine  upon  a  free  and  adequate  representation. 
They  are  at  present  an  unwieldy  body.  I  will  inform  you  more 
of  this,  when  I  shall  have  the  materials. 

The  defence  of  this  town,  you  know,  has  lain  much  upon  our 
minds.  Fortifications  are  erected  upon  several  of  the  islands, 
which  I  am  told  require  at  least  eight  thousand  men.  You 
shall  have  a  particular  account,  when  I  am  at  leisure.  By  my 
manner  of  writing  you  may  conclude  that  I  am  now  in  haste. 
I  have  received  no  letter  from  Philadelphia  or  New  York  since 
1  was  favored  with  yours,  nor  can  I  find  that  any  other  person 
has.  It  might  be  of  advantage  to  the  common  cause  for  us  to 
know  what  is  doing  at  both  those  important  places.  We  have 
a  report  that  a  committee  is  appointed  (as  the  expression  is) 
"  to  meet  the  Howes,"  and  that  you  are  one.  This,  without 
flattery,  gave  me  pleasure.  I  am  indeed  at  a  loss  to  conceive 
how  such  a  movement  could  be  made  consistently  with  the 
honor  of  the  Congress,  but  I  have  such  an  opinion  of  the  wis- 
dom of  that  body,  that  I  must  not  doubt  of  the  rectitude  of  the 
measure.  I  hope  they  will  be  vigilant  and  firm,  for  I  am  told 
that  Lord  Howe  is,  though  not  a  great  man,  an  artful  courtier. 
May  God  give  us  wisdom,  fortitude,  perseverance,  and  every 
other  virtue  necessary  for  us  to  maintain  that  independence, 
which  we  have  asserted!  It  would  be  ridiculous  indeed,  if  we 
were  to  return  to  a  state  of  slavery  in  a  few  weeks  after  we  had 
thrown  off  the  yoke  and  asserted  our  independence.  The  body 
of  the  people  of  America,  I  am  persuaded,  would  resent  it.  But 
why  do  I  write  in  this  style  ?  I  rely  upon  the  Congress  and 
the  committee.  I  wish,  however,  to  know  a  little  about  this 
matter,  for  I  confess  I  cannot  account  for  it  in  my  own  mind. 
I  will  write  to  you  soon.     In  the  mean  time,  adieu. 

What  has  been  the  issue  of  the  debates  upon  a  weighty  sub- 
ject when  I  left  you,  and  another  matter  (you  know  what  I 


CORRESPONDENCE.  443 

mean)  of  great  importance  ?  It  is  high  time  they  were  finished. 
Pay  my  due  regards  to  the  President,  Messrs.  Paine,  Gerry, 
Colonel  Lees,  and  other  friends. 


TO    SAMUEL    ADAMS. 


Philadelplila,  17  September,  1776. 

In  a  few  lines  of  the  8th  instant  I  promised  you  a  more  par- 
ticular account  of  the  conference.  On  Monday,  the  committee 
set  ofi'  from  Philadelphia,  and  reached  Brunswick  on  Tuesday 
night.  Wednesday  morning,  they  proceeded  to  Amboy,  and 
from  thence  to  Staten  Island,  where  they  met  the  Lord  Howe, 
by  whom  they  were  politely  received  and  entertaijied.  His  lord- 
ship opened  the  conference  by  giving  us  an  account  of  the 
motive  which  first  induced  him  to  attend  to  the  dispute  with 
America,  which  he  said  was  the  honor  which  had  been  done  to 
his  family  by  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  which  he  prized  very 
highly.  From  whence  I  concluded,  in  my  own  mind,  that  his 
lordship  had  not  attended  to  the  controversy  earlier  than  the 
Port  Bill  and  the  Charter  Bill,  and  consequently  must  have  a 
very  inadequate  idea  of  the  nature  as  well  as  of  the  rise  and 
progress  of  the  contest. 

His  lordship  then  observed,  that  he  had  requested  this  inter- 
view, that  he  might  satisfy  himself  whether  there  was  any  pro- 
bability that  America  would  return  to  her  allegiance ;  but  he 
must  observe  to  us,  that  he  could  not  acknowledge  us  as  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  or  a  committee  of  that  body,  but  that  he  only 
desired  this  conversation  with  us  as  private  gentlemen,  in  hopes 
that  it  might  prepare  the  way  for  the  people's  returning  to  their 
allegiance  and  to  an  accommodation  of  the  disputes  between 
the  two  countries ;  that  he  had  no  power  to  treat  with  us  as 
independent  States,  or  in  any  other  character  than  as  British 
subjects  and  private  gentlemen ;  but  that  upon  our  acknowledg- 
ing ourselves  to  be  British  svibjects,  he  had  power  to  consult 
with  us ;  that  the  act  of  parliament  had  given  power  to  the 
king,  upon  certain  conditions,  of  declaring  the  colonies  to  be  at 
peace ;  and  his  commission  gave  him  power  to  confer ^  advise, 


444  CORRESPONDENCE. 

and  consult  with  any  number  or  description  of  persons  concern- 
ing the  complaints  of  the  people  in  America ;  that  the  king  and 
ministry  had  very  good  dispositions  to  redress  the  grievances  of 
the  people,  and  reform  the  errors  of  administration  in  America; 
that  his  commission  gave  him  power  to  converse  with  any  per- 
sons whatever  in  America  concerning  the  former  instructions  to 
governors,  and  the  acts  of  parliament  complained  of;  that  the 
king  and  ministry  were  very  willing  to  have  all  these  revised 
and  reconsidered,  and  if  any  errors  had  crept  in,  if  they  could 
be  pointed  out,  were  very  willing  that  they  should  be  rectified, 

Mr.  Rutledge  mentioned  to  his  Lordship  what  General  Sulli- 
van had  said,  that  his  Lordship  told  him  he  would  set  the  acts 
of  parliament  wholly  aside,  and  that  parliament  had  no  right 
to  tax  America,  or  meddle  with  her  internal  polity.  His  Lord- 
ship answered  Mr.  Rutledge  that  General  Sullivan  had  mis- 
understood him,  and  extended  his  words  much  beyond  their 
import. 

His  Lordship  gave  us  a  long  account  of  his  negotiations  in 
order  to  obtain  powers  sufficiently  ample  for  his  purpose.  He 
said  he  told  them  (the  nriinistry,  1  suppose  he  meant)  that  those 
persons  whom  you  call  rebels,  are  the  most  proper  to  confer 
with  of  any,  because  they  are  the  persons  who  complain  of 
grievances.  The  others,  those  who  are  not  in  arms,  and  are 
not,  according  to  your  ideas,  in  rebellion,  have  no  complaints  or 
grievances ;  they  are  satisfied,  and  therefore  it  would  be  to  no 
purpose  to  converse  with  them.  To  that  his  Lordship  said,  he 
would  not  accept  the  command  or  commission  until  he  had  full 
power  to  confer  with  any  persons  whom  he  should  think  proper, 
who  had  the  most  abilities  and  influence.  But,  having  obtained 
these  powers,  he  intended  to  have  gone  directly  to  Philadelphia, 
not  to  have  treated  with  Congress  as  such,  or  to  have  acknow- 
ledged that  body,  but  to  have  consulted  with  gentlemen  of  that 
body  in  their  private  capacities  vipon  the  subjects  in  his  com- 
mission. 

His  Lordship  did  not  incline  to  give  us  any  further  account 
of  his  powers,  or  to  make  any  other  propositions  to  us,  in  one 
capacity  or  another,  than  those  which  are  contained  in  substance 
in  the  foregoing  lines. 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  assure  you,  that  there  was  no  disagree- 
ment in  opinion  among  the  members  of  the  committee  upon 


CORRESPONDENCE.  445 

any  one  point.  They  were  perfectly  united  in  sentiment  and  in 
language,  as  they  are  in  the  result  of  the  whole,  which  is,  that 
his  Lordship's  powers  are  fully  expressed  in  the  late  act  of  par- 
liament, and  that  his  commission  contains  no  other  authority 
than  that  of  granting  pardons,  with  such  exceptions  as  the 
commissioners  shall  think  proper  to  make,  and  of  declaring 
America,  or  any  part  of  it,  to  be  at  peace,  upon  submission, 
and  of  inquiring  into  the  state  of  America  of  any  persons  with 
whom  they  might  think  proper  to  confer,  advise,  converse,  and 
consult,  even  although  they  should  be  officers  of  the  army  or 
members  of  Congress,  and  then  representing  the  result  of  their 
inquiries  to  the  ministry,  who,  after  all,  might  or  might  not,  at 
their  pleasure,  make  any  alterations  in  the  former  instructions 
to  governors,  or  propose,  in  parliament,  any  alterations  in  the 
acts  complained  of. 

The  whole  affair  of  the  commission  appears  to  me,  as  it  ever 
did,  to  be  a  bubble,  an  ambuscade,  a  mere  insidious  manoeuvre, 
calculated  only  to  decoy  and  deceive,  and  it  is  so  gross,  that 
they  must  have  a  wretched  opinion  of  our  generalship  to  sup- 
pose that  we  can  fall  into  it. 

The  committee  assured  his  Lordship,  that  they  had  no  author- 
ity to  wait  upon  him,  or  to  treat  or  converse  with  him,  in  any 
other  character  but  that  of  a  committee  of  Congress,  and  as 
members  of  independent  States ;  that  the  vote  which  was 
their  commission,  clearly  ascertained  their  character;  that  the 
declaration  which  had  been  made  of  independence,  was  the 
result  of  long  and  cool  deliberation ;  that  it  was  made  by 
Congress,  after  long  and  great  reluctance,  in  obedience  to 
the  positive  insti'uctions  of  their  constituents,  every  Assem- 
bly upon  the  continent  having  instructed  their  delegates  to 
this  purpose,  and  since  the  declaration  has  been  made  and 
published,  it  has  been  solemnly  ratified  and  confirmed  by  the 
Assemblies,  so  that  neither  this  committee  nor  that  Con- 
gress which  sent  it  here,  have  authority  to  treat  in  any  other 
character  than  as  independent  States.  One  of  the  committee. 
Dr.  Franklin,  assured  his  Lordship  that,  in  his  private  opinion, 
America  would  not  again  come  under  the  domination  of  Great 
Britain,  and  therefore  that  it  was  the  duty  of  every  good  man, 
on  both  sides  of  the  water,  to  promote  peace,  and  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  American  independency,  and  a  treaty  of  friendship  and 

vol..  IX.  '^^ 


446  CORRESPONDENCE. 

alliance  between  the  two  countries.  Another  of  the  committee, 
Mr.  J.  A.,  assured  his  Lordship,  that,  in  his  private  opinion, 
America  would  never  treat  in  any  other  character  than  as  inde- 
pendent States.  The  other  member,  Mr.  Rutledge,  concurred 
in  the  same  opinion.  His  Lordship  said  he  had  no  powers  nor 
instructions  upon  that  subject ;  it  was  entirely  new.  Mr.  Rut- 
ledge  observed  to  his  Lordship  that  most  of  the  colonies  had 
submitted  for  two  years  to  live  without  governments,  and  to  all 
the  inconveniences  of  anarchy,  in  hopes  of  reconciliation ;  but 
now  they  had  instituted  governments.  Mr.  J.  A.  observed  that 
all  the  colonies  had  gone  completely  through  a  revolution  ;  that 
they  had  taken  all  authority  from  the  officers  of  the  Crown,  and 
had  appointed  officers  of  their  own,  which  his  Lordship  might 
easily  conceive  had  cost  great  struggles,  and  that  they  could 
not  easily  go  back;  and  that  Americans  had  too  much  under- 
standing not  to  know  that,  after  such  a  declaration  as  they  had 
made,  the  government  of  Great  Britain  never  would  have  any 
confidence  in  them,  or  could  govern  them  again  but  by  force  of 
arms. 


SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Boston,  30  September,  1776. 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  two  letters  of  the  8th  and 
14th  of  this  month,  which  I  received  together  by  the  last  post. 
The  caution  given  in  the  first  of  these  letters  was  well  designed, 
and  had  it  come  to  me  as  early  as  you  had  reason  to  expect  it 
would,  I  should  have  been  relieved  of  a  full  fortnight's  anxiety 
of  mind.  I  was  indeed  gi'catly  "concerned"  for  the  event  of 
the  proposed  conference  with  Lord  Howe.  It  is  no  compli- 
ment when  I  tell  you  that  I  fully  confided  in  the  understanding 
and  the  integrity  of  the  gentlemen  appointed  by  Congress ;  but, 
being  totally  ignorant  of  the  motives  which  induced  such  a 
measure,  I  was  fearful  lest  we  might  be  brought  into  a  situation 
of  great  delicacy  and  embarrassment.  I  perceive  that  his  Lord- 
ship would  not  converse  with  you  as  members  of  Congress  or 
a  committee  of  that  body,  from  whence  I  concluded  that  the 
conference  did  not  take  its  rise  on  his  part.     As  I  am  unac- 


CORRESPONDENCE.  447 

quainted  with  its  origination  and  the  powers  of  the  committee, 
I  must  contemplate  the  whole  affair  as  a  refinement  in  policy 
beyond  my  reach,  and  content  myself  with  remaining  in  the 
dark  till  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you,  when  I  trust  the 
mystery  will  be  fully  explained  to  me.  Indeed,  I  am  not  so 
solicitous  to  know  the  motives  from  whence  this  conference 
sprang,  or  the  manner  in  which  it  was  brought  up,  as  I  am 
pleased  with  its  conclusion.  The  sentiments  and  language  of 
the  committee,  as  they  are  related  to  me,  were  becoming  the 
character  they  bore.  They  managed  with  great  dexterity.  They 
maintained  the  dignity  of  Congress,  and,  in  my  opinion,  the 
independence  of  America  stands  now  on  a  better  footing  than 
it  did  before.  It  affords  me  abundant  satisfaction  that  the 
minister  of  the  British  King,  commissioned  to  require,  and 
fondly  nourishing  the  hopes  of  receiving,  the  submission  of 
America,  was  explicitly  and  authoritatively  assured  that  neither 
the  committee  nor  that  Congress  which  sent  them,  had  author- 
ity to  treat  in  any  other  capacity  than  as  independent  States. 
His  Lordship,  it  seems,  "  has  no  instruction  on  that  subject." 
We  must,  therefore,  fight  it  ought,  and  trust  in  God  for  success. 
I  dare  assure  myself,  that  the  most  effectual  care  has  before  this 
time  been  taken  for  the  continuance  and  support  of  our  armies, 
not  only  for  the  remainder  of  the  present,  but  for  a  future  year. 
The  people  will  cheerfully  support  their  independence  to  the 
utmost.  Their  spirits  will  rise  upon  their  knowing  the  result 
of  the  late  conference.  It  has,  you  may  depend  upon  it,  been 
a  matter  of  great  expectation.  Would  it  not  be  attended  with 
a  good  effect,  if  an  account  of  it  was  published  by  authority  of 
Congress  ?  It  would,  I  should  think,  at  least  put  it  out  of  the 
power  of  disaffected  men  (and  there  are  some  of  this  character 
even  here)  to  amuse  their  honest  neighbors  with  vain  hopes  of 
reconciliation. 

I  wish  that  Congress  would  give  the  earliest  notice  to  this 
State  of  what  may  be  further  expected  to  be  done  here  for  the 
support  of  the  army.  The  season  is  advancing,  or  rather  pass- 
ing, fast. 

I  intended,  when  I  sat  down,  to  have  written  you  a  long 
epistle,  but  I  am  interrupted.  I  have  a  thousand  avocations 
which  require  my  attention.  Many  of  them  are  too  trifling  to 
merit  your  notice.     Adieu,  my  friend,  I  hope  to  see  you  soon. 

S.  A. 


448  CORRESPONDENCE. 


SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Baltimore,  9  January,  1777, 

I  have  every  day  for  a  month  past  been  anxiously  expecting 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  here,  but  now  begin  to  suspect  you 
do  not  intend  to  give  us  your  assistance  in  person.  I  shall 
therefore  do  all  that  lies  in  my  power  to  engage  your  epistolary 
aid.  You  will  by  every  opportunity  receive  my  letters,  and,  I 
dare  say,  you  will  be  so  civil  as  to  answer  at  least  some  of 
them. 

I  have  given  our  friend  Warren,  in  one  of  my  letters  to  him, 
the  best  reason  I  could  for  the  sudden  removal  of  Congress  to 
this  place.  Possibly  he  may  have  communicated  it  to  you.  I 
confess  it  was  not  agreeable  to  my  mind ;  but  I  have  since 
altered  my  opinion,  because  we  have  done  more  important 
business  in  three  weeks  than  we  had  done,  and  I  believe  should 
have  done,  at  Philadelphia,  in  six  months.  As  you  are  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress,  you  have  a  right  to  know  all  that  has  been 
done;  but  I  dare  not  commit  it  to  paper  at  a  time  when  the 
safe  carriage  of  letters  is  become  so  precarious.  One  thing 
I  am  very  solicitous  to  inform  you,  because  I  know  it  will 
give  you  great  satisfaction.  If  you  recollect  our  conversation 
at  New  Haven,  I  fancy  you  will  understand  me  when  I  tell 
you,  that  to  one  place  we  have  added  four,  and  increased  the 
number  of  persons  from  three  to  six.i  I  hate  this  dark,  myste- 
rious manner  of  writing,  but  necessity  requires  it. 

You  have  heard  of  the  captivity  of  General  Lee.  Congress 
have  directed  General  Washington  to  offer  six  Hessian  field- 
officers  in  exchange  for  him.  It  is  suspected  that  the  enemy 
choose  to  consider  him  as  a  deserter,  bring  him  to  trial  in  a 
court-martial,  and  take  his  life.  Assurances  are  ordered  to  be 
given  to  General  Howe,  that  five  of  those  officers,  together  with 
Lieutenant- Colonel  Campbell,  will  be  detained,  and  all  of  them 
receive  the  same  measure  that  shall  be  meted  to  him.  This 
resolution  will  most  certainly  be  executed. 

1  This  probably  refers  to  the  resolve  passed  on  the  30th  December,  directing 
commissioners  to  be  sent  to  Vienna,  Spain,  Prussia,  and  Tuscany,  in  addition  to 
France.  By  the  selection  of  Arthur  Lee  to  go  to  Spain,  two  new  persons  only 
"were  added,  Messrs.  Izard  and  William  T>ee. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  449 

We  have  this  day  passed  a  recommendation  to  the  Council 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  of  a  very  important  nature.^  It  will  be 
sent  by  this  express  to  the  Council,  to  whom  I  refer  you  for  a 
perusal  of  it. 

Our  affairs  in  France  and  Spain  wear  a  promising  aspect, 
and  we  have  taken  measures  to  put  them  on  a  respectable 
footing  in  other  parts  of  Europe;  and  I  flatter  myself  too  much 
if  we  do  not  succeed. 

The  progress  of  the  enemy  through  the  Jerseys  has  chagrined 
me  beyond  measure ;  but  I  think  we  shall  reap  the  advantage 
in  the  end.  We  have  already  beat  a  part  of  their  army  at 
Trenton,  and  the  inclosed  paper  will  give  you  a  farther  account 
which  we  credit,  though  not  yet  authenticated.  The  late  be- 
havior of  the  people  of  Jersey  \vas  owing  to  some  of  their 
leading  men,  who,  instead  of  directing  and  animating,  most 
shamefully  deserted  them.  When  they  found  a  leader  in  the 
brave  Colonel  Ford,  they  followed  him  with  alacrity.  They 
have  been  treated  with  savage  barl)arity  by  the  Hessians,  but  I 
believe  more  so  by  Britons.  After  they  have  been  most  in- 
humanly used  in  their  persons,  without  regard  to  sex  or  age, 
and  plundered  of  all  they  had,  without  the  least  compensation. 
Lord  Howe  and  his  brother  (now  Sir  William,  knight  of  the 
Bath)  have  condescended  to  offer  them  protections  for  the  free 
enjoyment  of  their  effects. 

You  have  seen  the  power  with  which  General  Washington 
is  vested  for  a  limited  time.  Congress  is  very  attentive  to  the 
northern  army,  and  care  is  taken  effectually  to  supply  it  with 
every  thing  necessary  this  winter  for  the  next  campaign.  Ge- 
neral Gates  is  here.  How  shall  we  make  him  the  head  of  that 
army? 

We  are  about  establishing  boards  of  war,  ordnance,  navy, 
and  treasury,  with  a  chamber  of  commerce,  each  of  them  to 
consist  of  gentlemen  who  are  not  members  of  Congress.  By 
these  means,  I  hope,  our  business  will  be  done  more  systema- 
tically, speedily,  and  effectually. 

Great  and  heavy  complaints  have  been  made  of  abuse  in  the 
Director-General's  department  in  both  our  armies ;  some,  I 
suppose,  without  grounds,  others  with  too  much  reason.     I  have 

1  Recommending  an  attack  upon  Nova  Scotia.      See  the  Secret  Journals, 
vol.  ii.  p.  51. 

38*  no 


450  CORRESPONDENCE. 

no  doubt  but  as  soon  as  a  committee  reports,  which  is  expected 
this  day,  both  Morgan  and  Stringer  will  be  removed,  as  I  think 
they  ought. 

To  the  eighty-eight  battalions  ordered  to  be  raised,  sixteen 
are  to  be  added,  which,  with  six  to  be  raised  out  of  the  conti- 
nent at  large,  will  make  one  hundred  and  ten,  besides  three 
thousand  horse,  three  regiments  of  artillery,  and  a  company  of 
engineers.  We  may  expect  fifty  or  sixty  thousand  of  the  enemy 
in  June  next.  Their  design  will  still  be  to  subdue  the  obstinate 
States  of  New  England.  It  was  the  intention  that  Carleton 
should  winter  in  Albany,  Howe  in  New  York,  and  Clinton  at 
Rhode  Island,  that,  with  reenforcements  in  the  spring,  they 
might  be  ready  to  attack  New  England  on  all  sides.  I  hope 
every  possible  method  will  be  used  to  quicken  the  new  levies, 
and  that  the  fortifications  in  the  harbor  of  Boston  will  be  in 
complete  readiness.  Much  will  depend  upon  our  diligence  this 
winter. 

The  attention  of  Congress  is  also  turned  to  the  southward. 
Forts  Pitt  and  Randolph  are  to  be  garrisoned,  and  provisions 
laid  up  for  two  thousand  men,  six  months.  By  the  last  accounts 
from  South  Carolina,  we  are  informed  that  late  arrivals  have 
supplied  them  with  every  thing  necessary  for  their  defence. 

I  have  written  in  great  haste,  and  have  time  only  to  add, 
that  I  am,  with  sincere  regards  to  your  lady  and  family,  very 
cordially  your  friend, 

Samuel  Adams. 

P.  S.  Dr.  Morgan  and  Dr.  Stringer  are  dismissed  without 
any  reason  assigned,  which  Congress  could  of  right  do,  as  they 
held  their  places  during  pleasure.  The  true  reason,  as  I  take  it, 
was  the  general  disgust,  and  the  danger  of  the  loss  of  an  army 
arising  therefrom. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 


Baltimore,  3  February,  1777. 

It  may  not  be  a  misspense  of  time  to  make  a  few  observa- 
tions upon  the  situation  of  some  of  the  States  at  this  time. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  451 

That  part  of  New  York,  which  is  yet  in  our  possession,  is 
pretty  well  united  and  pretty  firm.  The  Jerseys  have  recovered 
from  their  surprise,  and  are  lending  as  much  assistance  as  can 
well  be  expected  from  them.  Their  Assembly  is  now  sitting, 
and  is  said  to  be  well  disposed  to  do  what  it  can.  The  As- 
sembly of  Pennsylvania  is  also  sitting.  They  have  abolished 
the  oath  ^  which  gave  so  much  discontent  to  the  people,  and  are 
gradually  acquiring  the  confidence  of  the  people,  and  opposition 
has  subsided.  The  Delaware  government  have  formed  their 
Constitution,  and  the  Assembly  is  now  sitting.  Maryland  has 
formed  its  Constitution,  and  their  Assembly,  now  sitting  in 
consequence  of  it,  is  filling  it  up.  There  is  a  difficulty  in  two 
of  the  counties,  but  this  will  last  but  a  little  while.  In  Vir- 
ginia, Governor  Henry  has  recovered  his  health,  has  returned  to 
Williamsburg,  and  is  proceeding  in  his  government  with  great 
industry.  North  Carolina  have  completed  their  government, 
and  Mr.  Caswell  is  Governor.  In  Virginia  and  North  Carolina 
they  have  made  an  effort  for  the  destruction  of  bigotry,  which  is 
very  remarkable.  They  have  abolished  their  establishments  of 
Episcopacy  so  far  as  to  give  complete  liberty  of  conscience  to 
dissenters,  an  acquisition  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  mankind, 
which  is  worth  all  the  blood  and  treasure  which  has  been  or 
will  be  spent  in  this  war.  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  com- 
pleted their  government  a  long  time  ago.  Thus  I  think  there 
are  but  three  States  remaining  which  have  not  erected  their 
governments,  Massachusetts,  New  York,  and  New  Hampshire. 

These  are  good  steps  towards  government  in  the  State,  which 
must  be  introduced  and  established  before  we  can  expect  dis- 
cipline in  our  armies,  the  unum  necessariiun  to  our  salvation.  I 
will  be  instant  and  incessant,  in  season  and  out  of  season,  in 
inculcating  these  important  truths,  that  nothing  can  save  us 
but  government  in  the  State  and  discipline  in  the  army.  There 
are  so  many  persons  among  my  worthy  constituents,  who  love 
liberty  better  than  they  understand  it,  that  I  expect  to  become 
unpopular  by  my  preaching.  But  woe  is  me,  if  I  preach  it  not. 
Woe  will  be  to  them  if  they  do  not  hear. 

P.  S.  I  am  terrified  with  the  prospect  of  expense  to  our 
State,  which  I  find  no  possibility  of  avoiding.     I  cannot  get  a 

1  To  maintain  the  Constitution.     See  Reed's  Life  of  Reed,  vol.  ii.  p.  ID,  note. 


452  CORRESPONDENCE. 

horse  kept  in  this  town  under  a  guinea  a  week.  One  hundred 
and  four  guineas  a  year  for  the  keeping  of  two  horses  is  intole- 
rable, but  cannot  be  avoided.  Simple  board  is  fifty  shillings  a 
week  here,  and  seven  dollars  generally.  I  cannot  get  boarded 
■iinder  forty  shillings,  i.  e.  five  dollars  and  a  third,  a  week,  and 
fifteen  for  my  servant,  besides  finding  for  myself  all  my  wood, 
candles,  liquors,  and  washing.  I  would  send  home  my  servant 
and  horses,  but  Congress  is  now  a  movable  body,  and  it  is 
impossible  to  travel  and  carry  gi-eat  loads  of  baggage  without  a 
servant  and  horses,  besides  the  meanness  of  it  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Baltimore,  12  February,  1777. 

Dear  Sir, —  The  certificates  and  check-books  for  the  loan- 
office  I  hope  and  presume  are  arrived  in  Boston  before  this 
time,  and,  notwithstanding  the  discouraging  accounts  which 
were  given  me  when  I  was  there,  I  still  hope  that  a  considerable 
sum  of  money  will  be  obtained  by  their  means. 

It  is  my  private  opinion,  however,  that  the  interest  of  four 
per  cent,  is  not  an  equitable  allowance.  I  mean  that  four  per 
cent,  is  not  so  much  as  the  use  of  the  money  is  honestly  worth 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  business,  upon  an  average  for  a  year; 
and  I  have  accordingly  exerted  all  the  little  faculties  I  had,  in 
endeavoring,  on  Monday  last,  to  raise  the  interest  to  six  per 
cent.  But  after  two  days'  debate,  the  question  was  lost  by  an 
equal  division  of  the  States  present,  five  against  five.  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and 
Virginia  on  one  side,  and  Ehode  Island,  Connecticut,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  on  the  other.  Here  was 
an  example  of  the  inconvenience  and  injustice  of  voting*  by 
States.  Nine  gentlemen,  representing  about  eight  hundred 
thousand  people,  against  eighteen  gentlemen,  representing  a 
million  and  a  half  nearly,  determined  this  point.  Yet  we  must 
not  be  startled  at  this. 

I  think  it  my  duty  to  mention  this  to  you,  because  it  must  be 
astonishing  to  most  people  in  our  State,  that  the  interest  is  so 


CORRESPONDENCE.  453 

low.  I  know  they  are  at  a  loss  to  account  for  it  upon  any 
principles  of  equity  or  policy,  and  consequently  may  be  disposed 
to  blame  their  delegates ;  but  you  may  depend  upon  it,  they  are 
not  in  fault. 

I  tremble  for  the  consequences  of  this  determination.  If  the 
loan  officers  should  not  procure  us  money,  we  must  emit  more, 
which  will  depreciate  all  which  is  already  abroad,  and  so  raise 
the  prices  of  provisions  and  all  the  necessaries  of  life,  that  the 
additional  expense  to  the  continent  for  supplying  their  army 
and  navy  will  be  vastly  more  than  the  two  per  cent,  in  dispute, 
besides  all  the  injustice,  chicanery,  extortion,  oppression,  and 
discontent,  which  is  always  occasioned  everywhere  by  a  depre- 
ciating medium  of  trade.  I  am  much  afraid  of  another  mis- 
chief. I  fear  that  for  want  of  wisdom  to  raise  the  interest  in 
season,  we  shall  be  necessitated,  within  a  few  months,  to  give 
eight  or  ten  per  cent.,  and  not  obtain  the  money  we  want  after 
all. 

I  have  been  so  often  a  witness  of  the  miseries  of  this  after- 
wisdom,  that  I  am  wearied  to  death  of  it. 

Had  a  bounty  of  twenty  dollars  a  man  been  offered  soldiers 
last  June,  it  would  have  procured  more  than  the  enormous 
bounties  that  are  now  offered  will  procure.  Had  government 
been  assumed  in  the  States  twelve  months  sooner  than  it  was, 
it  might  have  been  assumed  with  spirit,  vigor,  and  decision,  and 
would  have  obtained  an  habitual  authority  before  the  critical 
time  came  on,  when  the  strongest  nerves  of  government  are 
necessary  ;  whereas  now,  every  new  government  is  as  feeble  as 
water,  and  as  brittle  as  glass. 

Had  we  agreed  upon  a  non-exportation,  to  commence  when 
the  non-importation  commenced,  what  an  immense  sum  should 
we  have  saved!  Nay,  very  probably  we  should  have  occa- 
sioned a  very  different  House  of  Commons  to  be  chosen,  the 
ministry  to  have  been  changed,  and  this  war  avoided.  Thus  it 
is.  •  You,  who  will  make  no  ill  use  of  these  observations,  may 
read  them,  but  the  times  are  too  delicate  and  critical  to  indulge 
freely  and  generally  in  such  speculations.  It  is  best,  I  believe, 
that  no  mention  should  be  made  that  the  rate  of  interest  has 
been  again  debated,  lest  some  saving  men  should  withhold 
their  money  in  hopes  of  compelling  the  public  to  raise  the 
interest.     If  the  interest  should  never  be  raised,  those  who  lend 


454  CORllESPONDENCE. 

in  our  State  will  fare  as  well  as  others ;  if  it  should,  the  interest 
of  all  will  be  raised,  that  which  is  borrowed  now  as  well  as  that 
which  shall  be  borrowed  hereafter.  I  sincerely  wish  that  our 
people  would  lend  their  money  freely.  They  will  repent  of  it 
if  they  do  not.  We  shall  be  compelled  to  emit  such  quantities, 
that  every  man,  except  a  few  villains,  will  lose  more  by  depre- 
ciation than  the  two  per  cent.  Not  to  mention  again  the  scene 
of  anarchy  and  horror,  that  a  continuation  of  emissions  will 
infallibly  bring  upon  us. 

The  design  of  loan-offices  was  to  prevent  the  farther  depre- 
ciation of  the  bills  by  avoiding  farther  emissions.      We  might 
have  emitted  more  bills  promising  an  interest,  but  if  those  had 
been  made  a  legal  tender  like  the  other  bills,  and,  consequently 
mixed  in  the  circulation  with  them,  they  would  instantly  have 
depreciated  all  the  other  bills  four  per  cent,  if  the  interest  was 
four,  and  more  than  that,  too,  by  increasing  the  quantity  of 
circulating  cash.      In  order  to  prevent  these  certificates   from 
circulation,  and  consequently   from   depreciating  the  bills,  we 
should  sive  them  such  attributes  as  will  induce  men  of  fortune 
and  others  who  usually  lend  money,  to  hoard  them  up.      The 
persons  who  usually  lend  money  are,  1.  Men  of  fortune,  who 
live  upon   their  income,  and  these  generally  choose  to  have  a 
surplusage    to    lay   up    every  year  to   increase    their    capitals. 
2.  Opulent  merchants  who  have  more  money  than  they  choose 
to  risk,   or  can    conveniently   employ   in    trade.      3.  Widows, 
whose  dower  is  often  converted  into  money  and  placed  out  at 
interest,  that  they  may  receive  an  annual  income  to  live  upon, 
without  the  care  and  skill  which  is  necessary  to  employ  money 
advantageously^in  business.      4.    Orphans,   whose    guardians 
seldom  incline  to  hazard  the  property  of  their  wards  in  business. 
0.  A  few  divines,  lawyers,  and  physicians,  who  are  able  to  lay 
by  a  little  of  their  annual  earnings.      6.  Here  and  there  a  far- 
mer and  a  tradesman,  who  is  forehanded  and  frugal  enough  to 
make  more  money  than  he  has  occasion  to  spend.      Add  to 
these,  —  7.   Schools,  colleges,  towns,  parishes,  and  other  socie- 
ties, which  sometimes  let  money.     All  these  persons  are  much 
attached  to  their  interest,  and  so  anxious  to  make  the  most  of 
it.  that  they  compute  and  calcvilate  it  even  to  farthings   and 
single  days.     These  persons  can  get  six  per  cent.,  generally,  of 
private  borrowers,  on  good  security  of  mortgages  or  sureties. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  455 

Now,  is  it  reasonable  in  the  State  to  expect  that  monied  men 
will  lend  to  the  public  at  a  less  interest  than  they  can  get  from 
private  persons  ? 

I  answer,  yes,  when  the  safety  of  the  State  is  not  in  doubt, 
and  when  the  medium  of  exchange  has  a  stable  value,  because 
larger  sums  may  be  put  together,  and  there  is  less  trouble  in 
collecting  and  receiving  the  interest,  and  the  security  is  better. 
But  the  case  is  otherwise,  when  men  are  doubtful  of  the 
existence  of  the  State,  and  it  is  worse  still,  when  men  see  a 
prospect  of  depreciation  in  the  medium  of  trade.  All  govern- 
ments in  distress  are  obliged  to  give  a  higher  interest  for  money 
than  when  they  are  prosperous. 

The  interest  of  money  always  bears  some  proportion  to  the 
profits  of  trade.  When  the  commerce  of  a  country  is  small, 
lodged  in  few  hands,  and  very  profitable,  the  interest  of  money 
is  very  high.  Charles  the  Fifth  was  necessitated  to  give  twenty- 
four  per  cent,  for  money ;  afterwards  it  fell  in  Europe  to  twelve, 
and  since  to  six,  five,  four,  and  three. 

I  think  I  shall  never  consent  to  go  higher  than  six  per  cent, 
as  much  as  I  am  an  advocate  for  raising  it  to  that,  and  in  this 
I  have  been  constant  for  full  nine  months.  The  burden  of  six 
per  cent,  upon  the  community  will  very  soon  be  heavy  enough. 
We  must  fall  upon  some  other  methods  of  ascertaining  the 
capitals  we  borrow.  A  depreciating  currency  we  must  not 
have,  it  will  ruin  us.  The  medium  of  trade  ought  to  be  as 
unchangeable  as  truth,  as  immutable  as  morality.  The  least 
variation  in  its  value  does  injustice  to  multitudes,  and  in  pro- 
portion it  injures  the  morals  of  the  people,  a  point  of  the  last 
importance  in  a  republican  government. 

15  March,  1777. 

Thus  far  I  had  written  a  long  time  ago,  since  which,  after 
many  days  deliberation  and  debate,  a  vote  passed  for  raising 
the  interest  to  six  per  cent.  If  this  measure  should  not  procure 
us  money,  1  know  not  what  resource  we  shall  explore. 

To  read  this  will  be  punishment  enough  for  your  omission  to 
write  to  me  all  this  while.  I  have  received  nothing  from  you 
since  I  left  Boston. 


456  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 


Philadelphia,  18  March,  1777. 

I  had  this  morning  the  pleasure  of  your  favor  of  February 
22d,  by  the  post.  This  is  the  first  letter  from  you  since  I  left 
you. 

You  are  anxious  to  know  what  expectations  are  to  be  enter- 
tained of  foreign  aid.  I  wish,  Sir,  it  was  in  my  power  to  com- 
municate to  you  the  little  that  I  know  of  this  matter ;  but  I 
am  under  such  injunctions  and  engagements,  to  communicate 
nothing  relative  to  foreign  affairs,  that  I  ought  not  to  do  it;  and, 
if  I  was  at  liberty,  such  is  the  risk  of  letters  by  the  post  or  any 
other  conveyance,  that  it  would  be  imprudent. 

Thus  much  I  may  say,  that  we  have  letters  from  Dr.  Frank- 
lin and  Mr.  Deane ;  both  agree  that  every  thing  is  as  they  could 
wish ;  but  the  Doctor  had  but  just  arrived,  and  had  not  been  to 
Paris,  and,  therefore,  could  know  nothing  of  the  Cabinet.  The 
noted  Dr.  Williamson  is  arrived,  full  of  encouraging  matter ; 
but  what  confidence  is  to  be  put  in  him,  or  what  dependence  is 
*  to  be  had  in  his  intelligence,  I  know  not.  Franklin,  Deane, 
and  Williamson  all  agree  in  opinion  that  a  war  will  take  place. 
The  reception  that  is  given  to  our  privateers  and  merchantmen 
in  every  part  of  the  French  dominions,  is  decisively  encourag- 
ing. Wickes,  who  carried  the  Doctor,  took  two  prizes.  Per- 
sons enough  offered  to  purchase  them  without  condemnation  or 
trial,  and  to  run  the  risk  of  the  illegality  of  it ;  perhaps  they 
may  be  ransomed.  Thus  much  you  may  depend  on,  that  you 
may  have  any  thing  that  France  affords  in  the  way  of  manu- 
factures, merchandise,  or  warlike  stores,  for  sending  for  it.  I 
can  go  no  further  as  yet.  Congress  have  done  as  much  as  they 
ought  to  do,  and  more  than  I  thought  they  ought  to  have  done, 
before  they  did  it.  I  will  hazard  a  prophecy  for  once,  and  it  is 
this,  that  there  will  as  certainly  be  a  general  war  in  Europe,  as 
there  will  be  a  kingdom  of  France  or  Spain.  How  soon  it  will 
be,  I  will  not  precisely  determine ;  but  I  have  no  more  doubt 
that  it  will  be  within  a  year  to  come  than  I  have  that  it  will  be 
at  all. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  457 


TO    JOHN    AVERY,    JUNIOR. 

Philadelphia,  21  March,  1777. 

Sir,  —  I  had  this  morning  the  pleasure  of  your  favor  of  the 
7th  instant,  and  am  glad  to  learn  that  my  letter  to  you  of  the 
10th  of  February  was  conveyed  safely  to  your  hand,  and  am 
obliged  to  you  for  communicating  the  resignation  inclosed  in  it 
to  the  honorable  Board. ^ 

It  would  give  me  a  great  deal  of  uneasiness,  if  the  honorable 
Board  should  not  proceed  Ibrthwith  to  fill  up  the  vacancy,  if  I 
thought,  as  you  seem  to  suggest,  that  they  would  postpone  it 
until  they  should  see  me ;  because  the  public  must  suffer  in  the 
mean  time,  and  the  vacancy  must  be  filled  up,  after  all,  with 
some  other  gentleman.  The  resignation,  you  saw,  was  the 
result  of  long  and  anxious  deliberation,  was  founded  in  reasons 
that  will  not  alter,  and,  therefore,  there  will  be  no  change  in  my 
determination.  The  difficulty  you  insinuate  of  finding  a  proper 
person,  is  merely  imaginary.  There  is  not  a  more  suitable 
person  in  the  State,  nor  belonging  to  it,  than  the  very  worthy 
gentleman  who  now  presides  in  that  court;  and  other  gentle- 
men enough  may  be  found  to  fill  the  place  which  will  be  left 
open  by  the  removal  of  him  and  his  honorable  brothers,  much 
more  suitable  to  sit  in  that  seat  than  1  am. 

The  hope  you  give  me,  that  our  quota  will  be  ready  in  a 
few  weeks,  rejoices  me  much.  We  want  nothing  but  an  army, 
new  in  the  field,  to  answer  our  purpose.  I  had  this  morning 
the  pleasm-e  of  a  conversation  with  Major-General  Mifflin,  who 
assures  me  that  he  has  tents  of  the  very  best  quality  completely 
ready  for  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men  to  take  the  field, 
and  that,  in  three  weeks,  he  shall  have  enough  completed  for 
ten  thousand  more;  that  he  has  intrenching  tools  enough  com- 
pleted for  the  whole  army  the  whole  campaign;  that  he  has 
camp-kettles  and  canteens  enough,  and  that  he  has  horses, 
wagons,  and  magazines  of  forage  ready.  So  that  this  depart- 
ment, which  was  last  year  in  so  much  disorder,  which  occa- 
sioned us  such  losses  of  men,  baggage,  and  stores,  is  now  in  a 
good  arrangement,  and  promises  more  comfort  to  the  army. 

1  Of  the  place  of  Chief  Justice.     Vol.  iii.  p.  25,  note. 
VOL.  IX.  39 


458  CORRESPONDENCE. 

We  are  making  every  regulation  in  our  power  in  the  medical 
department,  and  a  fine  cargo  of  drugs  has  arrived,  in  addition  to 
a  large  quantity  before  purchased  by  Dr.  Shippen.  So  that  we 
comfort  ourselves  with  hopes  that  the  health  of  the  men  will  be 
better  provided  for  than  last  year.  In  the  commissary's  de- 
partment, I  am  informed  that  large  quantities  of  meat  have 
been  salted  down,  that  the  men  may  not  be  obliged  to  live 
altogether  upon  fresh  beef,  as  they  did  the  last  summer,  in  the 
extremest  heat  of  the  weather,  which  was  thought  to  be  pre- 
judicial to  their  health. 

We  are  doing  every  thing  in  our  power  for  the  discipline  and 
the  comfort  of  the  army.  Nothing  in  this  contest  has  ever 
given  me  so  much  pain  as  the  sufferings  of  the  soldiers  in  sick- 
ness and  for  want  of  discipline,  to  which,  indeed,  that  sickness 
was  in  a  great  measure  owing. 

You  had  good  reasons  for  your  expectations  that  we  should 
have  a  hard  struggle  with  Great  Britain.  Whoever  has  attended 
to  the  policy  of  the  British  court,  and  studied  the  characters 
which  composed  it,  from  the  year  1761,  must  have  seen  abund- 
ant evidence  of  a  fixed  design  to  subjugate  America  to  the 
complete  domination  of  parliament ;  must  have  observed  how 
systematically  they  have  proceeded  with  all  their  art  and  all 
their  force  to  accomplish  this  detestable  purpose.  Whoever 
was  acquainted  with  the  national  history,  must  have  been  con- 
vinced how  completely  their  government  was  corrupted,  and 
the  persons  concerned  in  it  lost  to  all  the  ties  of  honor,  virtue, 
and  religion;  —  ties  which  once  restrained  that  nation ;  ties  which 
alone  can  restrain  any  people  from  robbing  and  plundering  all 
whom  they  think  in  their  power.  Whoever  was  acquainted 
with  America,  knew  how  unprepared  she  was ;  how  inexpe- 
rienced as  statesmen  and  warriors  ;  how  unprovided  with  war- 
like stores ;  how  defenceless  in  fortified  places ;  and,  what  is 
infinitely  worse  than  all  the  rest,  how  much  infected  with  that 
selfishness,  corruption,  and  venality  (so  unfriendly  to  the  new 
governments  she  must  assume),  which  have  been  the  bane  of 
Great  Britain.  Every  such  person,  therefore,  must  have  ex- 
pected a  hard  struggle.  Hard  as  it  is,  however,  it  will  succeed. 
May  Heaven  direct  us,  and  conduct  us  safely  in  due  time  to 
liberty,  to  virtue,  and,  of  course,  to  glory  I 


CORRESPONDENCE.  459 


TO    WILLIAM    TUDOR. 


Philadelphia,  22  March,  1777. 

Yours  of  the  16th  I  got  yesterday.  If  Howe  imagines  that 
one  fourth  of  Pennsylvania  are  Quakers,  he  is  mistaken  one 
half;  for,  upon  the  most  exact  inquiry,  I  find  there  is  not  more 
than  one  in  eight  of  that  denomination.  If  he  imagines  that 
ninety-nine  in  one  hundred  of  those  are  his  friends,  he  is  mis- 
taken again,  for  I  believe  in  my  conscience  that  a  majority  of 
them  are  friends  to  nobody  but  themselves ;  and  Howe  will 
find  them  full  as  great  an  encumbrance  and  embarrassment  to 
him  as  we  have  found  them  to  us. 

The  acquisition  of  Philadelphia  w^ould  give  Howe  a  tempo- 
rary eclat,  it  is  true,  in  Europe  and  America,  but  it  would  in 
the  end  prove  his  destruction. 

Beware  of  those  who  make  so  free  with  the  epithets  of  "  sor- 
did," "selfish,"  "  ungenerous,"  and  "  ungrateful,"  &c.  Let  them 
look  at  home.  The  other  colonies,  it  is  true,  contributed  to 
support  the  poor  of  Boston.  But  for  whose  good  did  Boston 
resign  her  whole  trade?  For  the  good  of  all  the  others,  as  well 
as  her  own.  And  did  not  all  the  others  go  on  with  their  trade  to 
their  vast  profit,  while  Boston  lost  it  all  ?  If  Boston  had  not, 
with  a  magnanimity  and  generosity  hitherto  without  example 
or  parallel  in  America,  resigned  its  trade,  and  nobly  stood  the 
shock,  Boston  would  have  been  the  undisputed  mistress  among 
the  slaves  of  America,  and  have  drawn  the  wealth  of  the  conti- 
nent to  herself,  and  so  she  would  now,  if  the  States  should 
submit ;  because  there  is  no  other  place  that  the  crown  officers 
of  all  denominations  will  resort  to  in  such  numbers.  There 
would  be  the  most  numerous  army,  there  the  most  powerful 
fleet,  and  there  the  whole  board  of  excise,  customs,  duties,  and 
revenues.  For  whose  interest  did  Boston  continue  without 
trade  and  without  government,  and  submit  to  a  trifling  force 
within  herself?  I  remember  a  petition  from  Boston  to  Congress 
for  leave  to  cut  Gage  and  his  troops  to  pieces,  which  was  abso- 
lutely refused.  To  whom  was  it  owing  that  all  the  rest  of  the 
continent  besides  Boston  continued  their  exports  nine  months 
after  all  imports  were  stopped?  Whereby  millions  were  lost  to 
the  continent,  whereto,  in   all   probability,  this  whole  war  is 


460  CORRESPONDENCE. 

owing.  I  am  not  by  this,  however,  justifying  the  policy  of 
Massachusetts  in  regulating  the  prices  of  goods,  which  laid 
them  under  the  necessity  of  prohibiting  exportations.  But 
other  States  ought  not  to  complain  of  this,  because  the  conti- 
nent is  procuring  supplies  from  New  England  at  one  third  of 
the  price  which  they  give  for  the  same  articles  in  other  States. 
But  they  found  they  could  not  regulate  the  prices  of  things 
without  prohibiting  exportation,  because  other  States,  or  per- 
sons belonging  to  them,  were  about  purchasing  every  thing  at 
the  stated  prices,  and  then  exporting  them  at  an  immense 
profit. 

As  to  the  Massachusetts  getting  money,  it  is  all  a  joke.  They 
have  lost  their  staple  in  this  quai-rel,  which  no  other  State  has 
done.  The  fishery,  I  mean,  which  has  destroyed  their  trade. 
Indigo,  rice,  tobacco,  wheat,  iron,  the  staples  of  other  States, 
are  not  affected  by  this  war  like  the  fishery,  the  mast-trade, 
and  lumber,  which  were  the  trade  of  Massachusetts.  The 
privateers  fitted  out  in  that  State  belong  to  Congress,  and  to 
persons  belonging  to  other  States,  I  suppose  near  one  half 
of  them ;  and,  besides,  the  continent  could  not  carry  on  the 
war  without  the  Massachusetts.  Their  seamen  have  supplied 
the  army  with  every  thing  almost.  Where,  then,  is  the  ingra- 
titude ?  Do  not  be  concerned  about  the  Union.  These  peevish- 
nesses 1  have  been  a  witness  to  a  long  time.  It  is  envy  at 
bottom.  They  see  the  superiority  of  the  Massachusetts  to 
every  one  of  them,  in  every  point  of  view,  and  it  frets  them ; 
but  it  will  fret  away. 

Farther,  for  whose  good  has  the  Massachusetts  sacrificed 
their  trade,  and  privateers  too,  by  their  embargo  ?  A  restraint 
that  others  have  not  been  pleased  to  subject  themselves  to, 
although  it  is  more  wanted  both  for  manning  the  army  and 
navy  in  them  than  it  was  in  her.  I  hate  disputes  of  this  sort, 
and  I  never  begin  them;  but  when  Massachusetts  is  attacked,  I 
never  have  and  never  will  fail  to  defend  her,  as  far  as  truth  and 
justice  will  warrant  me,  and  no  farther.  There  is  a  narrow 
spirit  in  many  people,  which  seems  to  consider  this  contest  as 
the  affair  of  Boston  and  the  Massachusetts,  not  the  affair  of  the 
continent.  All  that  they  have  to  do  is  to  get  the  character  of 
heroes  by  their  bravery,  to  wear  genteel  uniforms  and  armor, 
and  to  be  thought  to  lay  Boston  and  Massachusetts  under  vast 


CORRESPONDENCE.  461 

obligations.  For  iny  own  part,  I  think  the  obligations  mutual ; 
but  if  there  is  a  balance,  it  is  clearly  in  favor  of  Massachusetts. 
I  ever  disdained,  in  Congress,  in  the  most  decisive  terms,  all 
obligations  to  any  State  or  person,  and  I  ever  shall.  The  cause 
must  be  supported  as  a  common  cause,  or  it  must  fall.  I  will 
never  solicit  charity  or  favor  as  a  politician,  much  less  acknow- 
ledge obligations  to  others,  who  are  under  the  strongest  of  all. 
Are  there  not  persons  who  insinuate  themselves  into  your  army 
with  a  design  to  foment  prejudices,  excite  jealousies,  and  raise 
clamors? 


TO    WILLIAM    GORDON. 


Philacleli^hia,  8  April,  1777. 

I  had  your  favor  of  27th  March  by  this  day's  post.  That  this 
country  will  go  safely  through  this  revolution,  I  am  well  con- 
vinced ;  but  we  have  severe  conflicts  to  endure  yet,  and,  I  hope, 
shall  be  prepared  for  them.  Indeed,  there  is  one  enemy,  who 
to  me  is  more  formidable  than  famine,  pestilence,  and  the  sword; 
I  mean  the  corruption  which  is  prevalent  in  so  many  American 
hearts,  a  depravity  that  is  more  inconsistent  with  our  republican 
governments  than  light  is  with  darkness.  If  we  can  once  give 
energy  enough  to  our  governments,  and  discipline  enough  to  our 
armies,  to  overcome  this  base  principle  of  selfishness,  to  make 
citizens  and  soldiers  feel  themselves  the  children  of  the  common- 
wealth, and  love  and  revere  their  mother  so  much  as  to  make 
their  happiness  consist  in  her  service,  I  shall  think  we  have  a 
prospect  of  triumph  indeed. 

Your  design,  Sir,  of  collecting  materials  for  a  history  of  the 
rise,  progress,  and  issue  of  the  American  Revolution,  is  liberal 
and  generous ;  and,  as  you  will  find  it  a  laborious  undertaking, 
you  ought  to  be  encouraged  and  assisted  in  it.  I  should  be 
very  willing  to  contribute  any  thing  towards  so  useful  a  work. 
But,  I  must  frankly  tell  you,  there  is  very  little  in  my  power. 
So  far  from  making  collections  myself,  I  have  very  often  de- 
stroyed the  papers  in  my  power,  and  my  own  minutes  of  events 
and  their  causes.  We  are  hurried  away  in  such  a  kind  of  deli- 
rium, arising  from  the  multiplicity  of  affairs,  and  the  disorder  in 

39* 


462  CORRESPONDENCE. 

which  they  rise  in  review  before  us,  that  I  confess  myself  unable 
even  to  recollect  the  circumstances  of  any  transaction  with  suffi- 
cient precision  to  assist  an  historian.  There  are  materials, 
however,  in  possession  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  others  in  the 
War-Office,  which  will  be  preserved.  The  Massachusetts  Bay, 
however,  was  the  first  theatre,  and  your  history  should  begin  at 
least  from  the  year  1761.  Your  correspondent,  whoever  he  is,  has 
a  talent  at  panegyric,  enough  to  turn  a  head  that  has  much  less 
vanity  in  it  than  mine.  Sometimes,  however,  the  extravagance 
of  flattery  is  an  antidote  to  its  poison.  I  shall  not,  however,  be 
made  to  tremble  to  think  of  the  expectations  that  will  be  formed 
from  me  by  such  wild  praises.  No  such  attributes  belong  to 
me ;  and  I  aiu  under  no  concern  about  answering  to  what  may 
be  justly  expected  of  me.     Alas  I  who  is  equal  to  these  things  ? 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Philadelphia,  27  April,  1777. 

Yours  of  April  3d  I  received,  I  must  confess  that  I  am  at  a 
loss  to  determine  whether  it  is  good  policy  in  us  to  wish  for 
a  war  between  France  and  Britain,  unless  we  could  be  sure 
that  no  other  powers  would  engage  in  it.  But  if  France  en- 
gages, Spain  will,  and  then  all  Europe  will  arrange  themselves 
on  one  side  and  the  other,  and  what  consequences  to  us  might 
be  involved  in  it,  I  do  not  know.  If  we  could  have  a  free  trade 
with  Europe,  I  should  rather  run  the  risk  of  fighting  it  out  with 
George  and  his  present  allies,  provided  he  should  get  no  other. 
I  do  not  love  to  be  entangled  in  the  quarrels  of  Europe  ;  I  do 
not  wish  to  be  under  obligations  to  any  of  them,  and  I  am  very 
unwilling  they  should  rob  us  of  the  glory  of  vindicating  our  own 
liberties. 

It  is  a  cowardly  spirit  in  our  countrymen,  which  makes 
them  pant  with  so  much  longing  expectation  after  a  French 
war.  I  have  very  often  been  ashamed  to  hear  so  many  whigs 
groaning  and  sighing  with  despondency,  and  whining  out  their 
fears  that  we  must  be  subdued,  unless  France  should  step  in. 
Are  we  to  be  beholden  to  France  for  our  liberties?      France 


CORRESPONDENCE.  463 

has  done  so  much  ah'eady  that  the  honor  and  dignity  and 
reputation  of  Great  Britain  are  concerned  to  resent  it ;  and  if 
she  does  not,  France  will  trifle  with  her  forever  hereafter.  She 
has  received  our  ambassadors,  protected  our  merchantmen, 
privateers,  men-of-war,  and  prizes,  admitted  us  freely  to  trade, 
lent  us  money,  and  supplied  us  with  arms,  ammunition,  and 
warlike  stores  of  every  kind.  This  is  notorious  all  over  Europe. 
And  she  will  do  more,  presently,  if  our  dastardly  despondency, 
in  the  midst  of  the  finest  prospects  imaginable,  does  not  dis- 
courage her.  The  surest  and  the  only  way  to  secure  her  arms 
in  this  cause,  is  for  us  to  exert  our  own.  For  God's  sake,  then, 
do  not  fail  of  a  single  man  of  your  quota.  Get  them  at  any 
rate,  and  by  any  means,  rather  than  not  have  them. 

I  am  more  concerned  about  our  revenue  than  the  aid  of 
France.  Pray  let  the  loan  offices  do  their  part,  that  we  may 
not  be  compelled  to  make  paper  money  as  plenty,  and,  of  course, 
as  cheap  as  oak  leaves.  There  is  so  much  injustice  in  carrying 
on  a  war  with  a  depreciating  currency  that  we  can  hardly  pray 
with  confidence  for  success. 

The  confederation  has  been  delayed,  because  the  States  were 
not  fully  represented.  Congress  is  now  full,  and  we  are  in  the 
midst  of  it.     It  will  soon  be  passed. 

God  prosper  your  new  Constitution.  But  I  am  afraid  you 
will  meet  the  disapprobation  of  your  constituents.  It  is  a  pity 
you  should  be  obliged  to  lay  it  before  them.  It  will  divide  and 
distract  them.  However,  their  will  be  done.  If  they  suit 
themselves,  they  will  please  me. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Philadelpliia,  29  April,  1777. 

I  have  but  a  few  moments  to  write,  and  those  it  is  my  duty 
to  improve,  and  faithfully  to  tell  you,  that  unless  you  exert 
yourselves  and  send  forward  your  troops,  it  is  my  firm  opinion 
that  Howe  will  recruit  his  army  as  fast  as  Washington,  and 
that  from  Americans.  The  people  of  New  York  and  New  Jer- 
sey have  been  so  scandalously  neglected  this  winter,  that  they 


464  CORRESPONDENCE. 

are  flying  over  to  Howe  in  considerable  numbers.  Nay,  our 
army  under  Washington  is  so  dispirited  by  conscious  weakness, 
that  the  spirit  of  desertion  prevails  among  them,  and  there  are 
more  go  over  to  Howe  from  our  army  than  come  from  his  to 
ours,  two  to  one. 

Every  man  of  the  Massachusetts  quota  ought  to  have  been 
ready  last  December.  And  not  one  man  has  yet  arrived  in  the 
field,  and  not  three  hundred  men  at  Ticonderoga.  It  is  our 
weakness,  and  want  of  power  to  protect  the  people,  that  makes 
tories  and  deserters.  I  have  been  abominably  deceived  about 
the  troops.  If  Ticonderoga  is  not  lost,  it  will  be  because  it  is 
not  attacked ;  and  if  it  should  be.  New  England  will  bear  all 
the  shame  and  all  the  blame  of  it.  In  plain  English,  I  beg  to 
be  supported  or  recalled.  The  torment  of  hearing  eternally 
reflections  upon  my  constituents,  that  they  are  all  dead,  all 
turned  tories,  that  they  are  smallbeer,  which  froths  and  foams 
for  a  few  moments  while  it  is  new,  and  then  flattens  down  to 
worse  than  water,  without  being  able  to  contradict  or  answer 
them,  is  what  I  will  not  endure.. 

By  a  letter  from  A.  Lee,  20th  February,  Burgoyne  is  coming 
with  ten  thousand  Germans  and  three  thousand  British  to 
Boston.  They  will  go  first  to  Rhode  Island,  I  suppose.  From 
thence  they  will  join  Howe,  or  go  to  Boston,  according  to  cir- 
cumstances. If  you  make  up  a  decent  force  under  Washington 
in  the  Jerseys,  Howe  must  order  them  all  to  him,  or  he  will  be 
demolished,  for  he  has  but  a  small  force  at  present.  If  you 
leave  Washington  weak,  they  will  march  to  Boston. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Philadelphia,  6  May,  1777. 

About  ten  days  ago  I  had  the  boldness  to  make  a  motion  that 
a  navy  board  should  be  established  at  Boston.  Certain  gen- 
tlemen looked  struck  and  surprised.  However,  it  passed.  I 
have  moved,  I  believe  fifteen  times,  that  a  nomination  should 
take  place.  Certain  gentlemen  looked  cold.  Two  or  three 
days  ago,  the  nomination  came  on.     Langdon,  Vernon,  Deshon, 


CORRESPONDENCE.  465 

Dalton,  Orne,  Henley,  Smith,  Gushing,  and  Warren,  were 
nominated.  This  day  the  choice  came  on.  At  last,  Vernon, 
Warren,  and  Deshon,  were  chosen.  The  board  is  to  appoint 
its  own  clerk,  who  is  to  have  five  hundred  dollars  a  year. 

I  hope  you  will  engage  in  this  business  and  conduct  it  with 
spirit.  You  cannot  be  Speaker,  and  do  this  duty  too,  I  believe. 
I  think  the  town  of  Boston  will  be  offended.  But  I  could  not 
help  it.  This  you  will  not  mention.  The  salary  for  the  com- 
missioners is  fifteen  hundred  dollars  a  year.  You  will  have  the 
building  and  fitting  of  all  ships,  the  appointment  of  officers,  the 
establishment  of  arsenals  and  magazines,  which  will  take  up 
your  whole  time ;  but  it  will  be  honorable  to  be  so  capitally 
concerned  in  laying  a  foundation  of  a  great  navy.  The  profit 
to  you  will  be  nothing;  but  the  honor  and  the  virtue  the 
greater.  I  almost  envy  you  this  employment.  I  am  weary  of 
my  own,  and  almost  with  my  life.  But  I  ought  not  to  be  weary 
in  endeavoring  to  do  well. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Williamsburgb,  16  May,  1777. 

Matters  in  our  part  of  the  continent  are  too  much  in  quiet  to 
send  you  news  from  hence.  Our  battalions  for  the  continental 
service  were  some  time  ago  so  far  filled  as  rendered  the  recom- 
mendation of  a  draught  from  the  militia  hardly  requisite,  and 
the  more  so  as  in  this  country  it  ever  was  the  most  unpopular 
and  impracticable  thing  that  could  be  attempted.  Our  people, 
even  under  the  monarchical  government,  had  learnt  to  consider 
it  as  the  last  of  all  oppressions.  I  learn  from  our  delegates  that 
the  confederation  is  again  on  the  carpet,  a  great  and  a  neces- 
sary work,  but  I  fear  almost  desperate.  The  point  of  represent- 
ation is  what  most  alarms  me,  as  I  fear  the  great  and  small 
colonies  are  bitterly  determined  not  to  cede.  Will  you  be  so 
good  as  to  recollect  the  proposition  I  formerly  made  you  in 
private,  and  try  if  you  can  work  it  into  some  good  to  save  our 
union  ?  It  was,  that  any  proposition  might  be  negatived  by 
the  representatives  of  a  majority  of  the  people  of  America,  or 

D2 


466  CORRESPONDENCE. 

of  a  majority  of  the  colonies  of  America.  The  former  secm-es 
the  larger,  the  latter,  the  smaller  colonies.  I  have  mentioned  it 
to  many  here.  The  good  whigs,  I  think,  will  so  far  cede  their 
opinions  for  the  sak.e  of  the  Union,  and  others  we  care  little  for. 
The  journals  of  Congress  not  being  printed  earlier,  gives 
more  uneasiness  than  I  would  wish  ever  to  see  produced  by 
any  act  of  that  body,  from  whom  alone  I  know  our  salvation 
can  proceed.  In  our  Assembly,  even  the  best  affected  think  it 
an  indignity  to  freemen  to  be  voted  away,  life  and  fortune, in 
the  dark.  Our  House  have  lately  written  for  a  manuscript 
copy  of  your  journals,  not  meaning  to  desire  a  communication 
of  any  thing  ordered  to  be  kept  secret.  I  wish  the  regulation 
of  the  post-office,  adopted  by  Congress  last  September,  could 
be  put  in  practice.  It  was  for  the  riders  to  travel  night  and 
day,  and  to  go  their  several  stages  three  times  a  week.  The 
speedy  and  frequent  communication  of  intelligence  is  really  of 
great  consequence.  So  many  falsehoods  have  been  propagated 
that  nothing  now  is  believed  unless  coming  from  Congress  or 
camp.  Our  people,  merely  for  want  of  intelligence  which  they 
may  rely  on,  are  become  lethargic  and  insensible  of  the  state 
they  are  in.  Had  you  ever  a  leisure  moment,  I  should  ask  a 
letter  from  you  sometimes,  directed  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Dick, 
Fredericksburgh ;  but  having  nothing  to  give  in  return,  it  would 
be  a  tax  on  your  charity  as  well  as  your  time.  The  esteem  I 
have  for  you  privately,  as  well  as  for  your  public  importance, 
will  always  render  assurances  of  your  health  and  happiness 
agreeable.     I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  friend  and  servant, 

Thomas  Jefferson. 


TO    THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

Philadclpliia,  26  May,  1777. 

I  had  this  morning  the  pleasure  of  your  agreeable  favor  of 
the  16th  instant,  by  the  post,  and  rejoice  to  learn  that  your 
battalions  were  so  far  fdled  as  to  render  a  draught  from  the 
militia  unnecessary.  Draughts  are  dangerous  measure^  and 
only  to  be  adopted  in  great  extremities,  even  by  a  government 


CORRESPONDENCE.  467 

the  most  }5opular ;  although  in  such  governments  draughts  will, 
perhaps,  never  be  made  but  in  such  cases^  —  cases  in  which 
the  people  themselves  see  the  necessity  of  it,  which  is  widely- 
different  from  draughts  made  by  monarchs  to  carry  on  wars  in 
which  the  people  can  see  no  interest  of  their  own,  nor  any  other 
object  in  view  than  the  gratification  of  the  avarice,  ambition, 
caprice,  envy,  revenge,  or  vanity  of  a  single  tyrant.  Draughts 
in  the  Massachusetts  have  not  been  unpopular,  as  they  have 
been  managed ;  for  the  persons  draughted  are  commonly  the 
wealthiest  people,  who  become  obliged  to  give  large  premiums 
to  their  poorer  neighbors  to  take  their  places. 

The  great  work  of  confederation  drags  heavily  on ;  but  I  do 
not  despair  of  it.  The"great  and  small  colonies  must  be  brought 
as  near  together  as  possible,  and  I  am  not  without  hopes  that 
this  may  be  done  to  the  tolerable  satisfaction  of  both.  Your 
thought.  Sir,  that  any  proposition  may  be  negatived  by  the 
representatives  of  a  majority  of  the  people,  or  of  a  majority  of 
States,  shall  be  attended  to;  and  I  will  endeavor  to  get  it 
introduced,  if  we  cannot  succeed  in  our  wishes  for  a  representa- 
tion and  a  rule  of  voting  perfectly  equitable,  which  has  no  equal 
in  my  m.ind. 

Nothing  gives  me  more  constant  anxiety  than  the  delays  in 
publishing  the  journals.  Yet,  I  hope  gentlemen  will  have  a 
little  patience  with  us,  "VVe  have  had  a  committee  constantly 
attending  to  this  very  thing  for  a  long  time.  But  we  have  too 
many  irons  in  the  fire,  you  know,  for  twenty  hands,  which  is 
nearly  the  whole  number  we  have  had  upon  an  average  since 
last  fall.  The  committee  are  now  busy  every  day  in  correcting 
proof-sheets,  so  that  I  hope  we  shall  soon  do  better./  A  com- 
mittee on  the  post-office,  too,  have  found  a  thousand  difficulties. 
The  post  is  now  extremely  regular  from  north  and  south,  al- 
though it  comes  but  once  a  week.  It  is  very  difficult  to  get 
faithful  riders  to  go  oftener.  And  the  expense  is  very  high,  and 
the  profits,  so  dear  is  everjpthingv  and  so  little  correspondence 
is  carried  on  except  in  franked  letters,  will  not  support  the  office. 
Mr.  Hazard  is  now  gone  southward,  in  the  character  of  sur- 
veyor of  the  post-office,  and  I  hope  will  have  as  good  success 
as  he  lately  had,  eastward,  where ^he  put  the  office  into  very 
good  order. 

We  have  no  news  from  the  camp  but  that  the  General  and 


468  CORRESPONDENCE. 

army  are  in  fine  spirits/  and  begin  to  feel  themselves  powerful. 
We  are  anxiously  waiting  for  news  from  abroad,  and  for  my 
own  part  I  am  apprehensive  of  some  insidious  manoeuvre  from 
Great  Britain  to  deceive  us  into  disunion  and  then  to  destroy. 

We  want  your  industry  and  abilities  here  extremely.  Fi- 
nanciers we  want  more  than  soldiers.  The  worst  enemy  we 
have  now  is  poverty,  real  poverty  in  the  shape  of  exuberant 
wealth.  Pray  come  and  help  us  to  raise  the  value  of  our  money 
and  lower  the  prices  of  things.  Without  this  we  cannot  carry 
on  the  war;  with  it,  we  can  make  it  a  diversion. 

No  poor  mortals  were  ever  more  perplexed  than  we  have  been 
with  three  circumstances  at  once,  any  one  of  which,  coming 
alone,  would  have  been  sufficient  to  have  distressed  any  people. 
I  mean  a  redundancy  of  the  medium  of  exchange^  a  diminution 
of  the  quantity  at  market  of  the  luxuries,  the  conveniences,  and 
even  the  necessaries  of  life^  and  an  increase  of  the  demand  for 
all  of  them,  occasioned  by  two  large  armies  in  the  country. 

I  shall  ever  esteem  it  a  happiness  to  hear  of  your  welfare,  my 
dear  Sir,  and  a  much  greater  still  to  see  you  once  more  in  Con- 
gress. Your  country  is  not  yet  quite  secure  enough  to  excuse 
you  for  retreating  to  the  delights  of  domestic  life ;  yet,  for  the 
soul  of  me,  when  I  attend  to  my  own  feelings,  I  cannot  blame 
you.    . 


B.    FRANKLIN    TO    JAMES    LOVELL.^ 

Passy,  17  October,  1777. 

I  received  your  letter  (without  date)  communicating  a  method 
of  secret  writing,  for  which  I  am  obliged  to  you.  I  have  since 
received  yours  of  July  4th. 

I  was  very  sensible  before  I  left  America,  of  the  inconve- 
niences attending  the  employment  of  foreign  officers,  and 
therefore  immediately  on  my  arrival  here  I  gave  all  the  discou- 
ragement in  my  power  to  their  going  over.  But  numbers  had 
been  previously  engaged  by  Mr.  Deane,  who  could  not  resist 
the  applications  made  to  him.     I  was  concerned  in  sending  the 

1  This  letter,  found  among  the  papers  of  Mr.  Adams,  has  not,  it  is  believed, 
yet  been  published. 


y'^-i^^ 


£:i>i/       ./<: 


^-'^^ 


y^i^i^^^.^^^  .    J^^yi^Cy 


CORRESPONDENCE.  469 

four  engineers,  and  in  making  the  contract  with  them ;  but, 
before  they  went,  I  had  reason  to  dislike  one  of  them,  and  to 
wish  the  agreement  had  not  been  made,  for  I  foresaw  the  dis- 
content that  man  was  capable  of  producing  among  his  com- 
panions, and  I  fancy  that  if,  instead  of  America  they  had  gone  to 
Heaven,  it  would  have  been  the  same  thing.  You  can  have  no 
conception  of  the  arts  and  interest  made  use  of  to  recommend, 
and  engage  us  to  recommend,  very  indifferent  persons.  The 
importunity  is  boundless.  The  numbers  we  refuse,  incredible. 
Which  if  you  knew,  you  would  applaud  us  for,  and  on  that 
account  excuse  the  few  we  have  been  prevailed  on  to  introduce 
to  you.     But,  as  somebody  says, — 

"  Poets  lose  half  the  praise  they  would  have  got 
Were  it  but  known  what  they  discreetly  blot." 

I  wish  we  had  an  absolute  order  to  give  no  letter  of  recom- 
mendation, or  even  introduction,  for  the  future,  to  any  foreign 
officer  whatever.  As  to  the  instruction  passed  in  Congress, 
respecting  French  officers  who  do  not  understand  English,  we 
never  made  it  known  here,  from  the  same  apprehension  that 
you  express.  All  that  understood  a  little  English  would  have 
thought  themselves  entitled  to  a  commission,  and  the  rest  would 
have  undertaken  to  learn  it  in  the  passage. 

With  great  esteem,  &c. 

B.  Franklin. 

P.  S.  I  inclose  some  papers,  given  me  by  the  Baron  Steuben, 
a  Prussian  officer  who  is  gone  over.  Perhaps  there  may  be 
useful  hints  in  them. 


TO    ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

Braintree,  6  December,  1777. 

My  dear  Sir, —  You  must  expect  for  the  future  to  find  in 
me,  situated  as  I  am  by  a  blissful  fireside,  surrounded  by  a  wife 
and  a  parcel  of  chattering  boys  and  girls,  only  a  dealer  in  small 
politics. 

I  find  the  same  perplexities  here  that  we  felt  at  Yorktown,  a 
general  inclination  among  the  people  to  barter,  and  as  general 

VOL.  IX.  -iO 


470  CORRESPONDENCE. 

an  aversion  to  dealing  in  paper  money  of  any  denomination ; 
guineas,  half  joes,  and  milled  dollars  in  as  high  estimation  as 
in  Pennsylvania.  The  monied  men,  I  am  informed,  generally 
decline  receiving  paper  for  their  debts  ;  many  refuse ;  and  it  is 
said  all  will,  very  soon.  There  is  a  whispering  about  among 
the  richer  sort  that  an  act  is  necessary  for  allowing  a  deprecia- 
tion or  an  appreciation,  as  the  case  may  be,  upon  specialties; 
and  the  poorer  sort  look  cunning,  and  give  hints  that  the  rich 
are  aiming  at  a  depreciation. 

I  mention  these  facts,  and  leave  you  to  draw  your  own  infer- 
ences. I  know  and  feel  the  delicacy  of  the  subject,  and  am 
restrained  by  certain  prudential  considerations  from  writing  my 
own  sentiments  freely.  Two  things  I  will  venture  to  say.  One 
is  that  I  am  sick  of  attempts  to  work  impossibilities,  and  to 
alter  the  course  of  nature.  Another  is.  Fiat  justitia,  mat  caelum. 
The  rapid  translation  of  property  from  hand  to  hand,  the  rob- 
bing of  Peter  to  pay  Paul,  alarms  and  distresses  me  beyond 
measure.  The  man  who  lent  another  a  hundred  pounds  in 
gold  four  years  ago,  and  is  paid  now  in  paper,  cannot  purchase 
with  it  one  quarter  part  in  pork,  beef,  or  land,  of  what  he  could 
when  he  lent  the  gold.  This  is  fact,  and  facts  are  stubborn 
things  in  opposition  to  speculation.  You  have  the  happiest, 
nimblest  spirit  for  climbing  over  difficulties,  and  for  dispersing 
mists  and  seeing  fair  weathei-,  when  it  is  foggy  or  rainy,  of  any 
man  I  know.  But  this  will  be  a  serious  perplexity  even  to 
you,  before  it  is  over.  I  am  not  out  of  my  wits  about  it.  It 
will  not  ruin  our  cause,  great  as  the  evil  is,  and  if  it  Avas  much 
greater.  But  it  torments  me  to  see  injustice  both  to  the  public 
and  to  individuals  so  frequent.  Every  man's  liberty  and  life  are 
equally  dear  to  him ;  every  man,  therefore,  ought  to  be  taxed 
equally  for  the  defence  of  his  life  and  liberty.  That  is,  the  poll- 
tax  should  be  equal.  Every  man's  property  is  equally  dear  both 
to  himself  and  to  the  public :  every  man's  property  ought  to 
be  taxed  for  the  defence  of  the  public  in  proportion  to  the  quan- 
tity of  it.  These  are  fundamental  maxims  of  sound  policy. 
But  instead  of  this  every  man  who  had  money  due  to  him  at 
the  commencement  of  this  war,  has  been  already  taxed  three 
fourth  parts  of  that  money,  besides  his  tax  on  his  poll  and 
estate  in  proportion  to  other  people.  And  every  man  who  owed 
money  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  has  put  three  fourth  parts 


CORRESPONDENCE.  471 

of  it  in  his  pocket  as  clear  gain.  The  war,  therefore,  is  im- 
moderately gainful  to  some,  and  ruinous  to  others.  This  will 
never  do. 


TO    JAMES    LOVELL. 

Bralntree,  24  December,  1777. 

I  cannot  omit  this  opportunity  of  acknowledging  the  receipt 
of  your  kind  favor  of  the  27th  or  28th  November,  I  say  one  or 
the  other  of  those  days,  because,  although  the  letter  has  no  date, 
yet  it  says  it  was  written  on  the  day  when  a  certain  commis- 
sion was  voted  me,  and  both  the  commissions  are  dated  the 
27th,  although  the  copy  of  the  resolution  of  Congress,  by  which 
I  was  appointed,  is  dated  the  28th. 

I  should  have  wanted  no  motives  nor  arguments  to  induce 
me  to  accept  of  this  momentous  trust,  if  I  could  be  sure  that 
the  public  would  be  benefited  by  it.  But  when  I  see  my 
brothers  at  the  bar  here  so  easily  making  fortunes  for  them- 
selves and  their  families,  and  when  I  recollect  that  for  four  years 
I  have  abandoned  myself  and  mine,  and  when  I  see  my  own 
children  growing  up  in  something  very  lilie  real  want,  because 
I  have  taken  no  care  of  them,  it  requires  as  much  philosophy 
as  I  am  master  of  to  determine  to  persevere  in  public  life,  and 
to  engage  in  a  new  scene,  for  which,  I  fear,  I  am  very  ill  quali- 
fied. 

However,  by  the  innuendoes  in  your  letter,  if  I  cannot  do 
much  good  in  this  new  department,  I  may  possibly  do  less  harm 
than  some  others.  The  want  of  a  language  for  conversation 
and  business  is,  however,  all  the  objection  that  lies  with  much 
wxight  upon  my  mind.  Although  I  have  been  not  ignorant  of 
the  gi-ammar  and  construction  of  the  French  tongue  from  my 
youth,  yet  I  have  never  aimed  at  maintaining  or  even  under- 
standing conversation  in  it.  And  this  talent,  I  suppose,  I  am 
too  old  to  acquire,  in  any  degree  of  perfection.  However,  I 
will  try,  and  do  my  best.  I  will  take  books,  and  my  whole  time 
shall  be  devoted  to  it.  Let  me  entreat  the  benefit  of  your  con- 
stant correspondence. 


472  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Braintree,  8  Februarj^,  1778. 

Two  days  ago,  I  was  favored  with  your  polite  and  elegant 
letter  of  January  22d.  I  have  received  so  many  of  your  letters, 
within  a  few  months,  containing  such  important  matters,  in  so 
masterly  a  style,  that  I  am  ashamed  to  confess  that  I  have 
answered  but  one  of  them,  and  that  only  with  a  few  lines.  I 
beg  you  would  not  impute  this  omission  to  inattention,  negli- 
gence, or  want  of  regard,  but  to  its  true  cause,  a  confusion  of 
business.  I  beg  leave  to  assure  you  that  I  hold  your  corres- 
pondence inestimable,  and  will  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to 
cultivate  it. 

Whether  I  shall  be  able  to  render  any  valuable  service  to  our 
country  in  my  new  capacity,  or  not,  is  to  me  very  uncertain. 
All  I  can  say  with  confidence  is,  that  whether  in  that  or  any 
other,  I  will  never  knoAvingly  do  it  any  injury.  In  spite  of  all 
the  reflections  that  are  cast  upon  human  nature,  and  of  all  the 
satires  on  mankind,  and  especially  on  courts,  I  have  ever  found, 
or  thought  that  I  found,  honesty  to  be  the  best  policy.  And 
it  is  as  great  a  truth  now  as  it  was  three  thousand  years  ago, 
that  the  honest  man  is  seldom  forsaken. 

Your  sentiments,  that  we  are  but  half  taught  in  the  great 
national  arts  of  government  and  war,  are,  I  fear,  too  just.  And 
I  fear  that  the  subject,  which  is  at  present  most  essentially  con- 
nected with  our  government  and  warfare,  I  mean  money,  is  least 
understood  of  any,  I  fear  the  regulation  of  prices  will  produce 
ruin  sooner  than  safety.  It  will  starve  the  army  and  the  coun- 
try, or  I  am  ignorant  of  every  principle  of  commerce,  coin,  and 
society.     Barter  will  be  the  only  trade. 

You  are  daily  looking  out  for  some  great  military  character. 
Have  you  found  none  ?  Let  me  entreat  you,  my  friend,  to  look 
back  on  the  course  of  this  war,  and  especially  through  the  last 
campaign,  and  then  tell  me  whether  many  countries  of  the 
world  have  ever  furnished  more  and  greater  examples  of  forti- 
tude, valor,  and  skill,  than  our  little  States  have  produced.  We 
do  not  attend  enough  to  our  heroes,  and  we  are  too  indulgent  to 
those  of  opposite  characters.  Barton,  Meigs,  Green,  Smith, 
Willet,  Gansevoort,  Herkimer,  Stark,  Arnold,  Gates,  and  many, 


CORRESPONDENCE.  473 

many  others,  have  exhibited  to  our  view  a  series  of  actions, 
which  all  the  exertions  and  skill  of  oar  enemies  have  never 
equalled  in  the  present  contest.  I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  dero- 
gate from  the  main  army  or  its  commander.  Brandywine  and 
Germantown  can  witness  both  bravery  and  skill,  though  unfor- 
tunate. The  great  fault  of  our  officers  is  want  of  diligence  and 
patience;  they  do  not  want  bravery  or  knowledge.  Let  them 
learn  to  attend  to  their  men,  to  their  clothes,  diet,  air,  exercise, 
medicines,  arms,  accoutrements,  &c. ;  in  short,  let  our  officers 
learn  to  keep  their  men  in  health,  &c.,  and  to  keep  them  together 
at  their  duty,  not  let  twenty-five  hundred  men  go  to  guard 
baggage  wagons  through  a  country  where  there  could  be  no 
enemy,  and  I  would  answer  for  the  bravery  of  our  armies,  for 
their  discipline  and  good  dispositions.  If  I  may  venture  to 
prophesy,  I  think  you  will  see  in  another  campaign  still  greater 
exertions  of  heroism  and  magnanimity.  The  idea  that  any  one 
man  alone  can  save  us,  is  too  silly  for  any  body  but  such  weak 
men  as  Duche  to  harbor  for  a  moment. 

T  am  very  glad  you  have  not  laid  down  your  commission, 
and  I  conjure  you,  by  all  the  ties  of  friendship  to  your  country, 
not  to  do  it.  Men  who  are  sensible  of  the  evils  in  the  hospital 
department,  are  the  most  likely  to  point  them  out  to  others,  and 
to  suggest  remedies.  Patience,  patience,  patience!  the  first, 
the  last,  and  the  middle  virtue  of  a  politician. 

The  lady  you  mention  will  not  go  abroad.  A  thousand  rea- 
sons  are  against  it.  It  would  be  too  much  happiness  for  him 
who  is  your  sincere  friend  and  servant. 


TO    JAMES    LOVELL. 

Passy,  27  November,  1778. 

It  is  now  a  year  since  I  left  you,  and  I  have  heard  very  sel- 
dom from  you  since  that  time.  I  have  written  as  often  as  I 
could,  but  so  many  vessels  have  been  taken  that  I  fear  you  have 
heard  as  seldom  from  me. 

There  is  no  news  anywhere,  excepting  the  innumerable 
reports  circulated  in  every  part  of  Europe  by  the  emissaries  of 

40* 


474  CORRESPONDENCE. 

England,  every  one  of  which  I  know  to  be  false.  They  still, 
however,  find  stockjobbers  and  other  persons  to  believe  them. 
These  lies  are  calculated  to  make  it  believed,  that  there  are 
great  dissensions  between  the  French  and  Americans,  and  be- 
tween the  Americans  with  one  another.  No  extravagance  is 
too  great.  Ten  thousand  of  General  Washington's  army  gone 
over  to  Clinton.  Count  D'Estaing  making  a  procession  through 
the  streets  of  Boston  with  the  Host,  and  seizing  a  meeting-house 
for  a  chapel,  and  the  d —  knows  what. 

I  suffer  as  much  for  want  of  intelligence  from  America,  as  we 
used  to  suffer  in  Congress  for  want  of  it  from  Europe. 

Mr.  D.  writes  a  gentleman  here,  that  on  the  14th  of  Septem- 
ber Congress  took  up  foreign  affairs,  and  determined  to  have 
but  one  commissioner  here.  If  this  is  the  case,  I  shall  be  at  a 
loss  how  to  conduct  myself,  unless  you  recall  me.  Dr.  F.,  no 
doubt,  will  be  appointed  for  this  court.  If  you  appoint  me  for 
any  other,  especially  that  which  is  mentioned  to  me,  Vienna,  it 
will  be  more  disagreeable  to  me  than  to  be  recalled ;  because 
Vienna  is  the  court  of  all  Europe,  as  I  conceive  at  present, 
the  least  likely  to  receive  your  agent.  I  should,  therefore,  be 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  residing  at  Paris  in  idleness,  or  of 
travelling  to  Germany,  and  living  there  in  greater  idleness  still ; 
in  either  case,  at  a  great  and  useless  expense. 

In  time  of  peace,  nothing  would  give  me  greater  pleasure 
than  travelling ;  but  at  present  my  heart  is  too  much  affected 
with  the  miseries  of  this  war,  for  me  to  take  pleasure  in  a  mere 
gratification  of  curiosity,  or  even  a  pursuit  of  taste  in  arts,  or 
knowledge  in  sciences.  To  return  home  immediately,  some 
persons  here  say  would  give  offence,  and  be  wrong.  To  wait 
to  write  for  leave,  would  be  losing  time,  and  putting  you  to 
some  expense  ;  howevfjr,  I  will  determine  nothing  until  I  know 
what  is  done.  Remember  me  with  the  tendcrest  affection,  and 
greatest  respect  to  your  colleagues,  and  all  others  that  deserve  it. 


TO    MRS.    AVARREN. 


Passy,  15  December,  1778. 

Madam, —  A  few  days  ago,  I  had  the  pleasure  of  your  oblig- 
ing letter  of  the  15th  of  October.     It  came  by  the  post,  and 


CORRESPONDENCE.  475 

single,  not  a  line  from  any  other  person,  so  that  I  knew  not  by 
what  means  it  reached  Lorient.  It  was  not,  however,  the  less 
welcome  to  me.  Its  intrinsic  excellence  would  have  recom- 
mended it,  whoever  had  written  it.  The  merit  of  the  writer 
would  have  made  it  dear  to  me,  if  the  letter  itself  had  been 
indifferent,  a  supposition  not  very  easy  to  make  in  this  case. 

I  afn  sorry,  very  sorry,  for  our  common  country,  that  the 
unshaken  patriot  you  mention  should  think  of  retiring ;  ^  but 
I  cannot  blame  him,  because  my  own  thoughts  are  constantly 
running  in  the  same  way,  and  I  am  determined,  with  submis- 
sion, to  do  the  same  thing. 

I  hope,  however,  Madam,  that  there  is  not  so  total  a  change 
of  manners,  as  some  appearances  may  indicate.  A  paper  cur- 
rency, fluctuating  in  its  value,  will  ever  produce  appearances  in 
the  political,  commercial,  and  even  the  moral  world,  that  are 
very  shocking  at  first  sight;  but,  upon  examination,  they  will 
not  be  found  to  proceed  from  a  total  want  of  principle,  but,  for 
the  most  part,  from  necessity. 

Who  will  take  the  helm,  Madam,  and,  indeed,  who  will  build 
the  ship,  I  know  not.  But  of  one  thing  I  am  well  convinced, 
that  a  great  part  of  the  evils  you  mention  arise  from  the  neglect 
to  model  the  Constitution  and  fix  the  Government.  These 
things  must  be  finished,  and  the  dispute,  who  shall  be  the  head, 
is  much  less  important  than  whether  we  shall  have  any. 

I  am  happy  to  learn.  Madam,  that  so  many  of  the  most 
respectable  strangers  have  had  an  opportunity  to  visit  you.  I 
am  pleased  with  this,  because  it  has  given  you  an  opportunity 
of  speculating  upon  these  illustrious  characters,  and  because  it 
has  given  them  an  opportunity  of  observing  that  their  new  ally 
can  boast  of  female  characters  equal  to  any  in  Europe. 

I  have  not  the  honor  to  know  Mrs.  Holker.  She  lives  at 
Rouen,  at  a  distance.  However,  I  have  gratified  Mr.  H.'s  father 
Avith  a  sight  of  his  son's  portrait  drawn  by  a  lady,  which  he 
could  not  read  without  the  tears  gushing  from  both  his  eyes. 

As  to  portraits,  Madam,  I  dare  not  try  my  hand  as  yet.  But 
my  design  is  to  retire,  like  my  friend,  and  spend  all  my  leisure 
hours  in  writing  a  history  of  this  revolution,  and,  with  a  hand 
as  severe  as  Tacitus,  I  wish  to  God  it  was  as  eloquent,  draw 

1  General  Warren. 


476  CORRESPONDENCE. 

the  portrait  of  every  character  that  has  figured  in  the  business. 
But,  when  it  is  done,  I  will  dig  a  vault,  and  bury  the  manu- 
script, with  a  positive  injunction  that  it  shall  not  be  opened  till 
a  hundred  years  after  my  death. 

What  shall  I  say.  Madam,  to  your  question,  whether  I  am  as 
much  in  the  good  graces  of  the  ladies  as  my  venerable  colleague  ? 
Ah,  no !  Alas,  alas,  no !  The  ladies  of  this  country,  Madam, 
have  an  unaccountable  passion  for  old  age,  whereas  our  coun- 
trywomen, you  know,  Madam,  have  rather  a  complaisance  for 
youth,  if  I  remember  right.  This  is  rather  unlucky  for  me,  be- 
cause here  I  have  nothing  to  do  but  wish  that  I  was  seventy 
years  old,  and,  when  I  get  back  to  America,  I  shall  be  obliged 
to  wish  myself  back  again  to  five-and-twenty. 

I  will  take  the  liberty  to  mention  an  anecdote  or  two.  Madam, 
among  a  multitude,  to  show  you  how  unfortunate  I  am  in  being 
so  young.  A  gentleman  introduced  me,  the  other  day,  to  a  lady. 
"  Vuild,  Madame,''^  said  he,  "  Monsieur  Adams,  notre  ami,  le  col- 
legue  de  Monsieur  Franklin."  "Je  suis  enchante  de  voir  Mon- 
sieur Adams,"  answered  the  lady.  "  Embrassez  le  done,"  replied 
the  gentleman.  "  Ah,  non,  Monsieur,"  said  the  lady,  "  il  est  trop 
jeune. 

So  that  you  see  I  must  wait  patiently  full  thirty  years  longer 
before  I  can  be  so  great  a  favorite. 

Madam,  I  can  give  you  no  news.  The  Lords  and  Commons 
have  refused  to  censure  the  manifesto  of  the  commissioners. 
That  unhappy  nation  are  going  on  in  their  frenzy ;  but  there  is 
an  awful  gloom  and  melancholy  among  them,  and  with  reason. 


TO    JAMES    LOVELL. 

Passy,  20  February,  1779. 

•  •••••••••• 

I  cannot  lay  aside  my  pen  without  saying,  that  the  accusa- 
tions before  Congress  against  the  Messrs.  Lee  and,  I  know  not 
who  besides,  distress  me  beyond  measure.  I  fear  they  will  per- 
petuate altercation,  without  bringing  any  gi-eat  truths  to  light 
for  the  benefit  of  the  public.  I  have  sighed,  and  mourned,  and 
wept,  for  that  intemperance  of  passions,  which  I  very  early  dis- 


CORRESPONDENCE.  477 

covered  here,  without  being  able  to  soften  or  to  cool  it  in  the 
least  degree.  I  wish  I  could  draw  the  portrait  of  every  charac- 
ter here,  as  it  appears  in  ray  eyes ;  but  this  would  be  imprudent, 
and,  if  it  should  be  known,  would  do  public  mischief,  full 
enough  of  which  has  been  done  already  by  indiscretion. 

Our  old  incidental  agent  is  an  honest  man,  faithful  and 
zealous  in  our  cause.  But  there  is  an  acrimony  in  his  temper, 
there  is  a  jealousy,  there  is  an  obstinacy,  and  a  want  of  candor 
at  times,  and  an  aff'ectation  of  secrecy,  the  fruit  of  jealousy, 
which  renders  him  disagreeable  often  to  his  friends,  makes  him 
enemies,  and  gives  them  infinite  advantages  over  him.  That  he 
has  had  great  provocations  here,  I  never  doubted,  and  since  the 
appearance  of  the  address  less  than  ever.^ 

There  is  another  character  here,  exceedingly  respectable  in 
fortune,  education,  travel,  honor,  integrity,  love  of  his  country, 
and  zeal  in  its  cause ;  but  Tacitus  would  say  his  passions  are 
always  strong,  often  violent ;  and  he  has  not  experience  in 
public  life.2  These  two  gentlemen  have  been  very  intimate, 
and  have  encouraged,  no  doubt,  and  often  irritated  each  other. 
Another  thing,  I  think  that  other  gentleman  ought  not  to  have 
been  here ;  he  should  have  been  in  Italy  or  in  America;  or,  being 
here,  I  really  think  he  ought  not  to  have  interfered  so  much. 
This  is  simply  my  opinion.  I  may  be  wrong.  That  that  gen- 
tleman thought  he  was  doing  his  duty,  I  am  clear.  But  of  this 
I  am  persuaded,  that  if  he  had  been  in  Italy,  things  would 
never  have  gone  to  the  lengths  they  have. 

On  the  other  hand,  most  of  the  old  connections  of  the  Dr. 
and  Mr.  Deane  were  filled  with  prejudices  against  those  two 
gentlemen.  One  party  was  striving  to  get  the  better  of  the 
other,  to  lower  its  reputation  and  diminish  its  authority. 

In  this  chaos  I  found  things,  and  have  been  tossed  in  it.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  was  a  monopoly  of  reputation  here,  and  an 
indecency  in  displaying  it,  which  did  great  injustice  to  the  real 
merit  of  others,  that  I  do  not  wonder  was  resented.  There  was 
an  indolence  there  was  a  dissipation,  which  gave  just  occasion 
of  complaint,  and  there  was  a  complaisance  to  interested  adven- 
turers. There  was  an  intimacy  with  stockjobbers;  there  was 
an  acquaintance  with  persons  from  England,  which  gave  just 

1  Arthur  Leo.     The  Address  referred  to  is  Silas  Deane's. 

2  Ralph  Izard. 


478  CORRESPONDENCE. 

occasion  of  jealousy,  however  innocent  the  intentions  were.  I 
have  learned  that  total  silence  is  enough  to  procure  a  character 
for  prudence,  whatever  indiscretions  a  man  may  commit. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Congress  have  had  the  wisdom  and 
the  fortitude  to  do  the  only  thing  which  could  be  done  for  put- 
ting matters  on  a  better  footing;  but  this  will  last  a  very  little 
while,  if  money  matters  are  not  separated  from  political.  Some 
other  thing  must  be  done;  some  resolution  must  be  passed, 
forbidding  every  man,  in  the  most  positive  terms,  who  has  anv 
connection  with  your  minister  here,  from  having  any  connection 
with  English  stocks,  insurances,  &c.,  and  forbidding  all  corre- 
spondence with  them.  There  is  in  England  a  practice  of  mak- 
ing insurances  on  political  events,  which  has  interested  the 
whole  alley  in  American  politics,  and  has  thrown  all  into  dis- 
traction. 

I  have  been  wholly  without  information  of  what  was  passing 
in  Congress  and,  indeed,  in  America,  especially  in  Philadelphia. 
My  friends,  I  know,  have  been  engaged  in  doing  the  public 
business,  not  in  strengthening  the  hands  of  individuals  or  par- 
ties here.  But  bushels  of  letters  have  come  to  adventurers  here, 
containing  information  more  exact  in  some  things,  and  not  so 
true  in  others  as  they  ought  to  be. 


TO    SAMUEL    COOPER, 

Passy,  28  February,  1779. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Your  letter  by  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  I  have 
received,  and  it  contained  so  handsome  a  testimony  to  the 
merit  of  that  gallant  young  nobleman,  as  well  as  so  many  judi- 
cious observations  on  other  subjects,  that  I  have  ventured  to 
permit  it  to  be  translated  and  published. 

The  complaint  against  the  family  of  Lees  is  a  very  extraor- 
dinary thing  indeed.  I  am  no  idolater  of  that  family  or  any 
other ;  but  I  believe  their  greatest  fault  is  having  more  men  of 
merit  in  it  than  any  other  family ;  and  if  that  family  fails  the 
American  cause,  or  grows  unpopular  among  their  fellow-citizens, 
I  know  not  what  family  or  what  person  will  stand  the  test. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  479 

There  is  reason,  however,  to  be  upon  our  guard  against  the 
power  of  a  family  of  so  much  merit ;  and  if  the  complaint  had 
only  been,  that  one  of  the  family  was  minister  at  the  Courts  of 
Versailles  and  Madrid,  another  at  Vienna  and  Berlin,  I  would 
have  joined  in  that  with  all  my  heart.  But  this,  to  my  certain 
knowledge,  was  not  the  fault  of  the  family,  but  partly  owing  to 
accident,  and  partly  because  other  gentlemen  refused  or  declined 
to  undertake  so  dangerous  a  voyage  and  so  difficult  a  service. 

If  the  complaint  had  been  confined  to  the  want  of  figure, 
dignity,  and  address,  I  should  have  left  the  discussion  of  such 
important  questions  to  those  who  think  so  much  of  them,  and 
these  might  have  determined  whether  the  complainers  or  com- 
plainees  have  most  to  boast  of  in  this  kind. 

If  the  complaint  had  been  confined  to  the  subject  of  temper, 
I  should  not  have  thought  it  worth  while  to  consider  long,  in 
order  to  determine  which  was  the  most  inconvenient  to  the 
State,  a  little  too  much  asperity,  or  a  little  too  much  good 
nature,  a  little  too  much  acid,  or  a  little  too  nmch  oil. 

But  when  the  complaint  becomes  so  outrageous  as  to  throw 
about  the  world  insinuations  of  infidelity  and  breach  of  trust 
against  some  of  the  most  faithful  and  inflexible  men  in  the 
community,  it  becomes  the  cause  of  every  virtuous  man,  and 
such  injured  characters  must  be  vindicated,  or  the  State  undone. 

The  publication  of  this  address  ^  to  the  universe,  instead  of 
making  it  in  writing  to  Congress,  was  a  measure  beyond  all  ex- 
ample dangerous  and  destructive.  But  enough  of  this.  Good, 
I  hope,  will  come  out  of  it,  and  lessons  will  be  learned  from  it. 
Lessons  of  moderation  are  so  much  wanted,  that  I,  even  I,  am 
obliged  to  become  a  preacher  of  that  great  virtue ;  but  with  as 
little  success  as  most  other  preachers. 

So  much  for  ourselves,  now  for  our  enemies.  Keppel's  trial 
has  wrought  up  parties  to  a  great  heat  in  England.  Tumults 
and  discontents  are  very  general  throughout  the  three  kingdoms. 
The  two  Howes,  with  many  members  of  opposition  in  both 
houses,  seem  to  be  arranging  themselves  for  warm  work ;  and 
impeachments  are  talked  of  and  expected.  Whether  Palliser 
will  have  a  trial,  is  uncertain ;  if  he  should,  this  will  probably 
complete  the  rage   and  distraction.      Lord  North's    loan    has 

1  Silas  Deane's.     See  vol.  iii.  p.  191. 


480  CORRESPONDENCE. 

labored  a  long  time ;  it  was  settled  the  23d,  at  three  per  cent, 
for  perpetuity,  an  annuity  of  three  and  three  fourths  per  cent, 
for  twenty-nine  years,  and  seven  lottery  tickets  for  every  thou- 
sand pounds.  The  ticket  is  ten  pounds,  but  always  gains  two 
or  three  per  ticket  before  the  drawing,  and  every  year  the  war 
continues,  the  interest  must  be  greater,  and  the  expense  greater. 
Almost  all  parties  seem  to  say  freely  that  the  kingdom  is  un- 
done ;  yet  none  of  them  have  sense  and  spirit  enough  to  propose 
the  only  means  for  preventing  the  ruin  they  apprehend.  Their 
conquest  of  St.  Lucie  will  only  be  a  grave  to  their  troops,  of 
whom  they  have  none  to  spare. 


JAMES  LOVELL  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

(Confidential.) 

PhiladeliDliia,  13  June,  1779. 

I  shall  not  look  through  the  notes  in  my  almanac  to  see 
whether  I  have  written  to  you  twenty-two  or  twenty-four  times. 
I  shall  go  upon  the  easier  task  of  acknowledging  all  those  I  have 
had  from  you,  namely:  6th  December,  1778,  received  16th  Fe- 
bruary, 1779,  answered  the  17th.  26th  September,  1778,  received 
4th  March,  1779,  answered  28th  April. 

Three  months  ago  Mr.  G.^  communicated  to  us  that  Spain 
was  mediating,  and  that  we  ought  to  take  speedy,  decisive  mea- 
sures for  peace.  London  Gazettes  told  us  the  first  part;  and  it 
appears  strange  that  neither  Dr.  F.,  Mr.  L.,  nor  you  have  hinted 
this  matter  to  us  lately,  if  you  did  not  avow  it  authoritatively. 
We  have  some  wise  men  here,  who  are  sure  they  could  fish  out  all 
the  court  secrets.  In  the  various  attempts  to  pull  down  A.  L. 
to  make  way  for  some  one  to  go  from  hence  "  who  knows  all 
the  present  circumstances  of  America,  and  therefore  could  nego- 
tiate properly,"  your  want  of  ability  to  give  us  information  such 
as  we  wish  for,  or  fancy  can  be  had,  is  said  to  spring  from  the 
suspicions  of  the  French  Court  respecting  one  of  you ;  and 
something  like  an   attempt  to  dictate  to  us  a  choice  has  been 

'  Gtrartl,  tlie  French  minister. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  481 

seen  here.  An  extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Count  "de  V.  has 
been  quoted,  "  Je  crains  Monsieur  A.  L.  et  ses  entours,^^  and  we 
are  tempted  to  think  that  therefore  the  communication  before- 
mentioned  came  through  Mr.  G.  But  this  is  different  from  what 
was  once  the  conduct;  for  Mr.  Deane  tells  us  that  he  was 
directed  to  tell  Dr.  F.  what  he  did  not  choose  to  tell  Mr.  Lee,  or, 
as  he  wishes  to  have  it  believed,  which  he  was  forbidden  to  tell 
him.  I  am  persuaded  ^  Dr.  F.  w^ould  not  readily  disgust  the 
French  Court  in  such  a  point.  If  there  is  any  seriousness  in 
the  business,  I  suppose  the  Court  stood  upon  the  punctilio  of 
not  having  the  compliment  of  a  minister  plenipotentiary  returned 
at  that  time,  Mr.  Lee's  enemies  have  produced  nothing  but 
innuendoes  to  procure  his  removal,  while  they  dare  not  deny  his 
integrity  and  abilities  in  our  service.  Mr.  D.  says,  the  Lees  are 
not  fit  for  transactions  with  a  "  gallant "  nation.  But  doubtless 
those  men  who  want  his  place  would  be  very  gallant  indeed  on 
certain  points  in  negotiation.  The  eastern  States  are  charged 
with  wanting  what  they  have  no  right  to,  and  what  is  of  "  no 
interest  to  the  southern  States."  Plenty  are  these  local  senti- 
ments lately ;  and  R.  H.  Lee  with  H.  Laurens  are  squinted  at 
as  two  monsters  on  the  other  side  of  Susquehannah,  who  pur- 
sue points  in  which  the  southern  States  have  no  interest.  Would 
France  or  FiUgland  reason  that  way  on  the  fishery  ?  1  expect, 
however,  that  we  shall  coalesce  in  a  few  days  upon  what  may- 
be ultimata  ready  for  some  future  day  of  pacification,  when 
Britain  shall  be  restored  to  her  senses.  She  is  quite  wild  and 
foolish  yet,  in  my  opinion. 

You  will  be  scarcely  able  by  our  motley  journals  to  under- 
stand what  we  are  about.  Why  did  I  vote  for  your  name  to 
be  inserted,  April  20th,  page  10?  A  majority  against  me  had 
before  resolved  that  the  names  should  be  added;  that  Dr.  Frank- 
lin's should  be  inserted  ;  but  did  not  proceed  by  yeas  and  nays, 
therefore  I  was  entrapped.     Not  having  my  iiay  appear  on  Dr. 

V 

'  In  what  purports  to  be  a  duplicate  of  tills  letter,  Mr.  Lovell  makes  many 
variations.     The  followinj;  occurs  here  : 

"  I  am  persuaded  Dr.  Franklin  would  not  readily  blab  any  matter  to  Mr.  Lee 
which  the  Court  might  confidentially  tell  Mm.  But  it  may  be  said  the  Doctor 
was  perhaps  at  that  period  only  on  a  par  with  Mr.  Lee  and  you,  so  that  he  could 
not  officially  convey  the  news  of  a  negotiation  from  France  to  us,  Avithout  con- 
sulting Mr.  Lee.  It  has  been  attempted  to  persuade  us  that  Spain  is  disgusted 
wnth  Mr.  Lee.  If  more  than  innuendoes  had  been  addi-essed,  we  should  have 
made  a  new  appointment  perhaps ;  though  it  is  a  very  delicate  matter." 

vol..  IX.  '^1  F.  2 


482  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Franklin,  could  .1  say  nay  to  Deane,  the  causa  malorum  ?  And 
as  it  was  not  mutual  suspicions,  &c.,  I  could  not  exclude  you, 
who  was  suspected  and  stigmatized  in  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee, though  more  to  the  disgrace  of  Mr.  Izard  than  yourself, 
if  there  was  any  disgrace  in  the  circumstance  of  his  imagining 
that  your  connection  with  the  "  eaters  and  distillers  of  molas- 
ses "  ^  had  warped  your  judgment  against  the  interest  of  other 
parts  of  the  continent.  Mr.  Izard  has  good  testimony  to  his 
many  estimable  qualities,  but  his  best  friends  say  he  is  irascible 
even  when  he  has  not  a  fit  of  the  gout,  as  he  vmfortunately  had 
when  he  was  writing  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  probably,  too,  when 
he  made  his  strictures  upon  your  opinion  of  the  11th  and  12th 
articles.^ 

Every  appearance  is  that  you  will  not  be  passed  over  without 
honorable  notice,  when  the  report  receives  its  finishing  discus- 
sion. My  own  settled  opinion  of  you  leads  me  the  more  readily 
to  think  there  is  no  plot  concealed  under  the  professions  in  your 
favor,  which  have  fallen  from  men  lately,  whose  general  conduct 
is  of  a  kind  to  make  me  cry, 

Timeo  Danaos  et  donaferentes? 

I  firmly  believe  that  your  friend  Lincoln  has  got  complete 
success  over  the  southern  enemy.     He  will  receive  permission 

1  See  vol.  in.  p.  48,  note. 

2  The  version  of  the  duplicate  is  more  to  tlie  point.     ]\Ir.  L.  says  : 

"A  majority  against  me  had  resolved,  1st,  that  the  names  should  be  added ; 
2dly,  that  Dr.  Franklin's  should  be  inserted  ;  but  did  not  proceed  by  yeas  and 
nays ;  therefore  I  was  entrapped.  Not  having  my  nay  to  show  in  the  first,  I 
was  forced  to  go  through  uniformly.  It  being  as  true  that  suspicions  and  ani- 
mosities had  been  minuted  by  the  committee  respecting  you  as  respecting  the 
rest ;  for  the  report  did  not  say  mutual  suspicions,  &c.  It  was  calculated  to  open 
the  door  for  several  new  elections." 

3  The  4th  article,  reported  by  the  committee  of  thirteen,  upon  which  the 
question  arose,  is  in  the  following  words  : 

"  That  suspicions  and  animosities  have  arisen  among  the  said  commissioners, 
■which  may  be  highly  prejudicial  to  the  honor  and  interest  of  the  United 
States." 

Mr.  Duane  moved  that  the  names  of  the  commissioners  be  added,  taking  the 
sense  of  the  House  on  each  name  to  be  added,  which  motion  prevailed. 

Dr.  Franklin's  name  was  inserted  without  yeas  and  nays.  The  names  of  all 
the  other  commissioners  were  inserted  by  large  majorities,  excepting  Mr.  Adams's. 
In  his  case  the  friends  of  Arthur  Lee  appear  to  have  voted  to  include  him, 
whilst  his  opponents  took  the  other  side,  thus  acting  on  both  sides,  contrary  to 
the  prevailing  affinities  in  Congress.     This  explains  Mr.  Lovell's  allusions. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  483 

to  return  hither  just  in  the  hours  of  glory,  so  that  he  may  attend 
to  his  wound,  which  was  greatly  irritated  by  his  expedition  to 
Carolina.  This  night  is  the  fourteenth  since  we  first  had  the 
news  of  his  victory,  via  New  Providence.  Confirmation  is  come 
from  several  quarters,  but  still  we  have  not  an  express.^  Tucker 
has  sent  in  a  twenty-four  gun  ship  this  afternoon,  which  did  not 
fire  a  shot  at  him  before  striking.  It  is  at  the  capes  with  the 
Confederacy,  one  of  the  finest  frigates  in  any  service,  as  is  said 
by  voyagers. 

I  wish  you  every  happiness,  being,  &c. 

J.    LOVELL. 


TO    ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 


Braintree,  10  September,  1779. 

I  received  by  last  post  your  obliging  letter  of  24th  of  August. 
The  sight  of  your  handwriting  gave  me  more  pleasure  than  you 
are  aware. '  I  would  send  you  copies  of  my  letters  to  you,  if 
they  were  not  out  of  date  at  this  time. 

I  thank  you  for  your  compliment  on  my  letter  to  Congress.^ 
It  is  a  long  dull  story ;  but  I  think  several  things  appear  from 
it  that  are  of  great  importance.  It  appears  that  the  general 
arrangement  of  interests  and  designs  in  Europe  is  more  favor- 
able for  us  than  even  the  most  sanguine  of  us  could  have 
expected ;  that  we  have  no  reason  to  fear  that  England  will  be 
able  to  form  one  alliance  against  us ;  that,  if  she  should,  that 
one  will  be  the  House  of  Austria,  notwithstanding  there  is  an 
excellent  Austrian  princess  on  the  throne  of  France,  in  which 
case  Prussia  and  Russia,  too,  would  join  France  and  us ;  that 
the  King  of  Prussia  and  Holland  should  be  cultivated ;  and, 
what  perhaps  is  of  as  much  importance  as  all  the  rest,  it  ap- 
pears from  it  that  France  has  already  derived  the  most  solid 
and  essential  advantages  from  our  separation  from  Great  Bri- 
tain and  alliance  with  her ;  that  she  will  continue  to  derive  still 
greater  benefits,  and  therefore  that  we  may  rely  upon  her  friend- 
ship, without  sacrificing  any  essential  right  or  interest  from  a 

'  Confirmation  never  came.  ~  Vol.  vli.  pp.  09-110. 


484  CORRESPONDENCE. 

servile  complaisance  to  her,  much  less  to  the  low  intrigues  of 
a  few  hucksters. 

I  have  done  your  message  to  Portia ;  she  desires  me  to  tell 
you,  that  there  is  great  encouragement  to  undertake  embassies 
to  Europe,  and  she  is  very  happy  to  hear  of  so  certain  a  sign 
of  grace,  as  your  impatience  to  join  our  sacred  order.i 

Your  resolution,  that  no  person  shall  be  appointed  to  any 
office  within  twelve  months  of  his  being  a  member  of  Congress, 
may  be  too  much.  I  should  rather  prefer  a  resolution  never  to 
appoint  any  man  abroad  that  they  do  not  personally  know. 
Yet  I  think  that  resolutions  so  universal  had  better  be  avoided 
in  either  case. 

You  have  several  very  great  men,  by  all  relation,  who  have 
joined  Congress  since  I  left  it.  No  doubt,  they  are  thought 
superior  to  others  who  have  gone  before  them.  If  they  are, 
both  in  abilities  and  virtues,  I  wish  them  success.  I  have  a 
great  desire  to  see  the  journals  at,  before,  and  after  my  appoint- 
ment to  go  to  France,  and  all  the  journals.  I  should  be  greatly 
obliged  to  you  for  them.  I  should  also  be  very  happy  to  be 
informed  by  what  majority  I  was  chosen,  and  who  was  for  and 
against,  and  who  else  in  nomination.  I  never  heard  a  word  on 
this  subject.  Do  not  again  forget  to  write  to  your  old  and  sin- 
cere friend. 

Thank  you  for  voting  me  clear  of  suspicions,  &c.,  dishonorable 
to  the  States.^  I  have  a  bone  to  pick  with  Adams  and  Lovell 
for  their  votes  on  that  occasion. 


TO    THOMAS    MCKEAN. 

Braintree,  20  September,  1779. 

It  is  a  long  time  since  I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  you ;  but  my 
esteem  is  not  at  all  diminished.  None  of  us  have  any  thing  to 
boast  of  in  these  times,  in  respect  to  the  happiness  of  life.  You 
have  been  in  disagreeable  scenes,  I  doubt  not ;  mine  have  been 
much  worse  than  I  expected. 

'  INTt.  Gerry  -was  yet  unmarried.  2  Vol.  vii.  p.  3,  note. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  485 

1  never  heard  of  any  jealousy,  or  envy,  or  malevolence  among 
our  commissioners  at  Paris  until  my  arrival  at  Bordeaux.  Judge 
of  my  surprise,  grief,  and  mortification,  then,  when  I  heard  at 
Bordeaux,  and  found  on  my  arrival  at  Paris,  the  heat  and  fury 
to  which  it  had  arisen.  Both  sides  most  earnestly  besieged  me, 
in  order  to  get  me  to  join  their  party ;  but  I  saw  the  only  part 
a  man  of  honor  and  confidence  could  take  in  my  situation,  was 
Jo  join  neither.  Accordingly,  I  invariably  and  firmly  refused  to 
have  any  thing  to  do  with  their  disputes,  before  my  arrival,  or 
after,  any  further  than  they  should  unavoidably  intermix  with 
the  public  questions,  in  which  my  office  obliged  me  to  give  an 
opinion  ;  and  then,  to  give  it  impartially  for  the  public  good.  I 
accordingly  lived  not  only  in  peace,  but  in  apparent  friendship 
with  both  sides.  If  there  was  any  animosity  in  either  against 
me  personally,  it  was  very  artfully  concealed  from  me,  and 
certainly  never  had  any  just  cause.  Since  my  arrival  here,  I 
am  informed  that  I  have  been  honored  with  a  little  of  the  ill 
humor  of  both  sides,  and  I  beg  your  assistance  in  Congress, 
that  I  may  be  informed  of  the  particulars  as  I  have  requested. 
Congress  have  done  the  only  thing  that  could  dissolve  the 
charm  ;  that  is,  left  one  alone. 

An  opposition  in  parliament,  in  a  house  of  assembly,  in  a 
council,  in  Congress,  is  highly  useful  and  necessary  to  balance 
individuals,  and  bodies,  and  interests  one  against  another,  and 
bring  the  truth  to  light,  and  justice  to  prevail.  But  an  opposi- 
tion in  a  foreign  embassy,  in  the  circumstances  of  this  country 
and  of  Europe,  is  ruin.  There  can  be  no  secrecy,  no  confidence, 
when  such  an  opposition  takes  place,  much  less  where  there  are 
such  infernal  quarrels  as  were  between  my  colleagues. 

It  would  be  better  to  employ  a  single  man  of  sense,  even 
although  he  should  be  as  selfish  and  interested  as  is  possible, 
consistent  with  fealty  to  his  country,  than  three  honest  men, 
even  of  greater  abilities,  any  two  of  whom  should  be  at  open 
variance  with  each  other.  It  would  be  better  to  employ  a 
single  stockjobber  or  a  single  monopofizer.  It  is  better  still,  no 
doubt,  to  employ  one  man  of  virtue  and  ability. 

I  presume  Congress  intend  to  appoint  a  secretary  to  the 
commission,  and  to  appoint  consuls  for  the  management  of 
commercial  "and  maritime  matters.  It  is  highly  necessary. 
Franklin  is  a  wit  and  a  humorist^  I  know.     He  may  be  a  phi- 

"  41* 


486  CORRESPONDENCE. 

losopher,  for  what  I  know.  But  he  is  not  a  sufficient  states- 
man for  all  the  business  he  is  in.  He  knows  too  little  of  Ame- 
rican affairs,  of  the  politics  of  Europe,  and  takes  too  little  pains 
to  inform  himself  of  either,  to  be  sufficient  for  all  these  things, 
to  be  ambassador,  secretary,  admiral,  consular  agent,  &c.  Yet 
such  is  his  name,  on  both  sides  the  w^ater,  that  it  is  best,  per- 
haps, that  he  should  be  left  there ;  but  a  secretary  and  consuls 
should  be  appointed  to  do  the  business,  or  it  will  not  be  done ; 
or,  if  done,  it  will  be  by  people  who  insinuate  themselves  into 
his  confidence,  without  either  such  heads  or  hearts  as  Congress 
should  trust.  He  is  too  old,  too  infirm,  too  indolent  and  dissi- 
pated, to  be  sufficient  for  the  discharge  of  all  the  important  du- 
ties of  ambassador,  board  of  war,  board  of  treasury,  commissary 
of  prisoners,  &c.,  &c,,  &c.,  as  he  is  at  present,  in  that  depart- 
ment, besides  an  immense  correspondence  and  acquaintance, 
each  of  which  would  be  enough  for  the  whole  time  of  the  most 
active  man  in  the  vigor  of  youth. 

I  write  plainly,  but  confidentially.  I  write  to  you,  because  I 
believe  you  have  not  been  heated  with  any  of  the  personal  dis- 
putes between  or  concerning  the  commissioners. 


JAMES    LOVELL    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 
(Confidential.) 

Philadelphia,  Monday,  27  September,  1779. 

Not  knowing,  my  dear  Sir,  how  certain  things  now  in  agita- 
tion may  this  day  be  terminated  here,  I  choose  to  state  at  this 
time  some  proceedings,  two  days  old,  that  I  may  not  be  thought 
to  give  them  a  gloss  in  the  style  of  an  after-prophet  turned 
historian  or  painter.  For  a  groundwork  I  refer  you  to  the 
report  of  the  committee  of  thirteen,  with  its  consequent  yeas 
and  nays,  which  is  certainly  now  in  your  hands  in  print ;^  and 
also  to  what  you  must  have  somehow  or  other  come  to  the 
knowledge  of,  respecting  a  long  struggle  about  cod  and  had- 

1  See  the  Journal  of  Congress  for  1779,  pp.  29,  149,  150,  157-167,  179, 
246-251. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  487 

dock;i  and  further,  to  your  own  reading  and  judgment  con- 
cerning the  parliamentary  propriety  of  appointing  a  man  to 
carry  into  effect,  by  all  the  powers  of  skilful  negotiation,  a  mea- 
sure to  which  he  has  been  opposed  tooth  and  nail  in  the  whole 
preparatory  progress  of  it.  Nor  can  I  omit  to  call  to  your  mind 
what  I  already  must  have  written  either  to  you  or  the  lovely 
Portia,  that  the  lentor  of  proceedings  here  should  account  for 
the  appearances  of  injustice  done  you  by  an  assembly,  nine 
tenths  of  which  profess,  and  probably  have,  an  esteem  for  you. 

Two  things  are  to  be  transacted  with  Britain,  a  major  and 
consequent  minor,  as  soon  as  her  madness  and  folly  begin  to 
subside.  But  only  one  agent  is  to  manage  them.  The  com- 
missions are  drawn,  and  instructions  also.  The  blanks  are  to 
be  filled.  Dr.  Franklin  was  nominated,  out  of  order.  This  led 
one  man  to  suggest  that  he  should  find  himself  obliged,  when 
such  a  nomination  should  again  be  attempted,  and  done  in 
order,  to  follow  it  with  the  nomination  of  Dr.  Lee,  as  a  much 
more  suitable  character,  which  he  would  endeavor  to  make 
plain  by  various  testimonies  in  his  possession,  part  known  and 
part  yet  unknown  to  the  Assembly.  A  question  was  then 
moved  by  a  gentleman  in  that  company,  named  Matthews,  and 
seconded  by  one  named  Loveli,^  that  no  member,  while  there 
acting,  or  for  nine  months  after,  should  be  elected  to  a  place, 
for  which  he,  or  another  for  him,  received  any  salary,  &c.  By 
yeas  and  nays  the  nine  months'  part^  was  lost;  and  the  other 
part,  by  the  previous  question.  J.  Adams  was  nominated  by 
Mr.  Laurens,  and  J.  Jay  by  Mer.  Smith.  Adjourned  to  meet 
on  the  next  day  (Sunday)  at  10  o'clock.  Met.  Balloted,  five 
for  J.  A.,  four  for  J.  J.,  three  could  not  agree.  On  a  second 
trial,  six  for  J.  A.,  four  for  J.  J.,  one  could  not  agree.  The 
mover  of  the  motion  above,  not  being  likely  to  consent  with  his 
colleague  to  carry  it  into  effect,  the  balloting  was  postponed. 

It  had  been  frequently  pressed  on  the  members  to  order  some 
resolves  now  on  the  table,  and  but  very  lately  passed,  respecting 
points  on  which  the  temper  of  Spain  towards  us  greatly  de- 
pends, to   be  forwarded  to  the  commissioner  at  that  court,  as 

1  Secret  Journals,  vol.  ii.  pp.  130-145,  149-167,  173-189,  201-210.  An 
abstract  of  these  proceedings  is  to  be  found  in  the  valuable  report  lately  made  for 
the  Treasury  Department,  by  Mr.  Sabine,  on  the  American  fisheries,  pp.  149  - 151. 

2  According  to  the  secret  journal,  Mr.  Gerry  seconded  this  motion. 

3  This  was  presented  In  the  shape  of  an  amendment  to  the  original  motion. 


488  CORRESPONDENCE. 

answers  to  the  questions  which  he  hinted  to  us  in  six  days  after 
the  treaties  with  France,  again  on  the  2d  of  April,  again  plainly 
and  urgently  for  our  answer  .on  August  27th,  again  more  ur- 
gently on  October  19th,  again  on  December  5th,  &c.,  &c.  A 
cut-and-dried  commission,  such  as  must  pass  hereafter,  was 
produced,  moved  for,  and  seconded,  out  of  order.  A  motion  was 
then  made  and  seconded  for  choosing  a  minister  plenipotentiary 
to  do  exactly  what  a  commissioner  is  now  fully  authorized  to 
do  ;  as  much  so,  exactly,  as  were  the  three  at  the  Court  of 
France.  The  pretence  for  this  was  the  accepted  second  para- 
graph of  a  report  (vide  April  15th),  that  ministers  plenipotentiary 
were  only  necessary  at  Versailles  and  Madrid ;  the  spirit  and 
intent  of  which  paragraph  lay  in  the  word  ow///,  and  not  in  a 
technical  use  of  ministers,  as  settled  by  France  and  us  on  the 
arrival  of  Mr.  Gerard.  Some  good  and  not  young  men,  on  thia 
question,  saw  not  the  trap  under  the  chaff.  Who  could  deny 
that  we  have  assented  to  additional  parade  and  expense  in  a 
minister  above  a  commissioner  ?  Who  could  deny  that  two 
persons  would  be  in  pay,  for  a  time,  at  once,  to  do  the  same 
business  ?  Who  could  deny  that  A.  Lee's  complete  vindications 
were  on  the  table  of  Congress  ?  This  last  matter  and  all  cha- 
racterizing was  said  to  be  untimehj,  as  much  as  in  a  question 
about  creating  a  Quartermaster- G'ewera/,  when  we  had  a  Quar- 
termaster. For  that  A.  Lee  stood  as  fair  for  nomination  to  the 
new  commission  as  any  man  else,  and  tlien  we  should  be 
allowed  full  liberty  to  speak  to  character.  A  majority  can  thus 
kill,  but  it  requires  seven  to  make  alive.  But  seven  thus  killed. 
For  Mr.  Laurens,  though  he  spoke  against  the  question,  voted 
for  it,  and  then  nominated  A.  Lee.  This  act  of  his,  in  such  a 
desperate  case,  does  not  make  up  for  depriving  a  much  injured 
man  of  the  advantage  of  showing  that  he  was  artfully  knocked 
down  by  six  upon  a  presumption  that  seven  could  not  be  found 
to  assist  in  recovering  him  from  the  violence  of  the  blow.  Mr. 
J.  Adams  was  also  nominated  for  Spain  by  Mr.  Paca,  Mr.  J. 
Jay  by  Mr.  Mercer  of  Virginia, 

This  accommodation  scheme  had  been  proposed  in  whispers 
early  in  the  morning,  to  provide  places  for  the  tioo  nominated 
the  day  before.  One  to  have  a  post  of  the  highest  honor,  and 
the  other  to  take  the  post  of  a  man  murdered  on  purpose  to 
make  room.     Are  not  these  doings  a  complete  appendix  to  the 


CORRESPONDENCE.  489 

report  of  the  committee  of  thirteen,  and  the  proceedings  thereon 
months  ago?     Look  at  the  names!     Here  I  must  join  in  an  old 
exclamation  of  F.  L.  L.,  when  he  had  seen  a  whole  day  wasted, 
"  What  d — d  dirty  work  is  this  of  politics !  " 

I  will  now  state  the  votes,  remarking  that,  being  Sunday,  Mr. 
McKean  was  able  to  attend  ;  but  your  sworn  friend,  the  farmer,^ 
will  alone  finish  it.     New  York  is  represented  by  Mr.  Jay  and 
Mr.  Lewis,  not  by  one.     New  Jersey  by  Mr.  Fell  and  Mr.  Hous- 
ton, Connecticut  by  Mr.  Huntington  or  Mr.  Root. 

First  ballot.2 
J.  A.     New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connect- 
icut, Delaware,  .......       5 

J.  J.      New  York,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,      .       4 

Second  ballot. 
J.  A.     New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connect- 
icut, Delaware,  Pennsylvania,  ....       6 

J.  J.      New  York,  INIaryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  New 

Jersey,       .........       5 

Vote  for  a  minister  for  Spain. 
Yea  :   Connecticut,  New  Y'ork,  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,        ....       7 

Nay:  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Delaware,       .         .       3 
Divided :  Rhode  Island,  Pennsylvania,        ....       2 


JAMES    LOVELL    TO    JOHN    ADAMS, 
(Confidential.) 

Philadelphia,  28  September,  1779. 

Yesterday,  in  whispers,  the  proposal  was  made  to  send  J.  A. 
to  Spain,  the  balloting  for  that  business  being  first  called  for. 
But  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania  discovered  a  total  abhorrence 
of  the  consequences  in  the  second  ballot;  therefore  the  plan 
was  dropped,  and  the  ballots  were ; 
A.  Lee.     New  Hampshire. 

J.  Jay.     My  colleagues,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
Dickinson,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina. 

1  John  Dickinson,  ^  These  ballots  are  not  given  in  the  journal. 


490  CORRESPONDENCE. 

No  vote,  Rhode  Island,  Pennsylvania,  South  Carolina. 

For  the  tw^o  other  commissions,  J.  A.  the  only  nomination. 
All  the  States,  but  one  for  Dr.  Franklin.  If  this  was  not  the 
piddler}  it  might  be  the  oddity  of  Virginia. 

Prior  to  the  choice  for  Spain,  I  produced  your  two  first  letters 
as  appertaining  to  the  only  one  point  which  had  ever  appeared 
incontestable  against  A.  Lee.  "Je  crams  M.  Lee  et  ses  en- 
tours.'^  2  For  the  minister,  disavowing  on  February  13th  his 
having  adopted  prejudices  such  as  were  attempted  to  be  inspu*ed 
in  America,  and  proving  his  disavowal  by  an  appeal  to  his  con- 
duct to  you  "  ensemble  et  scpai'ement,''^  shows  either  that  he 
meant  only  avec  ses  entours,  or  that  he  felt  convinced  he  had 
been  drawn  into  unjust  doubts,  and  intended  to  show  double 
confidence  in  future. 

The  whole  members,  even  Jay,  praise  "  my  perseverance ; " 
but  he  says,  in  "  friendship  to  Arthur."  Time  will  show  whether 
it  has  not  been  to  prevent  Congress  from  an  act  of  injustice, 
and  to  maintain  the  sacredness  of  the  approbation  or  disappro- 
bation of  our  united  supremacy;  which  is  what  the  servant  of 
republics  should  look  up  to,  rather  than  to  salaries  and  perqui- 
sites, which  the  levity  of  monarchies  makes  their  servants  catch 
ivhile  they  can,  without  striving  to  deserve  them. 

I  am  freed  from  a  load ;  for  I  have  long  practised  upon  Da- 
vid's rule.  Away  with  sackcloth  and  ashes,  when  evitables 
become  inevitable.  J.  J.  desires  me  to  be  as  true  to  him  "  only 
while  he  continues  to  do  honestly."  That  I  most  assuredly 
will,  and  to  every  name  that  the  public  choice  shall  fall  on. 
But  I  cannot  forget  the  past  so  far  as  not  to  think  that  if  Silas 
Deane  is  not  stone  blind,  he  may  now  see  from  what  source  he 
got  his  fund  of  advice  towards  measures  apparently  his  own. 

Carmichael,  Houston,  and  Mr.  Jay's  brother,  Livingston,  are 
talked  of  as  secretaries  to  the  embassies.  Gerry  tells  me  Dana 
may  be  induced  to  go  with  you. 

And  now,  my  very  dear  Sir,  as  to  the  main  point.  America 
ought  not  to  pardon  you,  if  you  put  its  peace  to  the  hazard  of 
a  second  ballot.  As  an  individual,  I  swear  I  never  will.  And 
as  to  Portia,  if  I  can  by  my  utmost  industry  find  out  that  only 

1  Dickinson.    The  allusion  is  to  Mr.  Adams's  intercepted  letter,  vol.  ii.  p.  411, 
note. 

2  See  page  481. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  491 

one  tear,  or  even  a  sigh,  comes  from  her,  I  will  burn  all  her  past 
letters,  much  as  I  now  regard  them.  I  will  allow  her  a  little 
regret,  if  she  will  not  let  it  amount  to  a  sigh,  while  she  con- 
siders with  me  that  you  cannot  be  here  to  manage  the  Vermont 
cause.  You  must  give  all  possible  information  to  Massachu- 
setts government  through  some  able  man  or  committee,  before 
you  go  from  thence  or  hence. 

I  have  tired  all  my  pens  yesterday  and  to-day,  in  conversing 
with  those  I  love  southward  and  eastward. 

Heaven  protect  you. 

James  Lovell. 


ELBRIDGE  GERRY  TO  JOHN  ADAMS^ 

Philadelphia,  29  September,  1779. 

My  DEAR  Mr.  Adams, —  It  is  with  the  greatest  pleasure  that 
I  inform  you  of  the  late  arrangement  of  our  foreign  affairs,  in 
which  you  are  appointed  to  negotiate  the  treaties  with  Great 
Britain,  and  our  friend,  Mr.  Dana,  to  be  your  secretary.  Mr. 
Jay  is  to  negotiate  with  Spain,  Mr.  Carmichael  to  be  his  secre- 
tary, and  Colonel  John  Laurens,  son  of  the  late  President 
Laurens,  to  be  secretary  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

I  shall  not  be  able  at  this  time  to  give  you  a  history  of  the 
proceedings  of  Congress  relative  to  their  foreign  affairs.  The 
embarrassments,  difficulties,  and  delays  attending  this  business, 
in  consequence  of  the  disputes  between  the  late  commissioners, 
have  exceeded  every  thing  of  the  kind  which  I  have  before  met 
with.  So  far  have  some  of  their  friends  in  Congress  been 
influenced  by  attachments  and  prejudice,  as  to  render  it  impos- 
sible to  preserve  their  friendship  and  confidence,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  to  act  with  becoming  freedom  and  independence. 

I  flatter  myself  that  you  will  not  hesitate  a  moment  at  accept- 
ing the  highest  office  of  honor  and  trust  under  the  United 
States,  when  elected  thereto  by  the  voice  of  eleven  States. 
[ndeed,  it  may  be  called  unanimous,  as  there  was  only  a  single 
vote  for  Dr.  Franklin,  who  was  not  in  nomination,  and  it  is  said 
to  have  been  ])ut  in  by  Delaware,  at  that  time  represented  by 


492  CORRESPONDENCE. 

your  old  friend,  Mr.  D.^  Great  exertions  were  made  to  send 
you  to  Spain,  and  Mr.  Jay  on  the  other  embassy;  but  the 
opposition  of  your  friends  produced  from  the  gentlemen  in  favor 
of  Mr.  Jay,  a  proposal  of  accommodation,  in  consequence 
whereof  he  was  appointed  by  eight  States.  The  appointment 
of  Mr.  Dana  is,  in  my  humble  opinion,  of  the  next  importance ; 
and  should  he  accept  it,  he  may  stand  candidate  for  the  next 
vacancy  in  Europe. 

It  is  almost  time  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  esteemed 
favor  of  the  27th  November,  1778,  and  of  the  10th  and  11th 
instant.  The  first  is  of  so  early  a  date,  as  not  to  require  an 
answer,  and  a  prudent  use  shall  be  made  of  the  last.  Agree- 
ably to  your  request  in  the  other,  I  transmit  by  the  bearer  the 
journals  of  Congress  to  the  present  time,  as  far  as  they  are 
printed.  Those  for  1778  are  now  in  the  press.  With  respect 
to  the  circumstances  of  your  first  appointment,  it  was  in  conse- 
quence of  a  nomination,  which  I  intended  to  make  after  having 
endeavored  to  discover  your  sentiments  on  the  subject.  I  re- 
member you  were  more  reserved  than  I  thought  you  ought  to 
have  been ;  and  two  of  your  colleagues  then  in  Yorktown,  to 
whom  I  proposed  the  matter,  objected  to  it  as  not  being  agree- 
able to  you.  When  the  nomination  was  made,  if  I  rightly 
remember,  the  one  that  remained  in  Congress  after  you  left  it, 
expressed  his  doubts  on  the  occasion  ;2  but  being  determined 
to  try  the  experiment,  I  informed  the  House  that  I  had  com- 
municated to  you  my  design  of  nomination,  and  that,  although 
you  were  very  silent  on  the  affair,  I  was  fully  persuaded  you 
would  not  decline  the  duty.  This  fixed  the  matter  in  the  minds 
of  your  friends.  Mr.  R.  Livingston  was  nominated  by  New 
York,  and  by  recurring  to  the  printed  journals  you  will  find  the 
voters  in  your  favor  distinguished  by  dots,  vol.  iii,  p.  547.^ 

'  Dickinson. 

2  James  Lovell. 

3  Mr.  Folsom,  representing  New  Hampshire ;  Messrs.  Gerry,  Lovell,  and 
Dana,  for  Massachusetts ;  Mr.  Ellery,  for  Rhode  Island;  Messrs.  Dyer,  Law, 
and  Williams,  for  Connecticut;  Messrs.  Morris,  Roberdeau,  and  Clingan,  for 
Pennsylvania ;  Messrs.  R.  H.  and  F.  L.  Lee  and  Harvie,  three  of  four  from  Vir- 
ginia.   Mr.  Laurens's  name  is  marked,  but  at  the  foot  of  the  page  is  the  following : 

"  N.  B.  South  Carolina  did  not  vote  on  the  above  occasion,  but  was  repre- 
sented by  Mr.  Laurens." 

Mr.  Duane  and  Mr.  Duer,  representing  New  York ;  Messrs.  Smith  and  Rum- 
sey,  for  Maryland ;  Messrs.  Penn  and  Harnett,  for  North  Carolina ;  Mr.  Jones, 
of  Virginia,  and  Mr.  Langworthy,  of  Georgia,  appear  to  have  voted  in  the 
minority. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  493 

It  is  some  time  since  this  transaction  hajDpened,  and  I  may 
be  mistaken  in  some  points,  but  I  further  recollect  that  in  con- 
ferring with  you,  I  mentioned  my  former  intention  of  nominating 
you  in  the  fall  of  the  year  1776,  and  that  Mr.  R.  H.  Lee  told  me 
you  had  informed  him  that  you  would  not  accept  the  appoint- 
ment, if  made,  which  last  circumstance  not  being  remembered 
by  you,  was  an  additional  argument  in  my  mind  for  pushing 
your  election  at  Yorktown. 

I  conceived  myself  bound  by  every  principle  of  honor,  inte- 
grity, and  policy,  to  "  vote  you  clear  of  suspicions,  &c.,  dishonor- 
able to  the  State."  When  the  question  was  proposed  for  insert- 
ing your  name  in  that  resolution,  I  opposed  it  as  unjust,  and  the 
inclosed  copy  of  the  futile  charge  against  you,  and  evidence  to 
support  it,  will,  I  think,  warrant  my  conduct.  If  unjust,  then 
surely  it  was  impolitic,  as  your  future  usefulness  would  have 
been  destroyed,  for  a  time  at  least.  I  conceived  it  so,  and  was 
therefore  bound  in  honor  not  to  sport  with  your  character.  I 
mean  not,  however,  to  throw  reflection  on  the  conduct  of  gentle- 
men of  a  different  opinion.^  They  probably  had  a  different 
view  of  the  subject,  and  may  be  highly  commendable  for  a 
measure  which  it  would  have  been  criminal  in  me  to  have 
adopted. 

While  I  am  on  this  subject,  give  me  leave  to  observe  that 
your  letter  to  Congress,  desiring  a  copy  of  the  charges  against 
you,  was  yesterday  read,  on  which  I  moved  the  House  to  com- 
ply with  your  request ;  but  it  was  objected  to  from  several 
quarters,  as  an  improper  measure,  since  the  House  had  almost 
unanimously,  by  your  late  appointment,  rejected  the  charge, 
and  had  in  the  first  instance  cleared  you  of  the  animosities  sub- 
sisting among  the  other  commissioners.  It  was  also  said,  that 
the  admission  of  weight  in  the  charge  was  dishonorable  to  the 
House,  which,  in  that  case,  would  have  been  in  duty  bound  to 
postpone  your  appointment  until  you  were  acquitted  of  the 
charge.  The  objections  were  agreeable  to  my  mind,  and  I 
withdrew  the  motion,  at  the  same  time  informing  the  House 
that  I  should  furnish  you  with  the  papers  requested. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  am  of  opinion,  that,  in  the  esteem  of  Con- 
gi-ess,  your  character  is  as  high  as  any  gentleman's  in  America; 

I  S.  Adams  and  James  Lovell  voted  in  favor  of  the  motion,  for  reasons  here- 
tofore explained.     See  page  482  of  this  volume,  and  the  note. 

VOL.  IX.  42 


494  CORRESPONDENCE. 

that  as  much  is  obtained  in  the  arrangement  and  determinations 
of  our  foreign  afl'airs  as  could  be  expected ;  that  if  matters  had 
been  driven  further,  we  should  have  been  more  deeply  involved 
in  animosities  and  dissensions,  and  have  put  a  total  stop  to  our 
foreign  negotiations ;  that  in  consequence  thereof  we  must,  on 
the  return  of  Monsieur  Gerard,  have  sunk  in  the  esteem  of  our 
ally,  of  the  Court  of  Spain,  and  of  all  Europe ;  that  Dr.  Franklin 
ought  to  be  recalled;  that,  however  some  late  measures  may  not 
be  equal  to  our  wishes,  it  becomes  our  indispensable  duty  to  sup- 
port them  with  vigor,  and  to  listen  no  more  to  insinuations  with- 
out evidence  to  support  them ;  that  an  able,  upright,  firm  friend 
to  America  is  greatly  injured  in  Dr.  Lee,  as  well  by  the  impolicy 
of  some  of  his  friends,*  as  by  the  undeserved  reproach  of  his 
enemies ;  but  that,  his  usefulness  being  destroyed,  had  it  been 
practicable  to  have  continued  him  in  office,  he  could  not  have 
served  with  satisfaction  to  himself  or  advantage  to  the  public. 
I  have  been  well  informed,  that  hints  have  been  thrown  oat 
here,  relative  to  my  votes  for  recalling  Dr.  Lee,  which  I  do  not 
relish.  I  have,  however,  suppressed  my  feelings,  because  it  is 
extremely  injurious  to  the  public  interest  to  have  their  servants 
involved  in  disputes  with  each  other.  I  shall  return  prepared  to 
justify  my  conduct  in  every  point,  and  should  any  attempts  be 
made  to  misrepresent  it,  I  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of  show- 
ing that  it  has  been  ever  directed  in  Congress  by  disinterested 
public  motives  ;  that  it  has  been  always  free  from  views  of 
extending  my  personal  interest  or  influence,  or  of  supporting 
private  attachments ;  and  I  think  I  can  answer  for  the  policy  of 
the  measures  which  I  have  adopted. 

Perhaps  you  may  think  this  deviating  from  delicacy ;  but, 
conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  my  intentions,  I  cannot  bear  the 
breath  of  reflection.  I  voted  for  the  recall  of  all  the  commis- 
sioners included  in  the  resolution  of  the  20th  of  April  last,  as 
an  indispensable  obligation  arising  from  the  resolution  itself, 
and  also,  as  a  preliminary  measure  for  fully  inquiring  into  the 
conduct  of  those  gentlemen,  that  the  character  of  each  may  be 
fairly  known  and  represented  to  the  public.     The  States  divided 

*  I  am  informed,  and  I  tliink  from  the  best  authority,  that  a  resignation  of  Mr. 
Lee's,  conceived  in  terms  that  would  do  honor  to  any  man  on  earth,  has  been  in 
the  hands  of  a  friend  of  his  in  Congress,  and  suppressed  two  months,  by  which 
means  he  has  been  prevented  from  avoiding  a  sui)ersedure.    Note  hj/  Mr.  Gerry. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  495 

oil  Dr.  Lee,  and  he  was  continued  in  oiKce,  contrary,  in  my 
opinion,  to  every  principle  of  government,  where  a  majority  is 
to  rule.  This  happened  by  the  mode  in  which  the  question  was 
put,  "  shall  he  be  recalled,"  instead  of  "shall  he  be  continued." 
In  the  latter  case,  a  division  would  have  lost  the  question,  and  he 
would  have  been  recalled,  which  the  States,  who  were  against 
him,  being  apprised  of,  conceived  the  matter,  as  it  stood,  both 
unreasonable  and  vmfair.  After  Congress  had  finished  their 
instructions  relative  to  negotiations,  a  question  arose,  who 
should  execute  them.  Reference  being  then  made  to  a  resolu- 
tion of  the  15th  of  April  last,  "  that  ministers  plenipotentiary  for 
these  States  are  only  necessary  for  the  present,  at  the  Courts  of 
Versailles  and  Madrid,"  a  motion  was  made,  that  "  a  minister 
plenipotentiary,  in  lieu  of  a  commissioner,  be  appointed  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  of  alliance,  and  unity,  and  commerce, 
between  the  United  States  of  America  and  his  Catholic  Ma- 
jesty," and  the  question  was  carried  as  follows :  six  ayes,  one 
no,  and  four  divided.  Massachusetts  was  amongst  the  latter ; 
Mr.  Holten  and  myself,  ayes;  Mr.  Lovell  and  Mr.  Partridge,  no. 
I  thought  it  necessary  to  agree  to  this  proposition,  as  it  was 
consonant  to  the  resolution  of  the  15th  of  April ;  as  it  would 
give  the  States  a  fair  opportunity  of  electing  their  ministers, 
and  thereby  of  correcting  the  error  mentioned ;  as  a  decision  of 
the  question  in  the  negative  would  have  postponed  a  negotia- 
tion with  Spain,  and  for  some  reasons  before  mentioned,  and 
others  with  which  I  shall  not  trouble  you.  To  convince  you  of 
the  necessity  of  this^last  measure,  I  need  only  inform  you,  that, 
before  the  resolution  was  proposed.  Congress  endeavored  to 
appoint  a  minister  to  negotiate  the  peace,  and  failed  in  the 
attempt,  there  being  six  States  for  yourself,  five  for  Mr.  Jay,  and 
one  divided.  Those  who  were  for  Mr.  Jay  then  declared  they 
would  never  alter  their  votes,  unless  they  had  a  fair  opportunity 
of  electing  a  minister  for  Spain,  and  accommodating  matters  to 
the  sense  of  a  majority  of  the  States,  which  was  prevented  by 
the  failure  of  a  vote  of  the  States  when  divided. 

One  word  with  respect  to  your  insti'uctions.  Pray  give  me 
your  opinion  on  the  boundaries* of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and 
if  any  thing  is  amiss,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  if  he  thinks  it  expe- 
dient, may  inform  the  State  thereof,  that  they  may  give  direc- 
tions for  having  it  rectified  in  Congress. 


496  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Cannot  you  attend  to  the  settlement  of  the  Vermont  affair 
on  the  1st  of  February  next,  agreeably  to  certain  resolutions 
sent  to  Massachusetts,  which,  by  her  delegates,  has  claimed  a 
right  to  the  jurisdiction  of  those  lands  ? 

I  should  not  have  troubled  you  with  such  a  volume  of  small 
politics,  did  I  not  conceive  it  impracticable  to  weafy  the  patience 
of  a  great  politician.  My  best  respects  to  Portia ;  her  irony  is, 
by  sovereign  power,  turned  into  fact.  I  wish  that  our  friend. 
General  Warren,  may  peruse  this  letter,  and  no  other  person  at 
present,  as  it  may  otherwise  be  the  cause  of  my  commencing 
disputes  which  I  wish  to  avoid.  Brother  Dana  may  correct  my 
information  relative  to  your  first  election.  Adieu,  my  dear 
friend,  with  assurance  of  sincerity  in  your  very  humble  servant, 

E.  Gerry. 

Is  not  caution  necessary  in  sending  letters  or  papers,  which 
on  certain  occasions  ought  not  to  be  communicated  ?  It  some- 
times happens  that  one  friend  is  nearly  sacrificed  to  support 
another.  I  was  on  a  committee  which  reported  three  thousand 
pounds  sterling  per  year  for  each  of  the  ministers,  and  one 
thousand  pounds  sterling  per  annum  for  each  of  their  secreta- 
ries, the  salary  to  begin  and  end  as  prescribed  by  a  former  reso- 
lution, relative  to  the  commissioners;  but  I  expect  a  reduction 
of  the  first  sum  will  be  made  by  some  of  our  patriots.  I  am  in 
favor  of  £2500  for  the  first,  and  of  half  that  sum  for  the  secre- 
taries. 


HENRY    LAURENS    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Philadelpliia,  4  October,  1779. 

The  receipt  and  perusal  of  your  favor  of  the  10th  ultimo 
afforded  me  a  very  high  satisfaction.  The  answer  with  which 
you  honored  my  letter  of  May,  1778,  has  not  yet  reached  me. 

From  the  earliest  intelligence  of  your  return  to  America,  I 
felt  a  strong  disposition  to  wait  on  you  with  a  line  or  two  of 
sincere  congratulation  on  your  happy  return  to  your  family  and 
American  friends ;  but  there  were  certain  irresistible  pull-backs 


CORRESPONDENCE.  497 

to  the  intended  operation.  I  am  not  addicted  to  commonplace 
ceremony,  and  I  perceived  it  extremely  difficult  to  compose  a 
palatable  address  of  blended  gratulation  and  condolence  to  an 
exauctorated  fellow-citizen,  who  had  deserved  well  of  his  coun- 
try, and  who,  at  the  same  time,  stood  in  the  most  awkward 
situation  that  an  honest,  susceptible  mind  can  be  reduced  to. 
Sent,  without  his  own  desire,  and  probably  inconsistently  with 
his  interest  and  inclination,  on  an  embassy  beyond  the  Atlantic, 
kept  unemployed,  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  months  virtually 
dismissed,  without  censure  or  applause,  and  without  the  least 
intimation  when  or  in  what  manner  he  was  to  return  and  report 
his  proceedings  ;  from  these  and  other  considerations  I  found 
myself  constrained  to  wait  future  events.  These,  though  a 
little  clumsily  brought  forth,  have  happened  as  I  wished ;  and 
now,  my  dear  Sir,  I  not  only  congratulate  you  on  a  safe  return, 
but  I  have  another  opportunity  of  rejoicing  with  my  country- 
men on  the  judicious  choice  which  Congress  have  made  in  their 
late  election  of  a  minister  plenipotentiary  to  treat  —  in  due  tifne, 
be  it  understood — with  his  Britannic  Majesty  on  peace  and 
commerce.  The  determination  of  Congress  in  this  instance 
will  be  grateful  to  the  people  of  these  States,  and  may  expiate 
the  queernesses  of  some  of  the  queerest  fellows  that  ever  were 
invested  with  rays  of  sovereignty.  Let  me  entreat  you.  Sir,  for 
my  country's  sake,  to  accept  the  appointment  without  hesita- 
tion or  retrospection ;  you  know  "  whereof  we  are  made." 
Wisdom  and  patriotism  forbid  exceptions  on  account  of  past 
circumstances.  I  speak  in  pure  truth  and  sincerity,  and  will 
not  risk  offence  by  uttering  a  word  respecting  your  fitness,  or 
peculiar  or  exclusive  fitness  for  the  important  office ;  but  I  will 
venture  to  add,  it  is  necessary  you  should  accept  and  stand 
ready  to  execute  it.  Your  determination  to  do  so  will  make 
the  true  friends  of  American  independence  happy,  and  will 
abate  their  apprehensions  from  incompetency  or  negligence  in 
other  quarters.  Not  that  I  believe  you  will  be  directly  the  ob- 
ject of  negotiation ;  the  pride  of  our  haughty  enemy  will  lead 
him  to  manoeuvre  by  mediation,  and  my  ideas  teach  me  to  sup- 
pose you  are  for  some  tjme  to  remain  behind  the  curtain;  but 
the  moment  cannot  be  far  distant,  according  to  present  appear- 
ances, when  you  will  step  on  the  stage,  and  act  a  part  productive 
of  substantial  good  to  your  country,  of  honorable  fame  to  your- 

42*  po 


498  CORRESPONDENCE. 

self  and  to  your  posterity.  My  prayers  and  good  wishes  for 
your  success  will  be  accompanied  by  the  utmost  exertions  of 
my  feeble  powers  to  insure  it. 

I  pay  no  regard  to  the  slanders  of  stockjobbers,  monopolists, 
nor  any  of  the  various  tribes  and  classes  of  the  enemies  of  our 
peace.  It  gives  me  some  satisfaction,  however,  to  know  that 
better  men  think  well  of  me ;  but  I  draw  an  infinitely  more  solid 
consolation  from  this  knowledge,  that  I  have  uniformly  striven  to 
persevere  faithfully  and  disinterestedly  in  the  service  of  my  coun- 
try. This  well-founded  assurance  will  in  every  event,  however 
untoward,  calm  the  mind,  and  secure  that  peace,  which  neither 
the  great  nor  the  little  world  can  give  or  rob  me  of.  I  have  now 
no  hope  of  embracing  you  corporeally  on  this  or  the  other  conti- 
nent to  which  you  are  going ;  but  as  a  good  citizen,  and  fellow- 
laborer  in  the  common  cause,  my  heart  will  embrace  you  at 
whatever  distance  we  may  be  from  each  other.  Be  this  as  it 
shall  happen,  should  we  be  permitted  to  come  within  reach,  I 
tell  you  plainly,  and  1  know  you  will  not  be  displeased,  I  shall 
prefer  shaking  hands  in  the  old  American  style. 

Should  I  be  detained  in  Congress  the  ensuing  winter,  I  mean 
to  ask  leave  in  the  spring  to  visit  Massachusetts  and  New 
Hampshire,  as  one  of  the  last  of  my  terrestrial  peregrinations. 
That  journey  finished,  I  hope  the  times  will  give  rae  leave  to 
withdraw  and  learn  to  die,  a  science  I  most  devoutly  wish  to 
enter  upon  with  a  sedulousness  which  the  present  day  prohi- 
bits. 

Commodore  Gillon's  ill  success  in  France  may  possibly  abate 
a  little  of  his  fervor  for  accomplishing  every  thing  by  the  force 
of  his  own  powers.  His  expenses  being  fruitless,  will  make  no 
inconsiderable  deduction  from  our  Carolina  finances,  and  I  am 
sorry  to  hear  that  when  he  returns  to  Charleston,  he  will  be 
asked  unpleasant  questions  respecting  his  general  conduct,  and 
Don  Juan  de  Miralles  complains  heavily  of  one  of  his  trans- 
actions at  Havana.  These  are  things  of  no  immediate  concern 
to  you,  nor  would  it  be  instructive  to  say,  it  is  difficult  to  judge 
of  men  from  appearances. 

I  wish  I  had  time  to  speak  of  the  awful  state  of  our  national 
debt  and  credit :  the  field  is  too  wide  for  the  compass  of  a  letter; 
but  believe  me,  Sir,  while  we  are  decorating  our  fabric,  we  are 
censurably  careless  of  the  foundation.     Censure,  if  ever  it  comes. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  499 

will  not  light  wholly  on  those  whom  the  pious  Duffield  calls 
"the  great  council  of  these  States."  Each  State,  at  too  late  a 
day,  will  find  cause  to  apply  blame  to  itself.  We  are  at  this 
moment  on  the  brink  of  a  precipice,  and  what  I  have  long 
dreaded  and  often  intimated  to  my  friends,  seems  to  be  break- 
ing forth  —  a  convulsion  among  the  people.  Yesterday  produced 
a  bloody  scene  in  the  streets  of  this  city ;  ^  the  particulars  you 
will  probably  learn  from  other  friends  ;  and  from  circumstances 
which  have  come  to  my  knowledge  this  morning,  there  are 
grounds  for  apprehending  much  more  confusion.  The  enemy 
has  been  industriously  sapping  our  fort,  and  we,  gazing  and 
frolicking;  peradventure  we,  meaning  every  State,  may  improve 
the  present  alarm  to  good  purpose ;  but  what  shall  we  do  by 
and  by,  and  not  far  distant,  for  quieting  a  hungry  and  naked 
army?  Shall  we  call  forth  a  grand  convention  in  aid  of  the 
great  council  ?     This  may  become  absolutely  necessary. 

I  will  presume  on  your  kindness  and  friendship  to  trouble 
you  by  the  next  post  with  a  packet  for  my  friends  in  Europe, 
and  no  further  in  the  mean  time,  but  to  subscribe  with  great 
truth,  dear  Sir,  your  faithful,  obliged,  and  affectionate  friend 
and  servant, 

Henry  Laurens. 


TO    JAMES    LOVELL. 

Braintree,  17  October,  1779. 

And  what,  my  dear  sir,  shall  I  say  to  your  favors  of  the  27th 
and  28th  of  September,  which  came  by  the  last  post  ?  The 
unanimity  of  my  election  surprises  me,  as  much  as  the  delicacy, 
importance,  and  danger  of  the  trust  distress  me.  The  appoint- 
ment of  Mr.  Dana  to  be  Secretary  pleases  me  more  than  my 
own  to  be  minister,  commissioner,  negotiator,  call  it  what  you 
will.  I  have  communicated  to  him  your  letters  in  confidence, 
and  all  other  material  intelligence  I  had,  and  hope  he  will  not 
decline ;  but  you  know  the  peculiarities  of  his  situation,  and  if 
he  should  refuse,  I  hope  you  will  not  force  your  name  out  of 
nomination   again.       I  did   not  suppose  that  such   characters 

1  This  alludes  to  the  "  Fort  Wilson  riot,"  a  full  account  of  which  is  given  iu 
Reed's  Life  of  Reed,  vol.  ii.  pp.  149-152,  and  in  the  Appendix. 


500  CORRESPONDENCE. 

would  be  willing  to  go  as  secretaries,  because  I  did  not  know 
your  plan,  otherwise  I  should  not  have  mentioned  Mr.  Jenings 
to  Mr.  Gerry  for  one  to  Dr.  Franklin.  Your  mastery  of  the 
language,  and  your  indefatigability,  would  make  you  infinitely 
useful  in  any  of  these  departments. 

1  rejoice  that  you  produced  my  letter  to  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes  and  his  answer,  before  the  choice,  because  it  contained  a 
testimony  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lee,  which  was  his  due.^  I  am  very 
much  affected  at  his  recall,  because  I  know  his  merit,  and, 
therefore,  I  am  glad  I  was  not  placed  in  his  stead;  for  suspicions 
would  have  arisen,  and  reflections  would  have  been  cast  upon 
me,  as  having  favored  his  removal  in  order  to  make  room, 
which  I  certainly  did  not.  I  am  infinitely  obliged  to  you  for 
these  letters,  and  for  that  received  the  post  before  last ;  but  I 
really  tremble  for  your  health.  Let  me  entreat  you,  for  the  sake 
of  our  country,  to  take  care  of  it.  If  I  was  to  apply  myself,  as 
you  do,  I  should  soon  go  to  study  politics  in  another  sphere. 
Yet  I  am  so  selfish  as  to  beg  the  continuance  of  your  favors  to 
me,  and  I  pledge  myself  to  you,  I  will  not  be  in  debt  any  more 
than  may  be  made  by  the  intrinsic  difference  in  the  value  of  the 
letters,  which  will  be  unavoidable. 

Thank  you  for  the  extract  from  Mr.  Izard's  letter.  I  am  not 
a  little  surprised  at  its  contents.  It  was  written,  I  see,  to  his 
friend,  and  I  suppose  intended  in  confidence.  I  am  fully  per- 
suaded he  did  not  intend  that  the  whole  should  have  been  laid 
before  Congress.^  I  utterly  deny  that  I  ever  used  to  him  any 
such  language  as  the  indecent  paragraph  that  closes  what  he 
says  about  me.  Indeed,  that  is  manifestly  his  own  inference, 
and  in  his  own  words,  from  what  he  says  he  had  heard  me  say, 
and  he  draws  the  same  from  what  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Deane 
had  said  upon  the  same  subject.  I  further  deny  that  I  ever 
threatened  him  with  the  displeasure  of  Congress,  for  writing  his 
opinion  concerning  these  articles  to  Congress,  or  for  suggesting 
them  to  the  commissioners.  But  to  enter  into  all  the  conversa- 
tions that  have  passed  between  Mr.  Izard  and  me  respecting 
those  articles,  and  many  other  points,  in  order  to  give  a  full 
and  fair  representation  of  those  conversations,  would  fill  a  small 
volume.     Yet,  there  never  was  any  angry^or  rude  conversation 

'  See  vol.  vii.  pp.  79,  80. 

2  See  the  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution,  vol.  ii.  p.  434. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  501 

between  him  and  me,  that  I  can  recollect.  I  lived  with  him 
on  good  terms,  visited  him  and  he  me,  dined  with  his  family, 
and  his  family  with  me,  and  I  ever  told  him,  and  repeated  it 
often,  that  I  should  be  always  obliged  to  him  for  his  advice, 
opinions,  and  sentiments  upon  any  American  subject,  and  that 
I  should  always  give  it  its  due  weight,  although  I  did  not  think 
myself  bound  to  follow  it  any  further  than  it  seemed  to  me  to 
be  just.  As  Congress  have  declined  giving  me  the  charges 
against  me  by  their  authority,  and  have,  upon  the  whole,  acquit- 
ted me  with  so  much  splendor,  it  would  look  like  a  littleness  of 
soul  in  me  to  make  myself  anxious,  or  give  them  any  further 
trouble  about  it.  And  as  I  have  in  general  so  good  an  opinion 
of  Mr.  Izard's  attachment  to  his  country,  and  of  his  honor,  I 
shall  not  think  myself  bound  to  take  any  further  notice  of  this 
fruit  of  his  inexperience  in  public  life,  this  peevish  ebullition  of 
the  rashness  of  his  temper.  I  have  written  a  few  other  obser- 
vations to  Mr.  Gerry  on  the  same  subject.  You  and  he  will 
compare  these  with  them  for  your  private  satisfaction,  but  be 
sure  that  they  are  not  exposed  where  they  will  do  harm  to  the 
public,  to  Mr.  Izard,  or  me,  unnecessarily. 

If  I  should  go  abroad,  cannot  you  lend  me  twenty  or  thirty 
complete  sets  of  the  journals?  They  are  much  wanted  in 
Europe.  A  set  of  them  is  a  genteel  present,  and  perhaps  would 
do  me  and  the  public  more  service  than  you  are  aware  of.  If 
Congress,  or  some  committee,  would  order  it,  I  should  be  very 
glad. 


TO    JAMES    I.OVELL. 

Braintree,  25  October,  1779. 

Mr.  Joshua  Johnson  is  a  merchant,  settled  with  his  lady  and 
family  at  Nantes.  I  was  honored  with  many  of  his  civilities  in 
that  city,  and  with  a  good  deal  of  his  conversation.  He  is  a 
sensible,  genteel  man,  has  a  good  character,  and,  I  believe,  is  as 
well  qualified  for  the  service  you  mention  as  any  American 
now  in  Europe.  His  affections,  sentiments,  and  acquaintances 
are  supposed  to  be  on  a  particular  side;  but  I  believe  his  con- 
duct has  been  prudent  and  unexceptionable. 


502  CORRESPONDENCE. 

The  French  frigate  would  be  as  agreeable  a  conveyance  for 
me  as  I  wish.  I  should  be  very  sorry  to  delay  her.  I  do  not 
expect  to  have  much  direct  negotiation  for  some  time;  but  I 
do  expect  a  great  deal  of  indirect,  round-about,  and  very  ridicu- 
lous mancEuvring.  If  I  go  at  all,  I  had  rather  go  without 
delay,  because  I  hate  a  state  of  suspense,  and  in  my  present 
situation  I  can  engage  in  no  other  business,  public  or  private. 
I  was  running  fast  into  my  old  profession ;  but  this  will  put  a 
total  stop  to  it,  for,  being  uncertain  when  I  shall  go,  I  cannot 
undertake  any  man's  business  and  give  him  my  word  to  go 
throiigh  with  it. 

If  Dana  should  not  go,  you  will  find  that  Bancroft  will  be  set 
up ;  but  I  think  you  would  certainly  carry  it,  and  you  may 
depend  upon  it,  no  man  would  make  me  happier.  Dana,  how- 
ever, will  accept.  He  spent  yesterday  with  me,  and  I  am  per- 
suaded he  will  go. 

I  will  inform  A.  L.  by  the  first  opportunity.  He  cannot  be 
delayed.i  He  not  only  had  power  to  borrow  money,  but  has,  I 
believe,  considerable  sums  in  his  hands  from  Spain.  Spain  has 
sent  him  from  time  to  time  large  sums,  and  she  will  continue  to 
supply  Mr.  Jay,  so  that  he  will  have  no  trouble.  I  shall  be  in  a 
different  predicament.  You  are  mistaken  about  the  English. 
There  is  no  money  to  be  got  there ;  small  sums  may  be  bor- 
rowed in  France  or  in  Amsterdam.  So  that  I  wish  to  be  fur- 
nished with  full  powers  to  borrow.  But  I  beg  one  favor  more, 
and  that  is  for  an  order  to  draw,  in  case  of  necessity  and  in 
case  other  resources  fail,  on  Dr.  Frankhn  or  on  the  banker  of 
the  United  States,  for  a  sum  not  exceeding  my  salary  yearly,  and 
also  for  a  resolution  of  Congress,  or  a  letter  from  the  commer- 
cial committee,  requesting  the  continental  agents  in  Europe  and 
America  to  furnish  me  aids  and  supplies  of  cash,  &c.,  and  to  the 
captains  of  all  American  frigates  to  afford  me  a  passage  out  or 
home  upon  demand,  so  as  not  to  interfere  with  other  orders  they 
may  have,  however,  or  prevent  their  cruising,  I  to  pay  for  my  pas- 
sage to  Congress,  or  be  accountable  for  it.  Mr.  Dana  should  have 
the  same  resolution  of  Congress,  and  letter  from  the  commercial 

1  Mr.  Lovell  had  written  thus :  — 

"  Pray  miss  no  possible  chance  to  inform  A.  L."  (Arthur  Lee)  "  of  what  has 
happened.  It  may  reach  him  before  an  authenticated  account  by  Mr.  Jay,  and 
be  a  warnint;  to  take  his  measures.  He  can  have  no  accounts  to  cause  delay ; 
and  as  he  has  power  to  borrow  money,  he  cannot  be  obliged  to  apply  to  F— .' 


CORRESPONDENCE.  503 

and  marine  committee,  one  from  each  for  each  of  us,  and  per- 
haps the  same  to  Mr.  Jay  and  Mr.  Carmichael.  I  hope  I  shall 
find  the  funds  provided  for  me  sufficient;  but  if  I  should  not,  I 
may  be  in  the  utmost  distress,  and  bring  upon  myself  and  you 
disgrace.  Franklin  will  supply  me,  and  so  will  any  agent  in 
France,  if  they  have  a  resolution  of  Congress,  or  even  a  letter 
from  the  commercial  committee. 

I  do  not  know  what  indecencies  you  mean  in  my  commis- 
sion. I  have  looked  it  up,  and  have  it  before  me.  It  is  on  a 
large  sheet  of  paper,  written  very  well,  all  in  the  handwriting 
of  our  much  respected  secretary,  signed  by  President  Laurens, 
sealed  with  his  seal,  and  attested  by  the  secretary.  It  is  not 
upon  vellum,  nor  parchment,  it  is  true,  and  the  paper  is  not  the 
best,  but  I  believe  as  good  as  any  we  had  at  that  time.  Upon 
the  whole,  I  think  it  a  very  decent,  respectable,  and  honorable 
commission.  It  was  treated  with  great  respect  at  Versailles, 
and  I  see  no  reason  to  object  to  it.  Pray  let  me  know  what  the 
question  is  about  it.^ 


TO    HENRY    LAURENS. 

Braintree,  25  October,  1779. 

My  dear  Sir, —  Your  favor  of  the  4th  of  this  month  gave 
me  great  pleasure ;  but  I  am  afraid  that  you  and  some  others 
of  my  friends  felt  more  for  me  in  the  awkward  situation  you 
mention  than  I  did  for  myself,  though  I  cannot  say  that  I  was 
wholly  insensible.  I  could  not  help  laughing  a  little,  at  the 
figure  I  cut,  to  be  sure.  I  could  compare  it  to  nothing  but 
Shakspeare's  idea  of  Ariel,  wedged  by  the  waist  in  the  middle 
of  a  rifted  oak,  for  I  was  sufficiently  sensible  that  it  was  owing 
to  an  unhappy  division  in  Congress,  and  pains  enough  were 
taken  to  inform  me,  that  one  side  were  for  sending  me  to  Spain 
and  the  other  to  Holland,  so  that  I  was  flattered  to  find  that 

1  Mr.  Lovell's  style  is  always  enigmatical,  and  indicative  of  his  eccentric 
mind.     The  following  is  the  passage  alluded  to :  — 

"  You  will  have  a  decent  commission  this  time.  I  wish  I  could  see  your  old 
one ;  as  do  the  secretary  and  Mr.  Laurens,  between  whom  thei-e  have  been 
formal  proceedings  in-doors  respecting  some  indecencies  of  the  former." 

Mr.  Adams  sailed  for  Europe  before  this  letter  could  receive  an  answer. 


504  CORRESPONDENCE. 

neither  side  had  any  decisive  objection  against  trusting  me,  and 
that  the  apparent  question  was  only  where.  But  I  assure  you, 
that  all  my  sprawling,  wriggling,  and  brandishing  my  legs  and 
arms  in  the  air,  like  Ariel,  never  gave  me  half  the  pain,  that  the 
picture  of  Congress  excited  at  that  time  in  my  imagination. 
When  I  saw  a  certain  appeal  to  the  people,  that  no  animadversion 
was  made  on  it,  that  you  resigned,  &c..  Congress  appeared  to  me 
to  resemble  a  picture  in  the  gallery  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes, 
and  I  trembled  for  the  union  and  safety  of  the  States.  The 
picture  is  of  a  coach,  with  four  horses  running  down  a  steep 
mountain  and  rushing  on  to  the  middle  of  a  very  high  bridge 
over  a  very  large  river.  The  foundations  of  the  bridge  give 
way,  and  the  carriage,  the  horses,  the  timbers,  stones,  and  all, 
in  a  chaos  are  falling  through  the  air  down  to  the  water.  The 
horror  of  the  horses,  the  coachman,  the  footmen,  the  gentlemen 
and  ladies  in  the  carriage,  are  strongly  painted  in  their  counte- 
nances and  gestures,  as  well  as  the  sympathy  and  terror  in 
those  of  persons  at  a  distance  in  boats  upon  the  river,  and  many 
others  on  the  shore  on  each  side  of  the  river. 

That  I  was  sent  without  the  least  solicitation  of  mine,  directly 
or  indirectly,  is  certainly  true ;  and  I  had  such  formidable  ideas 
of  the  sea  and  of  British  men-of-war,  such  diffidence  in  my  own 
qualifications  to  do  service  in  that  way,  and  such  uncertainty 
of  the  reception  I  should  meet,  that  I  had  little  inclination  to 
adventure.  That  I  went  against  my  interest  is  most  undoubt- 
edly so,  for  I^  never  yet  served  the  public  without  losing  by  it. 
I  was  not,  however,  as  you  suppose,  kept^nemployed.  I  had 
business  enough  to  do,  as  I  could  easily  convince  you.  There 
is  a  great  field  of  business  there,  and  I  could  easily  show  you 
that  I  did  my  share  of  it.  There  is  so  much  to  do,  and  so 
much  difficulty  to  do  it  well,  that  I  am  rejoiced  to  find  a  gentle- 
man of  such  abilities,  principles,  and  activity,  as  Colonel  Laurens 
undoubtedly  is,  without  a  compliment,  appointed  to  assist  in  it.^ 
I  most  sincerely  hope  for  his  friendship,  and  an  entire  harmony 
with  him,  for  which  reason  I  should  be  very  happy  in  his  com- 
pany in  the  passage,  or  in  an  interview  with  him  as  soon  as 
possible  in  Europe.  He  will  be  in  a  delicate  situation,  but  not 
so  much  so  as  I  was ;  and  plain  sense,  honest  intentions,  and 

1  Colonel  John  Laurens  had  been  made  Secretary  to  the  minister  plenipoten- 
tiaiy  in  France. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  505 

common  civility  will,  I  think,  be  sufficient  to  secure  him,  and  do 
much  good. 

Your  kind  compliments  on  my  safe  return  and  most  honor- 
able reelection  are  very  obliging.  I  have  received  no  commis- 
sion, nor  instructions,  nor  any  particular  information  of  the 
plan  ;  but  from  the  advice  and  information  from  you  and  several 
other  of  my  friends  at  Philadelphia  and  here,  I  shall  make  no 
hesitation  to  say,  that,  notwithstanding  the  delicacy  and  danger 
of  this  commission,  I  suppose  I  shall  accept  it  without  delay 
and  trust  events  to  Heaven,  as  I  have  been  long  used  to  do. 
It  is  a  pain  to  me  to  be  deprived  of  the  pleasure  of  shaking 
hands  with  you  at  the  foot  of  Penn's  hill,  eleven  miles  from 
Boston,  where  lives  a  lady  however,  who  desires  me  to  present 
her  best  respects,  and  ask  the  favor  of  a  visit  when  you  come  to 
Boston,  that  she  may  have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  a  gentle- 
man whose  unshaken  constancy  does  so  much  honor  and  such 
essential  service  to  his  country. 

The  convulsions  at  Philadelphia  are  very  affecting  and  alarm- 
ing, but  not  entirely  unexpected  to  me.  The  state  of  parties 
and  the  nature  of  their  government  have  a  long  time  given  me 
disagreeable  apprehensions.  But  I  hope  they  will  find  some 
remedy.  Methods  will  be  found  to  feed  the  army,  but  I  know 
of  none  to  clothe  it  without  convoys  to  trade,  which  Congress, 
I  think,  will  do  well  to  undertake,  and  persuade  France  and 
Spain  to  undertake,  as  soon  as  possible.  Your  packets  for 
your  friends  in  Europe  will  give  me  pleasure,  and  shall  be  for- 
warded with  care  and  despatch. 


TO    ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 

Braintree,  4  November,  1779. 

Yours  of  October  12th  has  been  seven  days  by  me.  Am 
happy  to  learn  my  accounts  and  vouchers  arrived  safe  by  Mr. 
Lowell.  I  know  not  how  the  Board  will  explain  the  three 
months  after  notice  of  recall,  as  applied  to  me.  If  they  were  to 
allow  three  months  after  my  arrival,  it  would  be  no  more  than 
just.  Mr.  Dana,  I  presume,  will  accept,  and  sail  with  me  in  a 
few  days. 

VOL.  IX.  ■^^ 


506  CORRESPONDENCE. 

I  am  clear  for  three  branches  in  the  legislature,  and  the  com- 
mittee have  reported  as  much,  though  awkwardly  expressed.  I 
have  considered  this  question  in  every  light  in  which  my  under- 
standing is  capable  of  placing  it,  and  my  opinion  is  decided  in 
favor  of  three  branches;  and  being  very  unexpectedly  called 
upon  to  give  my  advice  to  my  countrymen  concerning  a  form 
of  government,  I  could  not  answer  it  to  myself,  to  them,  or 
posterity,  if  I  concealed  or  disguised  ray  real  sentiments.^  They 
have  been  received  with  candor,  but  perhaps  will  not  be  adopted. 
In  such  a  State  as  this,  however,  I  am  persuaded  we  never  shall 
have  any  stability,  dignity,  decision,  or  liberty  without  it.  We 
have  so  many  men  of  wealth,  of  ambitious  spirits,  of  intrigue, 
of  luxury  and  corruption,  that  incessant  factions  will  disturb  our 
peace  without  it,  and,  indeed,  there  is  too  much  reason  to  fear, 
with  it.  The  executive,  which  ought  to  be  the  reservoir  of 
wisdom,  as  the  legislative  is  of  liberty,  without  this  weapon  of 
defence,^  will  be  run  down  like  a  hare  before  the  hunters.  But 
I  have  not  time  to  enlarge. 

I  am  more  solicitous  about  the  means  of  procuring  the  salary 
you  mention  than  the  sura  of  it.  I  can  make  it  do,  if  I  can 
get  it.  But  I  wish  I  had  power  to  borrow  money,  and  also 
power  to  draw  upon  Dr.  Franklin,  or  the  American  banker,  in 
case  of  necessity.  I  should  get  it  in  that  way.  Mr.  Jay  Mali 
have  no  difficulty,  for  Spain  will  undoubtedly  furnish  him,  as 
they  did  Mr.  Lee,  who,  I  believe,  but  ara  not  certain,  has  some 
Spanish  money  remaining  in  his  hands.  I  know  not  how 
much,  and  may  be  mistaken  in  supposing  he  has  any. 

^^ou  think  my  appointment  ought  not  to  be  divulged  ;  but  it 
was  public  in  Boston  and  in  every  body's  mouth  upon  'Change, 
before  1  heard  a  lisp  of  it.  If  it  is  generally  approved,  I  am 
happy.  Happy  and  blessed  indeed  shall  I  be,  if  I  can  accom- 
plish ray  errand,  and  give  general  satisfaction  in  the  end ! 

Let  rae  beseech  you,  by  every  feeling  of  friendship  as  well 
as  patriotism,  to  continue  your  favors,  and  transmit  me  the 
journals,  newspapers,  pamphlets,  as  well  as  your  advice,  from 
time  to  time.  My  importance  in  that  country  will  depend  much 
upon  the  intelligence  that  shall  be  sent  rae  by  ray  friends,  raore 

1  This  allusion  is  to  the  speech  made  soon  after  the  opening  of  the  convention 
of  Massachusetts,  by  Mr.  Adams,  and  spoken  of  by  Dr.  Gordon  and  Judge 
Dawes,  but  no  trace  of  which  is  preserved.     See  vol.  iv.  p.  216,  note. 

-  A  negative  upon  the  laws.     See  vol.  iv.  p.  231,  note. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  507 

than  you  can  imagine.  If  you  intend  I  shall  do  you  any  good, 
keep  me  constantly  informed  of  every  thing;  the  numbers  and 
destinations  of  the  army,  the  state  of  finance,  the  temper  of  the 
people,  military  operations ;  the  state  and  the  prospects  of  the 
harvests,  the  prices  of  goods,  the  price  of  bills  of  exchange, 
the  rate  between  silver  and  paper.  Nothing  can  come  amiss. 
The  growth  or  decline  of  the  navy,  the  spirit  and  success  of 
privateers,  the  number  of  prizes,  the  number,  position,  exertions, 
and  designs  of  the  enemy. 

Your  election  comes  on  this  month,  and  it  is  sure.  I  wish  I 
was  as  sure  of  getting  safe  to  France. 

God  bless  you  I 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Braiutree,  4  November,  1779. 

Your  favors  of  October  12th  and  19th  are  before  me.  I 
should  not  have  left  the  first  unanswered  seven  days,  if  it  had 
not  been  for  my  new  trade  of  a  Constitution  monger.  I  inclose 
a  pamphlet  as  my  apology.  It  is  only  a  report  of  a  committee, 
and  will  be  greatly  altered,  no  doubt.  If  the  committee  had 
boldly  made  the  legislature  consist  of  three  branches,  I  should 
have  been  better  pleased.  But  I  cannot  enlarge  upon  this  sub- 
ject. 

I  am  pained  in  my  inmost  soul  at  the  unhappy  aflfair  at 
Colonel  Wilson's  house.  I  think  there  ought  to  be  an  article 
in  the  declaration  of  rights  of  every  State,  securing  freedom  of 
speech,  impartiality,  and  independence  at  the  bar.  There  is 
nothing  on  which  the  rights  of  every  member  of  society  more 
depend.  There  is  no  man  so  bad  but  he  ought  to  have  a  fair 
trial,  and  an  equal  chance  to  obtain  the  ablest  counsel,  or  the 
advocate  of  his  choice,  to  see  that  he  has  fair  play,  and  the 
benefit  of  truth  and  law. 

Do  not  be  discouraged,  you  will  yet  find  liberty  a  charming 
substance.  I  wish  I  had  Leonidas.^  Cannot  you  send  it  after 
me  ?     Thank  you  for  your  congratulations   on  my  new  and 

*  An  article  signed  with  this  name,  written  by  Dr.  Rush,  and  published  in 
Dunlap's  paper  at  Philadelphia. 


508  CORRESPONDENCE. 

most  honorable  appointment;  honorable  indeed,  if  it  is  possible 
for  mortals  to  honor  mortals.  I  am  honored  with  an  honor, 
however,  that  makes  me  tremble.  Pray  help  me,  by  correspond- 
ing constantly  with  me,  and  sending  me  all  the  pamphlets, 
journals,  news,  &c.,  to  a  little  success  as  well  as  honor. 

Your  congratulations  on  the  Count  d'Estaing's  operations 
are  conceived  in  terms  flattering  enough.  I  will  please  myself 
with  the  thought  that  I  had  some  share  in  bringing  him  here. 
If  he  only  liberates  Georgia  and  Rhode  Island,  which  is  already 
done,  it  is  a  great  success ;  but  I  promise  you,  although  I  go  to 
make  peace,  yet,  if  the  old  lady  Britannia  will  not  let  me  do 
that,  I  will  do  all  I  can  in  character  to  sustain  the  war,  and 
direct  it  in  a  sure  course.  I  must  be  prudent  in  this,  however, 
which  I  fear  is  not  enough  my  characteristic ;  but  I  flatter  my- 
self I  am  rather  growing  in  this  grace.  And  in  this  spirit  I 
think,  that  although  we  have  had  provocations  enough  to  excite 
the  warmest  passions  against  Great  Britain,  yet  it  is  both  our 
duty  to  silence  all  resentments  in  our  deliberations  about  peace, 
and  attend  only  to  our  interests  and  our  engagements  with  our 
allies. 

Nothing  ever  gives  me  so  much  pleasure  as  to  hear  of  har- 
mony in  Congress.  Upon  this  depend  our  union,  strength, 
prosperity,  and  glory.  If  the  late  appointments  give  satisfac- 
tion, I  am  happy,  and  if  the  liberties  and  independence  of  our 
country  are  not  safe  in  my  hands,  you  may  swear  it  is  for  want 
of  brains  and  not  of  heart  The  appointment  of  Mr.  Dana  could 
not  be  mended.  He  will  go,  and  I  shall  be  happy.  You  have 
given  me  pain  by  your  account  of  the  complaints  against  the 
director.^     I  am  sorry,  very  sorry ! 

What  will  you  say,  if  I  should  turn  your  thoughts  from 
politics  to  philosophy  ?  What  do  you  think  of  Dr.  Franklin's 
theory  of  colds  ?  He  is  fixed  in  the  opinion  that  we  never  take 
cold  from  the  cold  air,  and  wants  the  experiments  of  Sanctorius 
tried  over  again.  Suppose  you  should  make  a  statical  chair, 
and  try  whether  perspiration  is  most  copious  in  a  warm  bed,  or 
stark  naked  in  the  open  air.  I  assure  you,  these  branches  of 
physics  come  within  the  circle  of  the  sciences  of  the  statesman; 
for  an  unlucky  cold,  which  I  have  been  much  subject  to  all  my 

'  Of  the  Hospitals.     The  allusion  is  to  Dr.  Shippen,and  to  the  difficulties  that 
took  place  between  him  and  Dr.  Morgan. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  509 

days,  may  stop  him  in  his  career,  and  dash  all  his  schemes ;  and 
it  is  a  poor  excuse  to  say  he  foresaw  and  provided  against  every 
event  but  his  own  sickness. 

My  partner,  whose  tender  health  and  numerous  family  will 
not  permit  her  to  make  me  as  happy  as  Mr.  Jay,  joins  with  me 
in  the  kindest  compliments  to  you  and  Mrs.  Rush.     Adieu ! 


TO    EDMUND    JENINGS. 

Amsterdam,  23  September,  1780. 

I  have  received  your  favor,  written  after  your  return  from 
Spa,  and  am  very  glad  you  had  so  pleasant  a  tour,  and  found 
so  agreeable  a  reception. 

I  find  that  my  friend  in  Philadelphia  reprinted  the  letters  on 
the  spirit  and  resources  of  Great  Britain,  after  which  they  were 
again  printed  in  Boston,  and  much  admired.  A  gentleman 
from  Boston  tells  me  he  heard  there  that  they  were  written  by 
one  ^Ir.  Jenings.  I  wish  his  countrymen  knew  more  than  they 
do  about  that  same  Mr.  Jenings. 
/  I  take  a  vast  satisfaction  in  the  general  approbation  of  the 
Massachusetts  Constitution.  If  the  people  are  as  wise  and 
honest  in  the  choice  of  their  rulers  as  they  have  been  in  framing 
a  government,  they  will  be  happy,  and  I  shall  die  content  with 
the  prospect  for  my  children,  who,  if  they  cannot  be  w^ell  under 
such  a  form  and  such  an  administration,  will  not  deserve  to  be 
at  all. 

I  wish  the  translation  might  appear  as  soon  as  possible, 
because  it  may  have  some  effects  here.^  It  certainly  will ;  for 
there  are  many  persons  here  attentive  to  such  things  in  English, 
whether  in  pamphlets  or  newspapers.  I  wish  it  was  published 
in  a  pamphlet,  and  I  could  get  a  dozen  of  them.  I  begin  to  be 
more  fond  of  propagating  things  in  English,  because  the  people, 
the  most  attentive  to  our  affairs,  read  English,  and  I  wish  to  in- 
crease the  curiosity  after  that  language  and  the  students  in  it. 
You  must  know  I  have  undertaken  to  prophesy  that  English 
will  be  the  most  respectable  language  in  the  world,  and   the 

^  A  translation  into  French  of  Governor  Pownall's  Memorial  to  the  Sovereigns 
of  Europe.     See  vol.  vii.  p.  248,  note. 

43* 


510  CORKESPONDENCE. 

most  universally  read  and  spoken,  in  the  next  century,  if  not 
before  the  close  of  this.  American  population  will  in  -the  next 
age  produce  a  greater  number  of  persons  who  will  speak  Eng- 
lish than  any  other  language,  and  these  persons  will  have  more 
general  acquaintance  and  conversation  with  all  other  nations 
than  any  other  people,  which  will  naturally  introduce  their  lan- 
guage everywhere,  as  the  general  medium  of  correspondence 
and  conversation  among  the  learned  of  all  nations,  and  among 
all  travellers  and  strangers,  as  Latin  was  in  the  last  century, 
and  French  has  been  in  this.  Let  us,  then,  encourage  and 
advise  every  body  to  study  English. 

I  have  written  to  Congress  a  serious  request,  that  they  would 
appoint  an  academy  for  refining,  correcting,  improving,  and  ascer- 
taining the  English  language.^  After  Congress  shall  have  done 
it,  perhaps  the  British  king  and  parliament  may  have  the  honor 
of  copying  the  example.  This  I  should  admire.  England  will 
never  have  any  more  honor,  excepting  now  and  then  that  of 
imitating  the  Americans. 

I  assure  you.  Sir,  I  am  not  altogether  in  jest.  I  see  a  general 
inclination  after  English  in  France,  Spain,  and  Holland,  and  it 
may  extend  throughout  Europe.  The  population  and  com- 
merce of  America  will  force  their  language  into  general  use. 


TO    JONATHAN    JACKSON. 

Amsterdam,  2  October,  1780. 

I  have  long  had  it  in  contemplation  to  pay  my  respects  to 
you,  but  a  wandering  life  and  various  avocations  have  hitherto 
prevented. 

I  am  very  happy  to  find  that  our  labors  in  convention  were 
not  in  vain.  The  Constitution,  as  finished  by  the  convention 
and  accepted  by  the  people,  is  publishing  in  all  the  public 
papers  of  Europe,  the  r&port  of  the  committee  having  been 
published  before.  Both  have  been  treated  with  much  respect 
both  in  Europe  and  in  the  other  States  of  America.  The  noble 
simplicity  of  your  address  to  the  people  is  much  admired.     The 

'  See  vol.  vii.  p.  249. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  511 

substitute  for  the  Governor's  negative  is  generally  thought  an 
amelioration,  and  I  must  confess  it  is  so  widely  guarded  that  it 
has  quite  reconciled  me. 

I  want  to  hear  of  the  elections.  If  these  are  made  with  as 
much  gravity,  sobriety,  wisdom,  and  integrity  as  were  discovered 
in  the  convention  and  among  the  people,  in  the  whole  course 
of  this  great  work,  posterity  will  be  happy  and  prosperous.  The 
first  citizen  will  be  one  of  two  whom  we  know.  Whichever  it 
may  be,  I  wish  him  support  and  success.  It  is  no  light  trust. 
However  ambitious  any  may  be  of  it,  whoever  obtains  this 
distinction,  if  he  does  his  duty,  will  find  it  a  heavy  burden. 
There  are,  however,  other  great  trusts.  The  Governor's  office 
will  be  rendered  more  or  less  useful,  according  to  the  characters 
that  compose  the  Senate  and  the  Council.  If  the  people  are 
as  prudent  in  the  choice  of  these  as  they  were  in  the  choice  of 
the  convention,  let  the  Governor  be  almost  what  he  will,  he  will 
not  be  able  to  do  much  harm ;  he  will  be  necessitated  to  do 
right. 

There  is  nothing  which  I  dread  so  much  as  a  division  of  the 
republic  into  two  great  parties,  each  arranged  under  its  leader, 
and  concerting  measures  in  opposition  to  each  other.  This,  in 
my  humble  apprehension,  is  to  be  dreaded  as  the  greatest  poli- 
tical evil  under  our  Constitution.  We  cannot  have  a  bad 
Governor  at  present.  We  may  not  possibly  have  the  best  that 
might  be  found,  but  we  shall  have  a  good  one ;  one  who  means 
to  do  no  evil  to  his  country,  but  as  much  good  as  he  can. 

The  convention  I  shall  ever  recollect  with  veneration.  Among 
other  things,  for  bringing  me  acquainted  with  several  characters 
that  I  knew  little  of  before,  of  which  number  Mr.  Jackson  is  one. 
I  shall  be  much  honored,  Sir,  if  you  would  be  so  good  as  to 
write  me  the  state  of  things.  There  are  more  opportunities 
from  your  port  to  Spain  and  Holland,  I  think,  than  from  any 
other. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 


The  Hague,  17  June,  1782. 
Broken  to  pieces  and  worn  out  with  the  diseases  engendered 
by  the  tainted  atmosphere  of  Amsterdam  operating  upon  the 


512  CORRESPONDENCE. 

effects  of  fatiguing  journeys,  dangerous  voyages,  a  variety  of 
climates,  and  eternal  anxiety  of  mind,  I  have  not  been  able  to 
write  you  so  often  as  1  wished ;  but  now  I  hope  the  fine  season 
and  the  pure  air  of  the  Hague  will  restore  me.  Perhaps  you 
will  say  that  the  air  of  a  Court  is  as  putrid  as  that  of  Am- 
sterdam. In  a  moral  and  political  sense,  perhaps;  but  I  am 
determined  that  the  bad  morals  and  false  politics  of  other  people 
shall  no  longer  affect  my  repose  of  mind  nor  disturb  my  physi- 
cal constitution.  What  is  it  to  me,  after  having  done  all  I  can 
to  set  them  right,  whether  other  people  go  to  heaven  or  to  the 
devil  ?  I  may  howl  and  weep,  but  this  will  have  no  effect.  I 
may  then  just  as  well  sing  and  laugh. 

Pray,  how  do  you  like  your  new  allies  the  Dutch  ?  Does 
your  imagination  rove  into  futurity,  and  speculate  and  combine 
as  it  used  to  do  ?  It  is  a  pretty  amusement  to  play  a  game 
with  nations  as  if  they  were  fox  and  geese,  or  coins  upon  a 
checker-board,  or  the  personages  at  chess,  is  it  not?  It  is,  how- 
ever, the  real  employment  of  a  statesman  to  play  such  a  game 
sometimes ;  a  sublime  one,  truly ;  enough  to  make  a  man 
serious,  however  addicted  to  sport.  Politics  are  the  divine 
science,  after  all.  How  is  it  possible  that  any  man  should  ever 
think  of  making  it  subservient  to  his  own  little  passions  and 
mean  private  interests  ?  Ye  baseborn  sons  of  fallen  Adam, 
is  the  end  of  politics  a  fortune,  a  family,  a  gilded  coach,  a  train 
of  horses,  and  a  troop  of  livery  servants,  balls  at  Court,  splendid 
dinners  and  suppers?  Yet  the  divine  science  of  politics  is  at 
length  in  Europe  reduced  to  a  mechanical  system  composed  of 
these  materials.     What  says  the  muse,  Mrs.  Warren  ? 

What  is  to  become  of  an  independent  statesman,  one  who 
will  bow  the  knee  to  no  idol,  who  will  worship  nothing  as  a 
divinity  but  truth,  virtue,  and  his  country?  I  will  tell  you;  he 
will  be  regarded  more  by  posterity  than  those  who  worship 
hounds  and  horses ;  and  although  he  will  not  make  his  own 
fortune,  he  will  make  the  fortune  of  his  country.  The  liberties 
of  Corsica,  Sweden,  and  Geneva  may  be  overturned,  but  neither 
his  character  can  be  hurt,  nor  his  exertions  rendered  ineffectual. 
Oh  peace!  when  wilt  thou  permit  me  to  visit  Penns-hill,  Milton- 
hill,  and  all  the  blue  hills  ?  I  love  every  tree  and  every  rock 
upon  all  those  mountains.  Roving  among  these,  and  the  quails, 
partridges,  squirrels,  &c.,  that  inhabit  them,  shall  be  the  amuse- 


CORRESPONDENCE.  513 

ment  of  my  declining  years.  God  willing,  I  will  nof  go  to 
Vermont.!     I  must  be  within  the  scent  of  the  sea. 

I  hope  to  send  along  a  treaty  in  two  or  three  months.  I  love 
the  Dutchmen  with  all  their  faults.  There  is  a  strong  spirit  of 
liberty  among  them,  and  many  excellent  qualities.  Next  year 
their  navy  will  be  so  strong  as  to  be  able  to  do  a  great  deal. 
They  may  do  something  this. 

I  am  going  to  Court  to  sup  with  princes,  princesses,  and 
ambassadors.  I  had  rather  sup  with  you  at  one  of  our  hills, 
though  I  have  no  objection  to  supping  at  Court.     Adieu ! 


TO    JAMES    AVARREN. 

The  Hague,  6  September,  1782. 

Dear  Sir, —  I  thank  you  for  the  papers  and  your  card  of 
July  22d.  The  letters  inclosed  I  shall  send  along.  My  friends 
have  all  become  as  tender  of  me  as  you  are,  and,  to  save  me 
trouble,  send  me  no  letters,  so  I  know  nothing  about  you.  I 
hope  you  have  not  been  all  sick,  as  I  have  been.  I  hope  you 
have  not  all  quite  so  much  business  as  I  have  to  do.  At  least, 
I  hope  it  is  to  better  effect,  and  to  more  profit  both  public  and 
private.  To  negotiate  a  loan  of  money,  to  sign  the  obligations 
for  it,  to  make  a  thousand  visits,  some  idle,  some  not  idle,  all 
necessary,  to  write  treaties  in  English,  and  be  obliged  to  have 
them  translated  into  French  and  Dutch,  and  to  reason  and 
discuss  every  article  to  —  to  —  to  —  to  —  to  —  &c.,  &c.,  &c.,  is 
too  much  for  my  patience  and  strength.  My  correspondence 
with  Congress  and  their  ministers  in  Europe  is  a  great  deal  of 
work ;  in  short,  I  am  weary,  and  nobody  pities  me.  Nobody 
seems  to  know  any  thing  about  me.  Nobody  knows  that  I  do 
any  thing  or  have  any  thing  to  do.  One  thing,  thank  God,  is 
certain.  I  have  planted  the  American  standard  at  the  Hague. 
There  let  it  wave  and  fly  in  triumph  over  Sir  Joseph  Yorke  and 
British  pride.  I  shall  look  down  upon  the  flagstaff  with  plea- 
sure from  the  other  world. 


1  Mrs.  Adams  during  his  absence  had  purchased  wild  lands  in  Vermont,  and 

G2 


had  suggested  a  removal  at  some  future  time. 


514  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Not  the  declaration  of  American  independence,  not  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Constitution,  not  the  alliance  with  France,  ever  gave 
me  more  satisfaction  or  more  pleasing  prospects  for  our  country 
than  this  event.  It  is  a  pledge  against  friends  and  enemies.  It 
is  an  eternal  barrier  against  all  dangers  from  the  house  of 
Bourbon  as  well  as  a  present  security  against  England.  Per- 
haps every  imagination  does  not  rove  into  futurity  as  much  as 
mine,  nor  care  so  much  about  it. 


TO    JONATHAN    JACKSON. 

Paris,  17  November,  1782. 

SiRj — Upon  my  arrival  here,  I  found  Mr.  Jay  in  very  deli- 
cate health,  in  the  midst  of  great  affairs,  and  without  a  clerk. 
He  told  me  he  had  scarcely  strength  to  draw  up  a  state  of 
the  negotiation  hitherto,  but  that  he  must  do  it  for  Congress. 
I  offered  him  the  assistance  that  Mr.  Thaxter  could  afford  him 
in  copying,  which  he  accepted. 

Mr.  Jay,  as  well  as  Dr.  Franklin  and  myself,  are  exceedingly 
embarrassed  by  some  of  our  instructions.  The  other  gentlemen 
will  speak  for  themselves. 

No  man  has  a  higher  sense  than  I  have  of  the  obligation  of 
instructions  given  by  the  principal  to  a  deputy.  It  is  a  point 
of  duty  to  observe  them.  A  French  minister  has  only  to  ascend 
a  pair  of  stairs  to  propose  a  doubt,  to  offer  reasons,  to  lay  open 
facts  for  the  advice  or  the  orders  of  his  master  and  his  councils ; 
a  Spanish,  Dutch,  or  English  ambassador  has  only  to  send  a 
courier,  and  receive  an  answer  in  a  few  days.  But  we  are  at  a 
vast  distance.  Despatches  are  opened,  vessels  are  taken,  and 
the  difficulties  of  communication  are  innumerable.  Facts, 
unknown  when  instructions  were  given,  turn  up ;  whole  systems 
of  policy  appear  in  a  striking  light,  which  were  not  suspected. 
Yet  the  time  presses,  all  Europe  waits,  and  we  must  act.  In 
such  a  case,  I  know  of  no  other  rule  than  to  construe  instruc- 
tions, as  we  do  all  other  precepts  and  maxims,  by  such  limita- 
tions, restrictions,  and  exceptions,  as  reason,  necessity,  and  the 
nature  of  things  point  out. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  515 

When  I  speak  of  this  Court,  I  know  not  that  any  other 
minister  is  included  but  that  of  foreign  affairs.  A  whole  system 
of  policy  is  now  as  glaring  as  the  day,  which,  perhaps,  Congress 
and  the  people  of  America  have  little  suspicion  of.  The  evi- 
dence now  results  from  a  large  view  of  all  our  European  nego- 
tiations. The  same  principle  and  the  same  system  has  been 
uniformly  pursued  from  the  beginning  of  my  knowledge  of  our 
affairs  in  Europe,  in  April,  1778,  to  this  hour;  it  has  been  pur- 
sued in  France,  in  Spain,  in  Holland,  in  Russia,  and  even  in 
England.  In  substance  it  has  been  this  ;  in  assistance  afforded 
us  in  naval  force  and  in  money,  to  keep  us  from  succumbing, 
and  nothing  more ;  to  prevent  us  from  ridding  ourselves  wholly 
of  our  enemies;  to  prevent  us  from  growing  powerful  or  rich  ;  to 
prevent  us  from  obtaining  acknowledgments  of  our  independ- 
ence by  other  foreign  powers,  and  to  prevent  us  from  obtaining 
consideration  in  Europe,  or  any  advantage  in  the  peace  but 
what  is  expressly  stipulated  in  the  treaty  ;  to  deprive  us  of  the 
grand  fishery,  the  Mississippi  River,  the  western  lands,  and  to 
saddle  us  with  the  tories.  To  this  end,  by  all  I  have  learned 
of  Mr.  Dana's  negotiations  in  Russia,  Mr.  Jay's  in  Spain,  and 
my  own  in  Holland,  it  is  evident  to  me  that  the  Comte  de 
Montmorin,  the  Marquis  do  Verac,  and  the  Duke  de  la  Vau- 
guyon,  have  been  governed  by  the  same  instructions ;  to  wit, 
instead  of  favoring,  to  prevent,  if  possible,  our  success.  In 
Holland,  I  can  speak  with  knowledge,  and  I  declare  that  he  did 
every  thing  in  his  power  to  prevent  me,  and  that  1  verily  believe 
he  had  instructions  so  to  do,  perhaps  only  from  the  minister, 
until  I  had  declared  to  him,  that  no  advice  of  his,  or  the  Comte 
de  Vergennes,  nor  even  a  requisition  from  the  king  should 
restrain  me ;  and,  when  he  found  that  I  was  a  man  not  to  be 
managed,  that  I  was  determined,  and  was  as  good  as  my  word, 
and,  further,  thought  I  should  succeed,  he  fell  in  with  me, 
in  order  to  give  the  air  of  French  influence  to  measures  that 
French  influence  never  could  have  accomplished,  and  which, 
he  thought,  would  be  carried,  even  if  he  opposed  them.  This 
instance  is  the  stronger,  as  the  Duke  is  an  excellent  character, 
and  the  man  I  wish  to  meet  everywhere  in  the  affairs  of  France 
and  America. 

I  must  go  further,  and  say  that  the  least  appearance  of  an 
independent  spirit  in  any  American  minister  has  been  uniformly 


516  CORRESPONDENCE. 

cause  enough  to  have  his  character  attacked.  Luckily,  Mr. 
Deane  out  of  the  question,  every  American  minister  in  Europe, 
except  Dr.  Franklin,  has  discovered  a  judgment,  a  conscience, 
and  a  resolution  of  his  own,  and,  of  consequence,  every  minister 
that  has  ever  come,  has  been  frowned  upon.  On  the  contrary, 
Dr.  Franklin,  who  has  been  pliant  and  submissive  in  every 
thing,  has  been  constantly  cried  up  to  the  stars,  without  doing 
any  thing  to  deserve  it. 

These  facts  may  alarm  Congress  more  than  they  ought.  There 
is  nothing  to  fear  but  the  want  of  firmness  in  Congress.  French 
policy  is  so  subtle,  penetrating,  and  enervating  a  thing,  that  the 
only  way  to  oppose  it,  is  to  be  steady,  patient,  and  determined. 
Poland  and  Sweden,  as  well  as  Corsica  and  Geneva,  exhibit 
horrid  effects  of  this  policy,  because  it  was  yielded  to ;  whereas 
Switzerland,  who  never  was  afraid  of  France,  and  was  always 
firm,  has  found  her  an  excellent  ally  for  one  hundred  and  fifty 
years.  If  we  are  steadily  supported  by  Congress,  we  will  go 
clearly  to  the  windward  of  them;  but  if  Congress  wavers  and 
gives  way,  the  United  States  will  receive  a  blow  that  they  will 
not  recover  in  fifty  years. 

The  affair  of  the  refugees,  I  think,  will  divide  us  from  the 
English  at  present,  and  precisely  because  the  English  are  en- 
couraged to  insist  upon  a  compensation  by  this  Court;  if  it 
depended  on  my  vote,  I  would  cut  this  knot  at  once.  I  would 
compensate  the  wretches,  how  little  soever  they  deserve  it,  nay, 
how  much  soever  they  deserve  the  contrary.  I  foresee  we  shall 
be  prevented  by  it  from  agreeing  with  Britain  now,  and  be  in- 
trigued into  the  measure  at  last,  and  that  by  this  Court. 

We  have  nothing  to  fear  from  this  Court  but  in  the  particu- 
lars above  mentioned.  The  alliance  is  too  necessary  to  them, 
we  are  too  essential  to  them,  for  them  to  violate  the  treaties,  or 
finally  disgust  and  alienate  us.  But  they  have  not  known,  any 
more  than  England,  the  men  with  whom  they  have  to  do.  A 
man  and  his  office  were  never  better  united  than  Mr.  Jay  and 
the  commission  for  peace.  Had  he  been  detained  in  Madrid,  as 
I  was  in  Holland,  and  all  left  to  Franklin,  as  was  wished,  all 
would  have  been  lost.  If  he  is  not  supported  in  Congress,  we 
will  both  come  home  together,  and  see  if  we  cannot  have  better 
luck  by  word  of  mouth  than  we  have  had  by  letter,  to  convince 
our  countrymen.       The  thanks   of  Congress  ought,   in   sound 


CORRESPONDENCE.  517 

policy  and  in  perfect  justice,  to  be  given  to  Mr.  Jay  for  his  able 
and  faithful  execution  of  his  trust  both  in  Spain  and  for  peace. 

When  we  see  the  French  intriguing  with  the  English  against 
us,  we  have  no  way  to  oppose  it  but  by  reasoning  with  the 
English  to  show  that  they  are  intended  to  be  the  dupes.  In- 
closed are  a  few  broken  minutes  of  conversations,  which  were 
much  more  extended  and  particular  than  they  appear  upon 
paper.     I  submit  them  to  your  discretion.^ 

I  am  amazed  to  see  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and 
Delaware,  where  I  find  them  sometimes,  in  the  yeas  and  nays. 
Those  gentlemen  and  their  States  mean  well,  but  are  deceived. 


TO    ARTHUR    LEE. 

Paris,  12  April,  1783. 

Congress  forced  us  into  a  situation,  which  obliged  us  to  ven- 
ture upon  a  piece  of  indiscipline,  in  order  to  secure  a  tolerable 
peace,  so  that  you  may  well  suppose  we  are  anxious  to  know 
how  it  is  received  among  you,  and  what  is  to  be  our  fate ; 
whether  we  are  to  be  approved,  excused,  justified,  or  censured. 
The  most  curious  and  inexplicable  part  of  the  history  is  Frank- 
lin's joining  in  the  mutiny.  You  who  know  him  will  not  be 
at  a  loss  to  account  for  it.  In  truth,  the  necessity  was  too 
obvious  and  glaring,  and  the  cod,  and  bucks,  and  beavers  were 
animals  too  dearly  beloved  in  our  country  for  a  man  to  take 
upon  himself  to  be  responsible  for  the  loss  of  them. 

We  have  had  a  very  dull  pause  since  the  peace.  No  news 
from  America,  and  a  stagnation  in  England,  which  has  left  us 
in  a  painful  state  of  uncertainty.  Now,  indeed,  the  ministry  is 
arranged  for  a  little  while,  and  Mr.  Hartley  is  expected  over  to 
finish  the  negotiation.  You  know  him  ;  he  is  talkative  and  dis- 
putatious, and  not  always  intelligible,  so  that  I  expect  we  shall 
be  longer  about  the  business  than  is  necessary. 

I  am  not  able  to  conceive  how  a  ministry,  composed  of  parts 
so  heterogeneous,  can  go  on  with  business.  It  cannot  be  ex- 
pected to  be  solid  and  durable.  Mr.  Fox  professes  to  mean  to 
finish  soon  and  liberally ;  but  I  know  not  what  opposition  and 

1  This  alludes  to  the  extracts  from  the  Diary.     See  vol.  iii.  p.  349,  note. 

VOL.  IX.  44 


518  CORRESPONDENCE. 

contradiction  he  may  meet  in  the  cabinet.  I  confess  I  do  not 
like  the  change  at  all.  Shelburne  and  his  set  would  have  gone 
through  well.  Mr.  Laurens,  who  is  in  London,  seems  pleased 
with  the  change,  at  least  he  was  with  the  prospect  a  few  days 
before  it  took  place,  and  he  seems  to  think  that  the  tories  are 
not  so  much  regarded  as  we  feared. 

Shelburne  did  the  best  thing  of  his  whole  life  when  he 
made  peace,  and  the  vote  against  him  does  no  honor  to  his 
opponents.  The  peace  is  really  much  better  for  England  than 
she  had  a  right  to  expect,  and  the  continuance  of  the  war  would 
have  been  ruin.  This  the  present  set  are  sensible  of,  but  truth 
is  a  small  sacrifice  to  faction.  The  vote  of  dissatisfaction  with 
the  peace  is  a  disagreeable  event,  and  one  knows  not  what 
effects  it  may  have.  I  do  not  believe  it  could  ever  have  been 
carried,  if 'a  treaty  of  commerce  had  been  signed  on  the  30th  of 
November.  Why  the  commission  for  making  such  a  treaty 
was  revoked  without  issuing  another,  you  must  ask  Mr.  Mar- 
bois.  I  know  not.  I  think,  however,  you  cannot  too  soon  send 
a  minister  to  London  to  arrange  finally  a  system  of  commerce, 
and  to  watch  over  all  your  interests  in  that  country.  French 
politics  are  now  incessantly  at  work  in  England,  and  we  may 
depend  upon  it  they  labor  less  for  our  good  than  their  own.  If 
our  interests  were  the  same  with  theirs,  we  might  better  trust 
them ;  yet  not  entirely,  for  they  do  not  understand  their  own 
interests  so  well  as  we  do  ours. 

Congress  will  never  adopt  a  right  system  of  foreign  affairs 
until  they  consider  their  interests  as  distinct,  and  keep  them 
separate,  from  those  of  all  other  nations.  One  essential  part  of 
the  business  and  duty  of  their  ministers  is  to  watch  French  poli- 
ticians as  well  as  English,  to  cooperate  with  them  where  they 
coincide  with  our  system,  and  to  counteract  them  where  they 
interfere  with  it.  At  least,  this  has  ever  been  my  opinion.  It 
was  so  when  I  was  in  Congress  in  1775,  1776,  and  1777,  and 
every  day's  experience  in  Europe,  in  every  country,  in  every 
department,  has  afforded  something  in  confirmation  of  it.  I 
have  acted  in  conformity  to  it,  at  every  risk,  and,  considering 
the  furious  wrath  it  has  occasioned,  and  the  violent  efforts  to 
demolish  me,  with  wonderful  success.  But  the  success  would 
have  been  much  more  complete,  if  Congress  had  adhered  to  the 
system  as  steadily  as  I  did. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  519 


SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Boston,  4  November,  1783. 

Colonel  John  Trumbull,  the  son  of  the  worthy  Governor  of 
Connecticut,  is  the  bearer  of  this  letter.  I  give  the  Governor 
this  epithet,  because  I  think  his  faithful  services  to  our  country 
entitle  him  to  it.  Yet  even  he  has  undergone  the  suspicions 
of  some,  unsupported  by  any  solid  reasons  that  I  have  heard  of. 
We  live  in  an  age  of  jealousy,  and  it  is  well  enough.  I  was 
led  to  believe  in  early  life  that  jealousy  is  a  political  virtue.  It 
has  long  been  an  aphorism  with  me,  that  it  is  one  of  the  greatest 
securities  of  public  liberty.  Let  the  people  keep  a  watchful  eye 
over  the  conduct  of  their  rulers,  for  we  are  told  that  great  men 
are  not  at  all  times  wise.  It  would  be  indeed  a  wonder,  if  in 
any  age  or  country  they  were  always  honest.  There  are,  how- 
ever, some  men  among  us,  who,  under  the  guise  of  watchful 
patriots,  are  finding  fault  with  every  public  measure,  with  a 
design  to  destroy  that  just  confidence  in  government,  which  is 
necessary  for  the  support  of  those  liberties,  which  we  have  so 
dearly  purchased.  Many  of  your  countrymen,  besides  myself, 
feel  very  grateful  to  you,  and  those  of  our  negotiators  who 
joined  you,  in  preventing  the  tory  refugees  from  being  obtruded 
upon  us.  These  would  certainly  have  increased  the  number  of 
such  kind  oi  patriots  as  I  have  mentioned,  and,  besides,  their  re- 
turn would  have  been  attended  with  other  mischievous  effects. 
Mutual  hatred  and  revenge  would  have  occasioned  perpetual 
quarrels  between  them  and  the  people,  and  perhaps  frequent 
bloodshed.  Some  of  them,  by  art  and  address,  might  gradually 
recover  a  character,  and,  in  time,  an  influence,  and  so  become 
the  fittest  instruments  in  forming  factions  either  for  one  foreign 
nation  or  another.  We  may  be  in  danger  of  such  factions,  and 
should  prudently  expect  them.  One  might  venture  to  predict 
that  they  will,  sooner  or  later,  happen.  We  should  therefore 
guard  against  the  evil  effects  of  them.  I  deprecate  the  most 
favored  nation  predominating  in  the  councils  of  America,  for  I 
do  not  believe  there  is  a  nation  on  earth  that  wishes  we  should 
be  more  free  or  more  powerful  than  is  consistent  with  their 
ideas  of  their  own  interest.  Such  a  disinterested  spirit  is  not 
to  be  found  in  national  bodies;  the  world  would  be  more  happy 


520  CORRESPONDENCE. 

if  it  prevailed  more  in  individual  persons.  I  will  say  it  for  my 
countrymen,  they  are,  or  seem  to  be,  very  grateful.  All  are 
ready  freely  to  acknowledge  our  obligations  to  France,  for  the 
part  she  took  in  our  late  contest.  There  are  a  few  who  con- 
sider the  advantage  derived  to  her  by  a  total  separation  of  Bri- 
tain and  the  colonies,  which  so  sagacious  a  court  doubtless 
foresaw  and  probably  never  lost  sight  of.  This  advantage  was 
so  glaring,  in  the  first  stages  of  our  controversy,  that  those  who 
then  ran  the  risk  of  exciting  even  an  appeal  to  Heaven  rather 
than  a  submission  to  British  tyranny,  were  well  persuaded  that 
the  prospect  of  such  a  separation  would  induce  France  to  inter- 
pose, and  do  more  than  she  has  done,  if  necessary.  America, 
with  the  assistance  of  her  faithful  ally,  has  secured  and  esta- 
blished her  liberty  and  independence.  God  be  praised!  And 
some  would  think  it  too  bold  to  assert  that  France  has  thereby 
saved  the  being  of  her  great  importance.  But  if  it  be  true,  why 
may  we  not  assert  it?  A  punctual  fulfilment  of  engagements 
solemnly  entered  into  by  treaty,  is  the  justice,  the  honor,  and 
policy  of  nations.  If  we,  ivho  have  contracted  debts,  were  in- 
fluenced only  by  motives  of  sound  policy,  we  should  pay  them 
as  soon  as  possible,  and  provide  sure  and  adequate  funds  for  the 
payment  of  interest  in  the  mean  time.  When  we  have  done 
this,  we  shall  have  the  sense  of  independence  impressed  on  our 
minds,  no  longer  feeling  that  state  of  inferiority  which  a  wise 
king  tells  us  the  borrower  stands  in  to  the  lender. 

Your  negotiation  with  Holland,  as  "my  old  friend"  observed, 
is  all  your  own.  The  faithful  historian  will  do  justice  to  your 
merits,  perhaps  not  till  you  are  dead.  I  would  have  you  recon- 
cile yourself  to  this  thought.  While  you  live,  you  will  probably 
be  the  object  of  envy.  The  leading  characters  in  this  great 
revolution  will  not  be  fairly  marked  in  the  present  age.  It  will 
be  well  if  the  leading  principles  are  remembered  long.  You,  I 
am  sure,  have  not  the  vanity  which  Cicero  betrayed,  when  he 
even  urged  his  friend  Licinius  to  publish  the  history  of  the 
detection  of  Catiline  in  his  lifetime,  that  he  might  enjoy  it.  I 
am  far  from  thinking  that  part  of  history  redounds  so  much  to 
the  honor  of  the  Roman  consul,  as  the  treaty  of  Holland  does 
to  its  American  negotiator. 

December  Ath.     I  intended  to  have  committed  the  care  of  the 


CORRESPONDENCE.  521 

foregoing  letter  to  Mr.  Trumbull ;  but  when  he  called  on  me  I 
was  confined  to  my  chamber  by  severe  bodily  indisposition,  un- 
able \o  attend  even  to  the  lightest  business.  I  am  still  kept  at 
home,  but  hope  soon  to  be  abroad.  Mr.  Jonathan  Jackson  will 
deliver  this  to  you,  if  he  meets  you  in  London ;  otherwise  he 
will  convey  it  by  some  safe  hand.  When  I  shall  be  certain  of 
your  being  appointed  for  London,  I  will  write  to  you  as  often 
as  I  can.  May  Heaven  bless  you,  my  friend,  as  I  am  affection- 
ately yours, 

S.  Adams. 


ELBRIDGE  GERRY  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Anuapolis,  14  January,  1784. 

The  definitive  treaty  is  this  day  ratified  by  Congress,  and  I 
have  but  a  few  moments,  by  Colonel  Harmar,  who  is  charged 
with  the  delivery  thereof,  to  inform  you  that  Mr.  Dana  is  arrived 
and  requested  to  attend  Congress.  I  have  suggested  to  some 
of  my  friends  the  good  policy  of  appointing  him  to  a  seat  in 
Congress,  and  to  him  the  advantages  to  be  at  this  time  expected 
from  the  measure ;  and  I  flatter  myself  it  will  be  adopted. 

The  despatches  by  Mr.  Thaxter  have  been  committed,  and  a 
report  is  made  for  authorizing  yourself,  Dr.  Franklin,  and  Mr. 
Jay  to  negotiate  treaties  with  every  power  mentioned  in  your 
letter.  The  general  principles  of  the  treaties  are  stated  in  the 
report,  conformable  to  which  you  are  to  be  authorized  to  enter 
into  them,  without  first  reporting  to  Congress,  as  was  proposed 
by  the  resolution  of  October  last,  passed  at  Princeton.  Those 
proceedings  appeared  to  me  calculated  to  defeat  every  treaty, 
and  confine  our  commerce  to  France  and  Holland ;  for  after  you 
had  formed  the  projects,  as  they  are  called,  and  sent  them  to 
America,  projects  of  another  nature  would  have  been  contrived 
here  to  have  made  alterations,  which  would  have  in  effect  ren- 
dered null  your  proceedings.  I  hope  the  report  will  pass  as  it 
now  stands,  and  that  you  will  be  expeditious  in  the  business. 

I  observe  by  your  letters  that,  according  to  your  orders^  you 
have  reported  your  conferences  to  the  secretary  of  foreign  affairs. 
Your  information  is  useful,  exceedingly  so;  but  as  the  other 
commissioners  have  not  adopted  the  same  mode,  I  suspect  they 

44* 


522  CORKESPONDENCE. 

» 

have  not  received  similar  instructions,  and  that  the  original  plan 
on  this  side  was  to  discover  to  the  other  your  communications, 
to  prevent  or  destroy  the  confidence  you  have  there  established, 
and  to  make  this  appear  as  an  unfortunate  accident,  which 
nevertheless  ought  to  be  attended  with  your  recall.  Be  this  as 
it  may,  I  think  the  interest  of  yourself  and  Mr.  Jay  is,  at  this 
time,  well  supported  in  Congress.  I  have  not  time  to  revise, 
much  less  to  correct,  and  therefore  must  bid  you  adieu,  after 
requesting  my  best  respects  to  Mr.  Jay,  his  lady,  and  Mr.  Car- 
michael,  if  in  Paris.  Your  family  was  in  health  by  the  last 
letters  from  home ;  but  Dr.  Cooper  was  given  over  by  his  phy- 
sicians. Be  assured,  my  dear  Sir,  I  am  on  every  occasion 
yours  sincerely, 

E.   Gerry. 

I  shall  propose  to  Congress  a  resolution  for  approving,  in 
proper  and  honorable  terms,  the  negotiations  of  their  plenipoes 
who  negotiated  the  peace,  but  cannot  say  whether  the  mea- 
sure will  be  successful. 


TO    A.    M.    CERISIER. 


The  Hague,  22  February,  1784./ 

I  thank  you  for  your  favor  of  the  21st,  and  for  the  communi- 
cation of  the  letter  from  my  friend  the  Abbe  de  Mably.^  I  am 
very  sensible  of  his  partiality  for  a  man  who,  he  thinks,  has 
contributed,  from  virtuous  principles,  to  a  great  event.  His 
approbation  is  the  more  precious  to  me,  as  I  know  his  principles 
to  be  pure,  and  his  spirit  independent.  You  may  be  sure  my 
advice  to  you  will  be,  to  write  your  preface,  because  I  love  to 
read  your  compositions  always,  for  the  same  reason.  But  take 
care  to  caution  your  reader  against  an  implicit  adoption  of  the 
sentiments  of  any  writer,  how  great  soever  his  name  may  be,  or 
how  justly  soever  his  writings  in  general  may  be  esteemed.  It 
is  with   great  pleasure  that  I  see  the  pens  of  a  De  Mably,  a 

'  The  Abb6  de  Mably  had  pubhshed  his  Observations  upon  the  Government  and 
Laws  of  the  United  States,  in  the  form  of  letters  addressed  to  Mr.  Adams.  Of 
this  work  a  translation  in  Dutch  was  about  to  appear  in  Holland,  with  a  preface 
by  M.  Cerisler. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  523 

Raynal,  a  Cerisier,  a  Price,  turned  to  the  subject  of  government. 
I  wish  the  thoughts  of  all  academies  in  Europe  engaged  on  the 
same  theme,  because  I  really  think  that  the  science  of  society  is 
much  behind  other  arts  and  sciences,  trades  and  manufactures, — 
that  the  noblest  of  all  knowledge  is  the  least  general,  and  that 
a  general  spirit  of  inquiry  would  produce  ameliorations  in  the 
administrations  of  every  government  in  every  form.  I  have 
read  with  pleasure  the  dissertation  of  the  Baron  de  Hertzberg 
in  the  academy  of  Berlin  on  the  29th  of  last  month,  not  because 
I  am  of  his  opinion,  but  because  the  example  of  a  minister  of 
State  and  an  academician  will  probably  be  followed. 

Mr.  Van  den  Corput's  observation  upon  the  plan  of  a  loan 
seems  to  merit  attention ;  but  I  must  lep,ve  it  to  the  three 
houses,  in  whose  experience  and  judgment  I  confide. 

I  return  you  your  friend's  letter,  and  hope  soon  to  sec  his 
book. 


TO    CHARLES    SPENER. 


The  Hague,  24  March,  1 784. 

I  have  received  the  almanac  you  were  pleased  to  send  me, 
and  I  beg  of  you  to  accept  of  my  thanks  for  it.  I  beg  your 
acceptance  also  of  a  couple  of  medals  which  the  Baron  de  Thule- 
meier  has  been  so  good  as  to  convey  for  me  to  you.  These 
medals  were  not  struck  by  any  public  authority.  They  are 
the  invention  and  execution  of  the  medallist  Holtzhey,  of  Am- 
sterdam, solely.  Another  has  been  struck  by  the  society,  Liberty 
and  Zeal,  in  Friesland,  but  I  have  it  not. 

You  ask  my  opinion  of  some  things  you  have  in  contempla- 
tion for  next  year,  and  you  shall  have  it  with  candor  and  sin- 
cerity. General  Washington  never  was,  and  unless  my  coun- 
trymen run  generally  mad,  never  will  be  summoned  by  Congress 
to  become  the  legislator  of  America.  The  legislation  of  Ame- 
rica has  been  long  since  complete,  but  if  it  were  not,  she  has 
hundreds  of  citizens  better  qualified  than  any  officer  of  her 
army  to  be  her  legislators. 

No  town  has  been,  and  perhaps  none  will  be,  surveyed  for  the 


524  CORRESPONDENCE. 

meeting  of  Congress.^  The  portrait  of  Mr.  Hancock  has  some 
resemblance  in  the  dress  and  figure,  but  none  at  all  in  the 
countenance.  I  have  not  Mr.  Paine's  portrait.  I  am  sorry  you 
have  any  marks  of  an  order  of  Cincinnatus,  which  is  the  first 
step  taken  to  deface  the  beauty  of  our  temple  of  liberty. 

We  have  had  three  grand  objects  in  view,  in  all  our  political 
transactions.  1.  Political  and  civil  liberty.  2.  Liberty  of  com- 
merce. 3.  Religious  liberty.  Whatever  tends  to  illustrate  these 
would  be  proper  for  your  use.  These  are  our  real  glory.  But 
perhaps  it  might  contribute  more  to  the  sale  of  your  almanac  to 
insert  some  things  which  arise  more  from  our  vanity  and  folly. 

My  poor  head  is  scarcely  worth  preserving  even  in  an  almanac; 
but  as  you  request  it,  if  I  can  conveniently  get  it  done,  you  may 
perhaps  have  it  before  the  year  comes  about. 


TO    JAMES    WARREN. 

Auteuil,  27  August,  1784. 

I  received  yours  of  the  29th  of  June  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  whose 
appointment  gives  me  great  pleasure.  He  is  an  old  friend,  with 
whom  I  have  often  had  occasion  to  labor  at  many  a  knotty 
problem,  and  in  whose  abilities  and  steadiness  I  always  found 
great  cause  to  confide.  The  appointment  of  this  gentleman, 
and  that  of  Mr.  Jay  and  Mr.  Dana,  are  excellent  symptoms. 

I  am  now  settled  with  my  family  at  a  village  called  Auteuil, 
which,  although  as  fine  a  situation  as  any  in  the  environs  of 
Paris,  is  famous  for  nothing  but  the  residence  of  the  French 
Swan  of  the  Seine,  Boileau,  whose  house  and  garden  are  a  few 
steps  from  mine.  The  house  and  garden  where  I  am,  are  a 
monument  of  the  youthful  folly  of  a  French  nobleman,  the 
Comte  de  Rouault,  who  built  it  at  a  vast  expense,  but  is  now 
very  glad  to  let  it  to  me  at  a  rent  sixteen  guineas  less  than  I 
gave  last  year  for  very  small  and  inconvenient  apartments  at  the 

1  Mr.  Spener  was  a  bookseller  at  Berlin,  -who  liad  proposed  to  'Mr.  Adams 
the  two  supposed  events  alluded  to,  as  the  leading  designs  for  his  next  alma- 
nac. 1,  General  Washington  summoned  by  Congress  to  be  the  legislator  of 
America.     2.  The  foundation,  by  a  survey,  of  a  town  for  the  meeting  of  Con- 


CORRESPONDENCE.  525 

Hotel  da  Roi  in  Paris.  In  house,  gardens,  stables,  and  situation 
I  think  myself  better  off  than  even  Dr.  Franklin,  although  my 
rent  is  lower.  These  hills  of  Auteuil,  Passy,  Chaillot,  Meudon, 
Bellevue,  St.  Cloud,  and  even  Mont  Martre  and  Mont  Calvaire, 
although  they  command  the  prospect  of  Paris  and  its  neighbor- 
hood, that  is,  of  every  thing  that  is  great,  rich  and  proud,  are  not 
in  my  eyes  to  be  compared  to  the  hills  of  Penn  and  Neponset, 
either  in  the  grandeur  or  the  beauty  of  the  prospects. 

Congress  have  mortified  me  a  little  by  cutting  off  one  fifth 
of  my  salary,  at  a  time  when  the  increase  of  my  family  rather 
required  an  increase  of  it.  The  consequence  of  it  must  be  that 
I  must  entertain  less  company,  whereas  the  interest  of  the 
United  States  requires  that  I  should  entertain  more.  There  is 
not  a  man  in  the  world  less  inclined  to  pomp  or  to  entertain- 
ments than  myself,  and  to  me  personally  it  is  a  relief  to  be 
excused  from  both.  But  if  I  know  any  thing  in  the  world,  I 
know  that  this  measure  is  not  for  the  public  good,  nor  a  mea- 
sure of  economy.  If  there  is  any  body  in  America  who  under- 
stands economy  better  than  the  Dutch  nation,  I  know  nothing 
of  either ;  and  their  policy  is  always,  upon  occasions  of  conse- 
quence, to  appoint  ambassadors,  and  even  ambassadors  extra- 
ordinary, as  they  did  at  the  late  peace,  my  friend  Brantzen,  with 
seventy-five  thousand  guilders  to  furnish  his  house  and  his  table, 
and  seventy-five  thousand  guilders  a  year  to  spend  in  it.  In 
short,  that  nation  which  places  its  own  ambassadors  at  the  tail 
of  the  whole  creation,  cannot  itself  expect  to  be  soon  at  the 
head.  If  this  policy  do  not  expose  our  country  to  a  million 
insults,  and  at  last  compel  her  by  war  and  bloodshed  to  consult 
better  her  own  honor,  I  am  much  mistaken.  How  are  we  to 
do?  We  are  to  negotiate  with  all  the  ambassadors  here,  that 
is,  we  are  to  be  invited  to  dine  to-morrow  at  a  table  with  three 
thousand  pounds  sterling  in  plate  upon  it,  and  next  day  we  are 
to  return  this  civility,  by  inviting  the  same  company  to  dine 
with  us  upon  earthen  ware  I  I  am  well  aware  of  the  motives 
to  this  conduct,  which  are  virtuous  and  laudable,  but  we  shall 
find  that  we  cannot  keep  up  our  reputation  in  Europe  by  such 
means,  where  there  is  no  idea  of  the  motives  and  principles  of 
it,  and  where  extreme  parsimony  is  not  economy.  We  have 
never  been  allowed  any  thing  to  furnish  our  houses  or  tables, 
and  my  double  capacities  have  obliged  me  to  fm-nish  myself, 


526  CORRESPONDENCE. 

both  in  Holland  and  France,  which,  besides  exposing  me  to  be 
unmercifully  robbed  and  plundered  in  my  absence,  has  pinched 
and  straitened  me  confoundedly.  However,  I  am  the  best  man 
in  the  world  to  bear  it,  and  so  be  it. 

My  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  Warren  and  the  family. 


TO    FRANCIS    DANA. 

Autcuil,  4  November,  1784. 

I  presume  this  will  meet  you  in  Congress,  where  no  doubt  it 
is  less  irksome  to  serve  than  heretofore,  but  not  yet  so  agree- 
able as  it  ought  to  be,  and  must  be  made.  The  States  will  find 
themselves  obliged  to  make  their  delegates  more  comfortable 
and  more  honorable,  if  they  do  not  see  a  necessity  of  giving 
more  power  to  that  Assembly.  Many  gentlemen  in  Europe 
think  the  powers  in  the  confederation  are  not  adequate.  The 
Abbe  de  Mably  and  Dr.  Price  have  taken  the  pains  to  publish 
their  advice.  They  may  be  right,  but  I  am  not  yet  of  their 
opinion.  But  most  certainly  the  resolutions  of  Congress  must 
have  weight,  and  the  members  should  be  the  best  men.  While 
the  principal  men  in  every  State  prefer  to  be  governors,  magis- 
trates, &c.,  at  home,  which  will  be  the  case  while  they  can  live 
with  their  families  in  more  honor  and  greater  ease,  it  cannot  be 
expected  that  the  decisions  of  Congress  will  have  the  weight 
which  they  had,  while  those  who  had  the  first  place  in  the  con- 
fidence of  the  people  composed  that  Assembly.  I  suppose  at 
present,  although  some  of  the  first  characters  are  in  Congress, 
the  members  in  general  have  less  influence  than  many  of  the 
magistrates  at  home. 

By  all  the  accounts  I  read  and  hear,  which  merit  attention, 
the  people  are  very  happy,  and  getting  fast  into  flourishing 
circumstances  in  their  agriculture,  commerce,  and  fisheries. 
May  God  prosper  them  in  all!  I  enjoy  at  this  humble  distance 
their  felicity,  but  I  wish  they  would  enable  me  to  do  them  a 
little  more  honor  by  my  manner  of  living.  I  consider  this,  how- 
ever, as  their  affair,  and  do  not  distress  myself  much  about  it. 
I  shall  see  at  the  end  of  the  year  how  much  I  am  in  debt,  and 


CORRESPONDENCE.  527 

if  I  find  myself  deeper  than  I  expect,  I  must  run  away.  I  can- 
not well  be  worse  anywhere.  You  know  we  must  live  altogether 
out  of  character,  and  avoid  all  company,  especially  all  great 
company,  which  we  ought  to  be  able  to  see  and  entertain,  in 
return  for  the  civilities  we  cannot  refuse  from  them. 

You  have  given  me  an  excellent  colleague  and  a  good  friend 
in  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  the  Doctor  is  very  gracious,  never  so  much 
so  since  he  was  born,  at  least  since  I  knew  him.  Nothing,  on 
my  part,  shall  give  him  cause  to  be  otherwise. 

Shall  I  say  a  word  for  Dumas  ?  The  good  old  man  will  die 
if  you  drop  him,  and  he  will  be  useful,  I  think,  if  you  continue 
him.  If  there  should  be  war,  his  intelligence  will  be  wanted ; 
indeed,  there  should  be  a  charge  d'affaires  there,  and  he  will 
do  as  well  as  any  body  you  could  send  there,  at  a  moderate 
expense. 

Will  you  be  so  good  as  to  write  me,  and  let  me  know  a  little 
of  your  politics?  Cannot  you  order  your  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  to  send  the  journals  regularly  to  each  of  us?  We  ought 
to  have  them.  Mr.  Morris's  retreat,  I  hope,  will  not  interrupt 
or  retard  your  fiscal  arrangements.  These  are  pressing.  Doc- 
tor Franklin  is  dunned  on  all  sides,  and  we  must  cut  and  run 
like  Mr.  Jay,  if  you  do  not  provide  for  us. 

I  should  be  obliged  to  you,  if  you  will  write  me  what  I  am  in 
debt  to  you,  on  account  of  my  son,  and  draw  upon  me  for  it, 
whatever  it  is,  unless  you  can  persuade  Congress  to  allow  it 
you.  They  ought  to  allow  you  for  a  clerk,  and  if  they  do  this, 
expense  may  be  saved  me,  and  I  am  very  little  able  or  willing 
to  bear  it.  Yet,  if  it  is  not  allowed  to  you,  I  ought  to  bear 
and  will  bear  it,  and  still  be  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  kind, 
parental  care  of  my  boy,  who  loves  and  reveres  you  as  he  ought. 
He  is  a  noble  fellow,  and  will  make  a  good  Greek  or  Roman, 
I  hope,  for  he  spends  his  whole  time  in  their  company,  when  he 
is  not  writing  for  me. 

I  am  as  happy  as  a  lord  with  my  family,  who  send  abundance 
of  friendship  to  you  and  yours. 


528  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    MRS.    WARREN. 

Auteuil,  13  December,  1784. 

Madam,  —  Your  favor  of  the  1st  of  June  has  not,  I  fear,  been 
answered.  I  have  indeed  been  very  happy  ever  since  I  received 
it.  I  live  here  on  a  kind  of  Penn's  Hill.  It  is  a  village,  remark- 
able for  the  residence  of  D'Aguesseau,  Boileau,  Moliere,  and 
Helvetius,  and  for  nothing  else.  I  choose  it  merely  for  my 
health,  as  my  constitution  is  not  able  to  sustain  the  nauseous 
air  of  a  great  city.  Amsterdam  and  Paris  have  cost  me,  each 
of  them,  a  nervous,  putrid  fever.  Two  such  broad  hints,  I 
think,  should  be  sufficient  warning  to  me  to  live  in  a  purer  air, 
and  in  a  place  where  I  can  have  more  exercise ;  but  I  want  my 
rural  occupations,  like  my  friend  on  Neponset  Hill.  It  is  said  of 
a  court  life,  that  although  it  does  not  render  a  man  happy,  yet 
it  hinders  him  from  being  ever  afterwards  happy  anywhere  else. 
The  same  observation  is  made  of  a  Paris  life.  Indeed,  I  can 
easily  conceive  that  the  delights  of  a  court,  and  at  Paris,  becom- 
ing habitual  in  early  life,  should  be  hardly  dispensed  with  in 
future.  But  these  delights  have  taken  no  hold  on  me,  and  I 
feel  myself  much  more  disposed  to  whine,  like  Cicero  or  Boling- 
broke,  over  my  exile,  than  to  regret  the  loss  of  the  pleasures  of 
courts  or  cities.     In  short,  I  take  as  little  of  either  as  possible. 

It  is  ten  years  and  more  since  I  devoted  myself  wholly  to  the 
public.  How  I  should  feel  in  private  life,  I  know  not;  but  1 
believe  that  the  habits  of  public  life  have  made  no  deeper 
impression.  Literary  pursuits  were  the  object  of  my  youthful 
desires ;  but  the  turn  in  public  affairs  disappointed  me,  and  I 
am  now  too  old  and  too  blind  ever  to  resume  them  with  much 
ardor  or  any  prospect  of  success.  My  little  farm  is  now  my 
only  resource,  and  books  for  amusement,  without  much  improve- 
ment or  a  possibility  of  benefiting  the  world  by  my  studies. 

You  have  seen  Mrs.  Macaulay.  I  should  certainly  have  made 
a  visit  to  that  lady,  if  she  had  been  in  London  when  I  was 
there.  Her  literary  character,  and  the  honor  she  has  done  to 
those  political  principles  which  we  profess,  should  secure  her  a 
respectful  reception  in  Boston,  which  I  hope  she  has  found.  In 
England,  I  think  she  has  not  been  indulged  with  so  much  can- 
dor as  she  ought.     If  her  marriage  was  not  discreet,  this  is  not 


COKRESPONDENCE.  529 

much  to  the  world,  who  pardon  infinitely  greater  indiscretions 
in  infinitely  less  meritorious  characters.  But  whoever  in  Europe 
is  known  to  have  adopted  republican  principles,  must  expect  to 
have  all  the  engines  of  every  court  and  courtier  in  the  world 
displayed  against  him.  I  wish  it  may  be  long  otherwise  in 
America. 


THE  ABBE  DE  MABLY  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Paris,  25  Fevrler,  1785. 

Je  reponds  bien  tard,  Monsieur,  a  la  lettre  que  vous  m'avez 
fait  I'honneur  de  m'ecrire  le  14  de  ce  mois.  C'est  que  j'esp^rois 
de  vous  porter  moi-meme  ma  reponse. .  Je  me  suis  flatte  de 
cette  douce  esperance,  mais  de  jour  en  jour  la  fortune  a  rompu 
nos  projets.  Tantot  le  temps  a  ete  trop  detestable  pour  oser  se 
mettre  en  route,  et  tantot  Messieurs  les  Abbes  de  Chalut,  Arnoux, 
et  moi,  nous  avons  ete  condamnes  par  quelque  indisposition  a 
garder  la  chambre.  J'espere  qu'a  I'avenir  nous  serons  moins 
contraries,  mais  je  ne  veux  plus  me  confier  a  des  esp(^rances  qui 
pouvoient  encore  me  tromper./  Rien  n'est  plus  glorieux  pour 
moi,  Monsieur,  que  I'invitation  que  vous  avez  la  bonte  de  me 
faire.  Je  ne  balancerois  point  a  entreprendre  le  catechisme 
moral  et  politique  dont  j'ai  eu  I'honneur  de  vous  parler  dans  les 
lettres  qui  vous  sont  adressees,i  si  je  croyois  que  ce  nouvel 
ouvrage  fut  de  quelque  utilite  a  votre  pays.  Si  le  premier  ne 
produit  aucun  fruit,  le  second  auroit  le  meme  sort ;  et  ce  n'est 
pas  la  peine  de  travailler,  de  chercher,  d'arranger  et  de  disposer 
des  verites  qu'on  ne  voudra  pas  entendre.  Quand  j'ai  invite  le 
Congres  a  cet  ouvrage,  je  n'ai  point  pretendu  que  tous  les  mem- 
bres  de  cet  illustre  corps  y  travaillassent  a  la  fois.  C'est  une 
chose  tres  impossible.  Mais  j'aurois  voulu  qu'apres  avoir  charge 
un  de  ses  membres  de  cette  besogne,  il  en  eut  fait  I'examen,  et 
apres  I'avoir  approuve  I'eut  fait  paroitre  sous  son  nom.  C'est 
ainsi  qu'en  usent  nos  parlemens,  et  les  autres  cours  souveraines 
quand   elles   ordonnent  des  rem  entrances.      Vous  conviendrez 

1  This  project  of  a  moral  catechism,  to  be  drawn  up  by  Congress  for  the  use 
of  schools,  makes  a  leading  feature  of  the  writer's  essay  upon  the  government 
of  the  United  States. 

VOL.  IX.  45  H  2 


530  CORRESPONDENCE. 

qu'un  catechisme  fait  et  presents  de  cette  maniere  au  public, 
auroit  un  beaucoup  plus  grand  poids,  et  produiroit  sans  doute 
un  grand  bien.  Je  suis  occupe  actuellement  a  comger  un  an- 
cien  ouvrage  que  je  veux  faire  imprimer.  Je  ne  vous  fatiguerai 
pas  par  un  plus  long  griffonage,  et  je  me  reserve  le  plaisir  de 
vous  parler  de  tout  cela  la  premiere  fois  que  j'aurai  I'honneur  de 
vous  voir.  J'attends  ce  moment  avec  impatience,  et  je  vous  prie 
d'agreer  d'avance  les  assurances  du  tendre  et  respectueux  at- 
tachement,  avec  lequel  j'ai  I'honneur  d'etre,  Monsieur,  &c.,  &c. 

Mably. 


TO    BENJAMIN    WATERHOUSE. 

Auteuil,  24  April,  1 785. 

This  letter  will  be  delivered  you  by  your  old  acquaintance 
John  Quincy  Adams,  whom  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  your 
attention  and  favor.  He  is  anxious  to  study  some  time  at 
your  university  before  he  begins  the  study  of  the  law,  which 
appears  at  present  to  be  the  profession  of  his  choice.  He 
must  undergo  an  examination,  in  which  I  suspect  he  will  not 
appear  exactly  what  he  is.  In  truth,  there  are  few  who  take 
their  degrees  at  college,  who  have  so  much  knowledge.  But 
his  studies  having  been  pursued  by  himself,  on  his  travels,  with- 
out any  steady  tutor,  he  will  be  found  awkward  in  speaking 
Latin,  in  prosody,  in  parsing,  and  even,  perhaps,  in  that  accuracy 
of  pronunciation  in  reading  orations  or  poems  in  that  language, 
which  is  often  chiefly  attended  to  in  such  examinations.  It  seems 
to  be  necessary,  therefore,  that  I  make  this  apology  for  him  to 
you,  and  request  you  to  communicate  it  in  confidence  to  the 
gentlemen  who  are  to  examine  him,  and  such  others  as  you 
think  prudent.  If  you  were  to  examine  him  in  English  and 
French  poetry,  I  know  not  where  you  would  find  anybody  his 
superior ;  in  Roman  and  English  history,  few  persons  of  his  age. 
It  is  rare  to  find  a  youth  possessed  of  so  much  knowledge.  He 
has  translated  Virgil's  ^neid,  Suetonius,  the  whole  of  Sallust, 
and  Tacitus's  Agricola,  his  Germany,  and  several  books  of  his 
Annals,  a  great  part  of  Horace,  some  of  Ovid,  and  some  of 
CsBsar's  commentaries,  in  writing,  besides  a  number  of  Tully's 


CORRESPONDENCE.  531 

orations.  These  he  may  show  you ;  and  although  you  will  find 
the  translations  in  many  places  inaccurate  in  point  of  style,  as 
must  be  expected  at  his  age,  you  will  see  abundant  proof  that 
it  is  impossible  to  make  those  translations  without  understand- 
ing his  authors  and  their  language  very  well. 

In  Greek  his  progress  has  not  been  equal ;  yet  he  has  studied 
morsels  in  Aristotle's  Poetics,  in  Plutarch's  Lives,  and  Lucian's 
Dialogues,  the  choice  of  Hercules,  in  Xenophon,  and  lately  he 
has  gone  through  several  books  in  Homer's  Iliad. 

In  mathematics  I  hope  he  will  pass  muster.  In  the  course  of 
the  last  year,  instead  of  playing  cards  like  the  fashionable  world, 
I  have  spent  my  evenings  with  him.  We  went  with  some 
accuracy  through  the  geometry  in  the  Preceptor,  the  eight  books 
of  Simpson's  Euclid  in  Latin,  and  compared  it,  problem  by 
problem  and  theorem  by  theorem,  with  le  pere  de  Chales  in 
French ;  we  went  through  plane  trigonometry  and  plain  sailing, 
Fenning's  Algebra,  and  the  decimal  fractions,  arithmetical  and 
geometrical  proportions,  and  the  conic  sections,  in  Ward's  mathe- 
matics. I  then  attempted  a  sublime  flight,  and  endeavored  to 
give  him  some  idea  of  the  differential  method  of  calculation  of 
the  Marquis  de  L'Hopital,  and  the  method  of  fluxions  and 
infinite  series  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton ;  but  alas !  it  is  thirty  years 
since  I  thought  of  mathematics,  and  I  found  I  had  lost  the  little 
I  once  knew,  especially  of  these  higher  branches  of  geometry,  so 
that  he  is  as  yet  but  a  smatterer,  like  his  father.  However,  he  has 
a  foundation  laid,  which  will  enable  him  with  a  year's  attend- 
ance on  the  mathematical  professor,  to  make  the  necessary 
proficiency  for  a  degree.  He  is  studious  enough,  and  emulous 
enough,  and  when  he  comes  to  mix  with  his  new  friends  and 
young  companions,  he  will  make  his  way  well  enough.  I  hope 
he  will  be  upon  his  guard  against  those  airs  of  superiority  among 
the  scholars,  which  his  larger  acquaintance  with  the  world,  and 
his  manifest  superiority  in  the  knowledge  of  some  things,  may 
but  too  naturally  inspire  into  a  young  mind,  and  I  beg  of  you. 
Sir,  to  be  his  friendly  monitor  in  this  respect  and  in  all  others. 


532  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    SAMUEL    ADAMS. 

Auteuil,  27  April,  1785. 

The  child  whom  you  used  to  lead  out  into  the  Common,  to 
see  with  detestation  the  British  troops,  and  with  pleasure  the 
Boston  militia,  will  have  the  honor  to  deliver  you  this  letter. 
He  has  since  seen  the  troops  of  most  nations  in  Europe,  with- 
out any  ambition,  I  hope,  of  becoming  a  military  man.  He 
thinks  of  the  bar  and  peace  and  civil  life,  and  I  hope  will  follow 
and  enjoy  them  with  less  interruption  than  his  father  could.  If 
you  have  in  Boston  a  virtuous  club,  such  as  we  used  to  delight 
and  improve  ourselves  in,  they  will  inspire  him  with  such  senti- 
ments as  a  young  American  ought  to  entertain,  and  give  him 
less  occasion  for  lighter  company. 

I  think  it  no  small  proof  of  his  discretion,  that  he  chooses  to 
go  to  New  England  rather  than  to  Old.  You  and  I  know,  that 
it  will  probably  be  more  for  his  honor  and  his  happiness  in 
the  result;  but  young  gentlemen  of  eighteen  do  not  always 
see  through  the  same  medium  with  old  ones  of  fifty. 

So  I  am  going  to  London  I  I  suppose  you  will  threaten  me 
with  being  envied  again.  I  have  more  cause  to  be  pitied  ;  and 
although  I  will  not  say  with  Dr.  Cutler,  "  I  hate  to  be  pitied,"  I 
do  not  know^  why  I  should  dread  envy.  I  shall  be  sufficiently 
vexed,  I  expect.  But  as  Congress  are  about  to  act  with  dignity, 
I  do  not  much  fear  but  that  I  shall  be  able  to  do  something  worth 
going  for.  If  I  do  not,  I  shall  come  home,  and  envy  nobody, 
nor  be  envied.  If  they  send  as  good  a  man  to  Spain,  as  they 
have  in  Jay  for  their  foreign  department,  and  will  have  in  Jeffer- 
son at  Versailles,  I  shall  be  able  to  correspond  in  perfect  con- 
fidence with  all  those  public  characters  that  I  shall  have  most 
need  of  assistance  from,  and  shall  fear  nothing. 


TO    JOHN    JEBB. 


London,  21  August,  1785. 

As  I  had  the  misfortune,  the  other  day,  not  to  agree  fully  with 
you  in  opinion  concerning  the  36th  article  of  the  Constitution 


CORRESPONDENCE.  533 

of  Pennsylvania,!  j  ^gg  jgave  to  state  to  you  my  objections 
against  it,  and  then  to  ask  you  if  there  is  not  some  weight  in 
them. 

My  first  objection  is,  that  it  is  not  intelligible.     It  is  impos- 
sible to  discover  what  is  meant  by  "  offices  of  profit."     Does  it 
mean  that  there  can  be  no  necessity  for,  nor  use  in,  annexing 
either  salary,  fees,  or  perquisites,  to  public  offices?  and  that  all 
who  serve  the  public  should  have  no  pay  from  the  public,  but 
should  subsist  themselves  and  families  out  of  their  own  private 
fortunes,  or  their  own  labor  in  their  private  profession,  calling, 
trade,  or  farm  ?     This  seems  to  be  the  sense  of  it,  and  in  this 
sense  it  may  make  its   court  to  the  Quakers  and  Moravians, 
Dunkers,  Mennonites,  or  other  worthy  people  in  Pennsylvania, 
that  is  to  say,  to  their  prejudices,  and  it  will  recommend  itself 
to  whatever  there  is  of  popular  malignity  and  envy,  and  of  vul- 
gar avarice,  in  every  country.     But  it  is  founded  in  error  and 
mischief.     For  public  offices  in  general  require  the  whole  time, 
and  all  the  attention  of  those  who  hold  them.     They  can  have 
no  time  nor  strength  of  body  or  mind  for  their  private  profes- 
sions, trades,  or  farms.     They  must  then  starve  with  their  fami- 
lies unless  they  have  ample  fortunes.     But  would  you  make  it 
a  law  that  no  man  should  hold  an  office  who  had  not  a  private 
income  sufficient  for  the  subsistence  and  prospects  of  himself 
and  family  ?     What  would  be  the   consequence  of  this  ?     All 
offices  would   be   monopolized  by  the  rich ;  the   poor  and  the 
middling  ranks  would  be  excluded,  and  an  aristocratic  despot- 
ism would  immediately  follow,  which  would  take  by  fraud  and 
intrigue  at  first,  and  by  open  avowed  usurpation  soon,  whatever 
they  pleased  for  their  compensation. 

My  second  objection  to  the  article  is,  that  it  is  inconsistent. 
After  seeming  to  require  that  offices  should  have  no  emoluments, 
it  stumbles  at  its  own  absurdity,  and  adds  :  "  But  if  any  man  is 

1  This  was  the  first  Constitution  of  that  State.  The  article  is  in  these  words : 
"  As  every  freeman,  to  preserve  his  own  independence,  (if  without  a  suffi- 
cient estate),  ought  to  have  some  profession,  calling,  trade,  or  farm,  whereby 
he  may  honestly  subsist,  there  can  be  no  necessity  for,  nor  use  in,  establishing 
offices  of  profit,  the  usual  efl'ects  of  which  ai-e  dependence  and  servility  unbe- 
coming freemen  in  the  possessors  and  expectants,  faction,  contention,  corrup- 
tion, and  disorder  among  the  people.  But  if  any  man  is  called  into  public 
service  to  the  prejudice  of  his  private  affairs,  he  has  a  right  to  expect  a  reason- 
able compensation  for  his  services ;  and  Avhenever  an  office,  through  increase  of 
fees,  or  otherwise,  becomes  so  profitable  as  to  occasion  many  to  apply  for  it,  the 
profits  ought  to  be,  and  shall  be  lessened  by  the  legislature. 

45* 


534  COKRESPONDENCE. 

called  into  public  service  to  the  prejudice  of  his  private  affairs, 
he  has  a  right  to  a  reasonable  compensation."  Is  not  this  con- 
trary to  the  doctrine  that  there  can  be  no  use  in  offices  of  profit? 
Are  not  the  profits  of  offices  intended  as  a  reasonable  compensa- 
tion for  time,  labor,  and  neglect  and  prejudice  of  private  affairs? 
If  you  look  into  the  salaries  and  fees  of  offices  in  general,  that 
is,  into  the  legal  profits,  you  will  find  them,  not  only  in  America, 
but  in  France,  Holland,  nay  in  England,  far  from  being  extra- 
vagant. You  will  find  them  but  a  moderate  and  reasonable 
compensation  for  their  unavoidable  expenses  and  the  prejudice 
to  their  private  affairs.  It  is  not  the  legal  profit,  but  the  secret 
perquisites,  the  patronage,  and  the  abuse,  Avhich  is  the  evil. 
And  this  is  what  I  complain  of  in  the  article,  that  it  diverts  the 
attention,  jealousy,  and  hatred  of  the  people  from  the  perquisites, 
patronage,  and  abuse,  which  is  the  evil,  to  the  legal,  honest  pro- 
fit of  the  office,  which  is  a  blessing. 

3.  The  dependence  and  servility  in  the  possessors  and  expect- 
ants, and  the  faction,  contention,  corruption,  and  disorder  among 
the  people,  do  not  proceed  from  the  legal  profits  of  offices,  which 
are  known  to  all,  but  from  the  perquisites,  patronage,  and  abuses, 
which  are  known  only  to  a  few. 

4.  Nor  is  it  by  any  means  a  good  rule,  that  whenever  an 
office,  through  increase  of  fees  or  otherwise,  becomes  so  profit- 
able as  to  occasion  many  to  apply  for  it,  the  profit  ought  to  be 
lessened  by  the  legislature. 

We  are  so  fond  of  being  seen  and  talked  of,  we  have  such  a 
passion  for  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  our  fellow-men,  that 
wherever  applications  for  office  are  permitted  by  the  laws  and 
manners,  there  will  be  many  to  apply,  whether  the  profits  are 
large  or  small,  or  none  at  all.  If  the  profits  are  none,  all  the 
rich  will  apply,  that  is  to  say,  all  who  can  live  upon  their  own 
incomes;  all  others  wifi  be  excluded,  because,  if  they  labor  for 
the  public,  themselves  and  families  must  starve.  By  this  means 
an  aristocracy  or  oligarchy  of  the  rich  will  be  formed,  which  will 
soon  put  an  end  by  their  arts  and  craft  to  this  self-denying 
system.  If  many  apply,  all  applications  should  be  forbidden, 
or,  if  they  are  permitted,  a  choice  should  be  made  of  such  out 
of  the  multitude  as  wiU  be  contented  with  legal  profits,  without 
making  advantage  of  patronage  and  perquisites. 

I  do  not  mean  by  this,  that  the  legal  profits  should  be  very 


CORRESPONDENCE.  535 

great.  They  should  afford  a  decent  support,  and  should  enable 
a  man  to  educate  and  provide  for  his  family  as  decent  and 
moderate  men  do  in  private  life ;  but  it  would  be  unjust  as  well 
as  impolitic  in  the  public,  to  call  men  of  the  best  talents  and 
characters  from  professions  and  occupations  where  they  might 
provide  for  their  families  plentifully,  and  let  them  spend  their 
lives  in  the  service  of  the  public,  to  the  impoverishment  and 
beggary  of  their  posterity. 

I  have  given  you  this  trouble,  because  I  think  these  to  be 
fundamental  errors  in  society.  Mankind  will  never  be  happy 
nor  their  liberties  secure,  until  the  people  shall  lay  it  down  as 
a  fundamental  rule  to  make  the  support  and  reward  of  public 
offices  a  matter  of  justice  and  not  gratitude.  Every  public  man 
should  be  honestly  paid  for  his  services ;  then  justice  is  done  to 
him.  But  he  should  be  restrained  from  every  perquisite  not 
known  to  the  laws,  and  he  should  make  no  claims  upon  the 
gratitude  of  the  public,  nor  ever  confer  an  office  within  his 
patronage,  upon  a  son,  a  brother,  a  friend,  upon  pretence  that 
he  is  not  paid  for  his  services  by  the  profits  of  his  office.  Mem- 
bers of  parliament  should  be  paid,  as  well  as  soldiers  and  sailors. 

I  know  very  well  that  the  word  "disinterested"  turns  the 
heads  of  the  people  by  exciting  their  enthusiasm.  But  although 
there  are  disinterested  men,  they  are  not  enough  in  any  age  or 
any  country  to  fill  all  the  necessary  offices,  and  therefore  the 
people  may  depend  upon  it,  that  the  hypocritical  pretence  of 
disinterestedness  will  be  set  up  to  deceive  them,  much  oftener 
than  the  virtue  will  be  practised  for  their  good.  It  is  worth 
while  to  read  the  lives  of  the  Roman  Catholic  saints ;  your  St. 
Ignatius  Loyolas,  your  St.  Bernards,  and  hundreds  of  others. 
It  was  always  disinterestedness,  which  enabled  them  to  excite 
enthusiasm  among  the  people,  and  to  command  their  purses  to 
any  amount,  in  order  to  establish  their  wild  and  pernicious 
institutions.  The  cry  of  gratitude  has  made  more  men  mad, 
and  established  more  despotism  in  the  world,  than  all  other 
causes  put  together.  Every  throne  has  been  erected  on  it,  and 
every  mitre  has  sprung  out  of  it ;  so  has  every  coronet ;  and 
whenever  any  man  serves  the  public  without  pay,  a  cry  of  gra- 
titude is  always  set  up,  which  pays  him,  or  his  cousins  or  sons, 
ten  times  as  much  as  he  ever  deserved.  Let  government,  then, 
be  founded  in  justice ;  and  let  all  claims  upon  popular  gratitude 


536  CORRESPONDENCE. 

be  watched  with  a  jealous  eye.  Hang  well  and  pay  well,  con- 
veys to  my  understanding  infinitely  more  sense  and  more  virtue 
than  this  whole  article  of  the  Pennsylvania  Constitution. 

I  have  long  wanted  to  communicate  with  some  of  the  enlight- 
ened friends  of  liberty  here  upon  some  parts  of  our  constitutions, 
and  I  know  of  none  who  merits  the  character  better.  If  you  are 
willing,  I  will  take  some  future  opportunity  to  write  you  a  few 
thoughts  upon  some  other  things.  Meantime,  let  this  remain 
between  ourselves,  if  you  please. 


TO    ARTHUR    LEE. 

Loudon,  6  September,  1785. 

1  received  yesterday  your  favor  of  27th  July,  and  wish  it  were 
in  my  power  to  relieve  your  anxiety  by  giving  you  any  com- 
fortable hopes  from  this  country. 

The  national  sense  and  public  voice  is  decidedly  against  us 
in  the  whale-trade  and  ship-trade,  and  there  are  as  yet  but  feeble 
parties  for  us  in  the  West  India  trade  and  colony  trade.  I  may 
say  to  you,  that  if  Ireland  had  not  escaped  from  the  snare,  we 
should  have  had  a  very  dull  prospect.  I  see  no  resource  for  us 
but  in  a  navigation  act,  and  this  will  not  relieve  us  soon.  Our 
merchants  have  enslaved  themselves  to  this  country  by  the  debts 
they  have  contracted.  They  are  afraid  to  explore  new  channels 
of  commerce,  lest  they  should  offend  the  British  merchants  and 
be  sued.  But  there  is  no  choice  left  us.  Our  country  must 
not  be  ruined,  in  tenderness  to  those  who  have  run  imprudently 
too  far  into  debt. 

As  far  as  I  can  penetrate  the  hearts  of  the  ministers,  they  are 
very  far  from  being  as  they  should  be  relative  to  us.  Those 
of  them  who  have  acquired  immense  popularity,  reputation, 
and  influence,  by  former  professions  of  attachment  to  the  Ame- 
rican cause,  as  Camden  and  Richmond,  are  much  changed ;  in 
short,  we  have  no  party  for  us  here.  Yet,  indeed,  there  is  no 
party  at  present  that  dares  declare  very  explicitly  against  us. 
All  sides  are  as  silent  and  mysterious  as  you  can  conceive 
them  to  be,  and  when  I  shall  get  any  answer,  I  cannot  guess ; 


CORRESPONDENCE.  537 

but  I  can  confidently  guess  that  when  it  does  come,  it  will  not 
be  what  it  must  finally  be,  in  order  to  relieve  us,  and  bring  the 
two  countries  together  in  good  humor. 

Ireland,  I  think,  stands  between  us  and  evil.  Her  indocility 
may  have  changed  the  plans  of  the  cabinet  in  many  parti- 
culars. In  short,  I  do  not  believe  there  is  any  fixed  plan,  or 
will  be  any,  until  the  next  budget  shall  be  opened.  The  debt 
stands  between  Ireland  and  harm.  This  country  is  in  a  more 
critical  situation  than  ours.  Yet  it  may  take  two  years  to 
decide  its  fate.  Many  persons  express  anxious  fears  of  distrac- 
tions and  anarchy ;  others  think  they  cannot  stand  under  the 
burden  of  the  debt ;  but  must  lower  the  interest. 

The  policy  of  our  country  is  not  perfect,  neither.  The  most 
fatal  and  egregious  fault  of  all  is  leaving  their  debt  in  Holland 
and  France  unfunded.  This  error  is  so  easily  rectified  that  it 
is  astonishing  it  is  not  done.  This  single  step  may  protect  us 
from  a  war,  and  confute  forever  the  numberless  calumnies  which 
circulate  now,  and  will  never  cease  until  that  is  done.  I  have 
hitherto  paid  the  interest  in  Holland  out  of  the  principal;  but 
this  will  by  and  by  be  impracticable,  and  then  such  a  clamor 
and  obloquy  will  succeed  as  will  make  us  all  ashamed  of  our- 
selves. How  will  it  be  possible  to  vindicate  the  faith  or  the 
honor  of  our  country  ? 

You  give  me  gi-eat  pleasure  by  your  approbation  of  my  son's 
conduct,  and  I  am  under  great  obligation  to  your  brother  for 
the  notice  he  took  of  him.  Count  Sarsfield,  who  has  just  now 
left  me,  is  rejoiced  at  your  appointment  to  the  treasury,  and 
desires  me  to  present  his  regards  to  you.  He  leads  the  life  of  a 
peripatetic  philosopher  here,  has  done  so  since  May,  and  will 
stay  till  October.  He  rambles  with  Lord  Shelburne  and  Lord 
Harcourt,  and  is  the  happiest  man  I  know.  I  have  seen  him 
two  summers  in  Holland.  Observation  and  reflection  are  all 
his  business,  and  his  dinner  and  his  friend  all  his  pleasure.  If 
a  man  was  born  for  himself  alone,  I  would  take  him  for  a 
model. 


538  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    JOHN   JEBB. 

London,  10  September,  1785. 

It  is  a  wise  maxim  that  every  free  man  ought  to  have  some 
profession,  calling,  trade,  or  farm,  whereby  he  may  honestly 
subsist ;  but  it  by  no  means  follows  as  a  consequence  that  there 
can  be  no  necessity  for,  nor  use  in  establishing  offices  of  profit, 
if  we  mean  by  these,  offices  with  moderate,  decent,  and  stated 
salaries,  sufficient  for  the  comfortable  support  of  the  officers  and 
their  families.  Offices  in  general  ought  to  yield  as  honest  a 
subsistence,  and  as  clear  an  independence  as  professions,  call- 
ings, trades,  or  farms.  If  by  offices  of  profit  we  mean  offices 
of  excessive  profit,  it  is  not  only  true  that  there  can  be  no  neces- 
sity for  them  nor  use  in  establishing  them,  but  it  is  clear  they 
ought  never  to  exist.  The  dependence  and  servility  unbecom- 
ing freemen  in  the  possessors  and  expectants,  the  faction,  con- 
tention, corruption,  and  disorder  amongst  the  people,  do  not  arise 
from  the  honest  profit,  but  from  the  excess,  and  they  oftener 
arise  from  ambition  than  avarice.  An  office  without  profits, 
without  salary,  fees,  perquisites,  or  any  kind  of  emolument,  is 
sought  for  with  servility,  faction,  and  corruption,  from  ambition, 
as  often  as  an  office  of  profit  is  sought  from  avarice. 

And  this  is  the  way  in  which  corruption  is  constantly  intro- 
duced into  society.  It  constantly  begins  with  the  people,  in 
their  elections.  Indeed,  the  first  step  of  corruption  is  this  dis- 
honest disposition  in  the  people,  an  unwillingness  to  pay  their 
representatives.  The  moment  they  require  of  a  candidate  that 
he  serve  them  gratis,  they  establish  an  aristocracy  by  excluding 
from  a  possibility  of  serving  them,  all  who  are  poor  and  unambi- 
tious, and  by  confining  their  suffrages  to  a  few  rich  men.  When 
this  point  is  once  gained  of  the  people,  which  is  easily  gained, 
because  their  own  avarice  pleads  for  it,  tyranny  has  made  a 
gigantic  stride.  I  appeal  to  your  knowledge  of  England, 
whether  servility,  faction,  contention,  and  corruption  appear 
anywhere  in  so  gross  forms  as  in  the  election  of  members  of 
parliament,  whose  offices  are  very  expensive  and  have  no  pro- 
fits. Is  not  the  legislative  at  this  hour  more  corrupt  than  the 
executive  ?  Are  there  not  more  servility,  faction,  contention, 
and  corruption  in  the  offices  in  the  election  of  the  people  than 


CORRESPONDENCE.  539 

in  disposing  of  those  in  the  gift  of  the  crown  ?  Are  there  not 
as  many  in  proportion  who  apply  for  these  elections  as  for 
offices  in  the  army,  navy,  church,  or  revenue?  The  number  of 
persons  who  apply  for  an  office,  then,  is  no  proof  of  an  increase 
of  its  fees  or  profits.  The  man  who  offers  to  a  city  or  borough 
to  serve  them  for  nothing,  offers  a  bribe  to  every  elector,  and 
the  answer  should  be,  "  Sir,  you  affi-ont  me.  I  want  a  service 
which  is  worth  something.  I  am  able  and  willing  to  pay  for  it. 
I  will  not  lay  myself  under  any  obligation  to  you  by  accepting 
your  gift.  I  will  owe  you  no  gratitude  any  further  than  you 
serve  me  faithfully.  The  obligation  and  gratitude  shall  be  from 
you  to  me,  and  if  you  do  not  do  your  duty  to  me,  I  will  be  per- 
fectly free  to  call  you  to  an  account,  and  to  punish  you;  and  if 
you  will  not  accept  of  pay  for  your  service,  you  shall  not  serve 
me." 

There  are  in  history  examples  of  characters  wholly  disinter- 
ested, who  have  displayed  the  sublimest  talents,  the  greatest 
virtues,  at  the  same  time  that  they  have  made  long  and  severe 
sacrifices  to  their  country,  of  their  time,  their  estates,  their 
labor,  healths,  and  even  their  lives,  and  they  are  deservedly 
admired  and  revered  by  all  virtuous  men.  But  how  few  have 
they  been  !  One  in  two  or  three  ages;  certainly  not  enough  to 
watch  over  the  rights  of  mankind,  for  these  have  been  lost  in 
almost  all  ages  and  nations.  Societies  should  not  depend  upon 
a  succession  of  such  men  for  the  preservation  of  their  liberties. 
The  people  ruin  their  own  cause,  by  exacting  such  sacrifices  in 
their  service.  Men  see  nothing  but  misery  to  themselves  and 
ruin  to  their  families,  attached  to  the  honest  service  of  the 
people,  and  the  examples  of  Aristides,  Fabricius,  and  Cincin- 
natus,  have  in  all  ages  terrified  thousands  of  able  and  worthy 
men  from  engaging  in  a  service  so  hopeless  and  uncomfortable. 
Knaves  and  hypocrites  see  throvigh  the  whole  system  at  once. 
"  I  will  take  the  people  their  own  way,"  says  one  of  these,  "  I 
will  serve  them  without  pay.  I  will  give  them  money.  I  will 
make  them  believe  that  I  am  perfectly  disinterested,  until  I  gain 
their  confidence  and  excite  their  enthusiasm.  Then  I  will 
carry  that  confidence  and  enthusiasm  to  market,  and  will  sell 
it  for  more  than  all  I  give  them,  and  all  their  pay  would  have 
amounted  to.  Si  populus  vult  decipi,  decipiatur.  It  should  be 
a  fundamental  maxim  with  the   people  never  to  receive  any 


540  COREESPONDENCE. 

services  gratis,  nor  to  suffer  any  faithful  service  to  go  unre- 
warded, nor  any  unfaithful  services  unpunished.  Their  rewards 
should  be  temperate.  Instead  of  this,  how  stingy  are  they  at 
first,  and  how  wild  at  last !  Stingy,  until  the  man  has  served 
them  long  enough  to  gain  their  confidence,  mad  and  frantic 
with  generosity,  afterwards.  Their  gratitude,  when  once  their 
enthusiasm  is  excited,  knows  no  bounds ;  it  scatters  their  favors 
all  around  the  man.  His  family,  his  father,  brother,  son,  all  his 
relations,  all  his  particular  friends,  must  be  idolized.  Wealth 
and  power  without  measure  or  end  must  be  conferred  upon 
them,  without  considering  whether  they  be  wise  men  or  fools, 
honest  men  or  knaves. 

The  social  science  will  never  be  much  improved,  until  the 
people  unanimously  know  and  consider  themselves  as  the  foun- 
tain of  power,  and  until  they  shall  know  how  to  manage  it  wisely 
and  honestly.  Reformatioi,i  must  begin  with  the  body  of  the 
people,  which  can  be  done  only,  to  effect,  in  their  educations. 
The  whole  people  must  take  upon  themselves  the  education  of 
the  whole  people,  and  must  be  willing  to  bear  the  expenses  of  it. 
There  should  not  be  a  district  of  one  mile  square,  without  a 
school  in  it,  not  founded  by  a  charitable  individual,  but  main- 
tained at  the  expense  of  the  people  themselves.  They  must  be 
taught  to  reverence  themselves,  instead  of  adoring  their  servants, 
their  generals,  admirals,  bishops,  and  statesmen.  Instead  of 
admiring  so  extravagantly  a  prince  of  Orange,  we  should  admire 
the  Batavian  nation,  which  produced  him.  Instead  of  adoring 
a  Washington,  mankind  should  applaud  the  nation  which  edu- 
cated him.  If  Thebes  owes  its  liberty  and  glory  to  Epaminon- 
das,  she  will  lose  both  when  he  dies,  and  it  would  have  been  as 
well  if  she  had  never  enjoyed  a  taste  of  either.  But  if  the 
knowledge,  the  principles,  the  virtues,  and  the  capacities  of  the 
Theban  nation  produced  an  Epaminondas,  her  liberties  and 
glory  will  remain  when  he  is  no  more.  And  if  an  analogous 
system  of  education  is  established  and  enjoyed  by  the  whole 
nation,  it  will  produce  a  succession  of  Epaminondases.  The 
human  mind  naturally  exerts  itself  to  form  its  character,  accord- 
ing to  the  ideas  of  those  about  it.  When  children  and  youth 
hear  their  parents  and  neighbors,  and  all  about  them,  applaud- 
ing the  love  of  country,  of  labor,  of  liberty,  and  all  the  virtues, 
habits,  and  faculties,  which  constitute  a  good  citizen,  that  is,  a 


CORRESPONDENCE.  541 

patriot  and  a  hero,  those  children  endeavor  to  acquire  those 
qualities,  and  a  sensible  and  virtuous  people  will  never  fail  to 
form  multitudes  of  patriots  and  heroes.  I  glory  in  the  character 
of  a  Washington,  because  I  know  him  to  be  only  an  exemplifi- 
cation of  the  American  character.  I  know  that  the  general 
character  of  the  natives  of  the  United  States  is  the  same  with 
his,  and  that  the  prevalence  of  such  sentiments  and  principles 
produced  his  character  and  preserved  it,  and  I  know  there  are 
thousands  of  others  who  have  in  them  all  the  essential  qualities, 
moral  and  intellectual,  which  compose  it.  If  his  character  stood 
alone,  I  should  value  it  very  little,  —  I  should  wish  it  had  never 
existed;  because,  although  it  might  have  wrought  a  great  event, 
yet  that  event  would  be  no  blessing.  In  the  days  of  Pompey, 
Washington  would  have  been  a  Csesar ;  his  officers  and  parti- 
sans would  have  stimulated  him  to  it;  he  could  not  have  had 
their  confidence  without  it;  in  the  time  of  Charles,  a  Crom- 
well; in  the  days  of  Philip  the  second,  a  prince  of  Orange,  and 
would  have  wished  to  be  Count  of  Holland.  But  in  America 
he  could  have  no  other  ambition  than  that  of  retiring.  In  wiser 
and  more  virtuous  times  he  would  not  have  had  that,  for  that  is 
an  ambition.  He  would  still  be  content  to  be  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, President  of  Congress,  a  member  of  a  Senate,  or  a  House 
of  Representatives.  It  was  a  general  sentiment  in  America 
that  Washington  must  retire.  Why  ?  What  is  implied  in  this 
necessity  ?  If  he  could  not  afford  to  serve  the  public  longer 
without  pay,  let  him  be  paid.  Would  it  lessen  his  reputation  ? 
Why  should  it?  If  the  people  were  perfectly  judicious,  instead 
of  lessening,  it  would  raise  it.  But  if  it  did  not,  surely  the  late 
revolution  was  not  undertaken  to  raise  one  great  reputation  to 
make  a  sublime  page  in  history,  but  for  the  good  of  the  people. 
Does  not  this  idea  of  the  necessity  of  his  retiring,  imply  an 
opinion  of  danger  to  the  public,  from  his  continuing  in  public, 
a  jealousy  that  he  might  become  ambitious  ?  and  does  it  not 
imply  something  still  more  humiliating,  a  jealousy  in  the  people 
of  one  another,  a  jealousy  of  one  part  of  the  people,  that  an- 
other part  had  grown  too  fond  of  him,  and  acquired  habitually 
too  much  confidence  in  him,  and  that  there  would  be  danger 
of  setting  him  up  for  a  king?  Undoubtedly  it  does,  and  un- 
doubtedly there  were  such  suspicions,  and  grounds  for  them  too. 
Now,  I  ask,  what  occasioned  this  dangerous  enthusiasm  for 

VOL.  IX.  4*^ 


542  CORRESPONDENCE. 

him  ?  I  answer,  that,  great  as  his  talents  and  virtues  are,  they 
did  not  altogether  contribute  so  much  to  it  as  his  serving  with- 
out pay,  which  never  fails  to  turn  the  heads  of  the  multitude. 
His  ten  thousand  officers  under  hhu,  and  all  his  other  admirers, 
might  have  sounded  his  fame  as  much  as  they  would,  and  they 
might  have  justly  sounded  it  very  high,  and  it  would  not  all 
have  produced  such  ecstasies  among  the  people  as  this  single 
circumstance.  Now,  I  say,  this  is  all  wrong.  There  should 
have  been  no  such  distinction  made  between  him  and  the  other 
generals.  He  should  have  been  paid,  as  well  as  they,  and  the 
people  should  have  too  high  a  sense  of  their  own  dignity  ever 
to  suffer  any  man  to  serve  them  for  nothing.  The  higher  and 
more  important  the  office,  the  more  rigorously  should  they  insist 
upon  acknowledging  its  appointment  by  them  and  its  depend- 
ence upon  them.  But  then  they  must  be  sensible  of  their  own 
enthusiasm,  and  constantly  upon  their  guard  against  it.  They 
should  consider  that,  although  history  presents  us  perhaps  with 
one  example  in  five  hundred  years  of  one  disinterested  character, 
it  shows  us  two  thousand  instances  every  year  of  the  semblance 
of  disinterestedness,  counterfeited  for  the  most  selfish  purposes 
of  cheating  them  more  effectually.  And  the  glory  of  an  Aristides 
and  half  a  dozen  others,  with  the  transient  flashes  of  liberty  they 
preserved  in  the  world,  is  a  miserable  compensation  to  mankind 
for  the  long,  dreary  ages  of  gloomy  despotism,  which  have 
passed  almost  over  the  whole  earth  by  means  of  disinterested 
patriots  becoming  artful  knaves,  or  rather  by  the  people  them- 
selves not  sufiering  their  benefactors  to  persevere  in  that  disin- 
terestedness to  the  end,  which  they  exact  of  them  at  first ;  for 
I  think  that  it  has  been  the  people  themselves  who  have  always 
created  their  own  despots. 

You  erased  something  you  had  written  about  the  present 
times.  I  wish  you  would  restore  it.  This  correspondence  must 
be  confidential.  But  the  late  Lord  Chatham  is  a  striking 
example.  He  preserved  the  character  of  disinterestedness  but 
imperfectly ;  yet  it  was  somewhat  of  this  kind  that  elevated 
him  so  high  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  and  you  now  see 
the  consequences.  The  people  think  it  a  duty  to  God  to  make 
up  in  their  devotion  to  his  son,  what  they  think  they  were 
wanting  in   gratitude  to  him.     What  but  a  whirlwind  could 

have  done  what  we  have  seen  ? 

r 


CORRESPONDENCE.  543 

Government  must  become  something  more  intelligible,  ra- 
tional, and  steady. 

Pardon  all  this  from  your  friend. 


TO   JOHN   JEBB. 

London,  25  September,  1785. 

I  have  read  with  pleasure  your  letter  of  the  13th,  and  although 
I  cannot  entirely  agree  with  you,  I  find  the  difference  between 
us  is  very  small  in  comparison  with  that  between  me  and  some 
other  of  my  friends.  In  Mr.  Hume's  perfect  Commonwealth, 
"no  representative,  magistrate,  or  Senator,  as  such,  has  any 
salary.  The  protector,  secretaries,  councils,  and  ambassadors 
have  salaries."  Your  opinion  coincides  with  his,  excepting  that 
you  think  the  higher  magistrates,  as  the  judges  for  example, 
should  have  salaries.  I  carry  the  point  so  far  as  to  desire  that 
all  representatives,  magistrates,  and  Senators,  as  well  as  judges 
and  executive  officers,  should  have  salaries.  Not  merely  upon 
the  principle  of  justice,  that  every  man  has  a  right  to  com- 
pensation for  his  time  and  labor,  but  to  maintain  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  person,  and  to  raise  and  support,  both  in  the  minds 
of  the  people  themselves,  and  of  their  representatives,  senators, 
and  magistrates,  a  sense  of  the  dignity  and  importance  of  the 
people.  These  salaries,  to  be  sure,  should  be  in  proportion  to 
the  nature  and  duration  of  the  service.  A  project  to  introduce 
such  a  practice  into  this  country,  would  be  chimerical;  but  in 
a  country  where  it  has  long  obtained  and  still  exists,  I  wish  it 
to  continue.  In  some  parts  of  the  United  States  it  has  ever 
prevailed,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  it  may  be  extended  to  all  other 
parts.  It  is  thought  by  many  to  be  one  of  the  best  securities 
of  liberty  and  equality. 

In  the  thirteenth  section  of  the  second  chapter  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  Massachusetts,  you  may  see  their  sense  of  the  import- 
ance of  salaries  to  governors  and  judges.  My  friend,  de  Mably, 
page  87,  expresses  great  indignation  against  it.  "Je  voudrais., 
au  contraire,  qu'd  mesure  que  les  digniles  sont  plus  importanles,  on 
leur  attribudt  des  appointemens  moins  considerables.     Je  voudrais 


544  CORRESPONDENCE. 

mime  qu^elles  n'en  eussent  aucuns.  .  .  .  On  aime  Men  peu  la  patrie 
quand  on  demande  des  salaires  pour  la  servir.  Que  la  republique 
de  Massachusetts  ait  le  courage  de  detruire  la  lot  dont  je  me 
plains.''^  I  love  the  Abbe  and  revere  his  memory,  but  I  was 
sorry  that  so  crude  an  idea  should  be  scattered  in  America, 
where  many  will  be  greedy  to  lay  hold  of  it,  and  that  a  great 
writer  who  had  spent  fifty  years  in  reading  upon  government, 
and  liad  done  honor  to  his  age  by  his  writings,  should  adopt 
with  such  facility  so  gross  a  vulgar  error  and  popular  blunder. 
Flattery  has  done  more  mischief  to  society,  when  addressed  to 
the  people,  than  when  oft'ered  to  kings.  There  is  always,  in  every 
popular  Assembly,  a  party  actuated  by  a  sordid  avarice.  One 
of  two  candidates  for  an  election,  by  offering  to  serve  without 
pay,  will  have  all  the  votes  of  this  description  of  electors./  So 
will  the  Abbe's  doctrine,  but  he  had  not  considered  tTiat  an 
aristocracy  would  be  the  immediate  and  inevitable  consequence 
of  it.  In  the  Massachusetts  there  would  be  no  choice  left ;  there 
are  but  two  at  most,  if  there  is  more  than  one,  who  could  serve 
as  governor.  A  fine  bargain  the  people  would  make  of  it !  For 
the  sake  of  saving  a  penny  a  piece,  which  it  would  cost  them  for 
a  salary,  they  must  pass  by  a  thousand  wise  and  virtuous  men, 
and  give  their  votes  only  for  two  rich  ones,  and  that,  whether 
they  have  wisdom  and  virtues  or  not.  The  people  save  nothing 
in  the  end.  The  consequence  is,  there  must  be  no  strict  inquiry, 
no  exact  accounts.  The  Governor's  family  must  be  provided 
for  by  offices,  and  his  son,  fit  or  unfit,  must  be  put  in  his  place. 
The  magistrates  in  France,  instead  of  having  salaries,  buy  their 
offices.  What  is  the  consequence  ?  Let  the  Abbe  himself  say. 
He  would  answer  from  Heaven,  that  they  find  ways  to  levy 
partial  taxes  to  support  even  their  mistresses,  at  three  times  the 
expense  of  the  whole  salary  of  a  Massachusetts  Governor. 

Adieu. 


R.    H.    LEE    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 


ChantUly,  12  December,  1785. 

Dear  Sir, —  My  presidential  year  being  ended,  I  had  left 
New  York  for  this  place  (from  which  and  from  my  family  I  had 


CORRESPONDENCE.  545 

been  thirteen  months  absent)  before  the  letters  which  you  did 
me  the  honor  to  write  me  on  the  26th  of  August,  the  6th  and 
7th  of  September,  came  to  hand,  which  has  prevented  me  from 
showing  the  civilities  to  Mr.  Storer  and  Mr.  Wingrove,  that  I 
should  otherwise  have  taken  pleasure  in  doing.  The  state  of 
my  health  is  so  precarious  (being  at  present  prevented  by  the 
gout  in  my  right  hand  from  writing  myself),  that  it  is  uncertain 
when  I  shall  be  permitted  to  return  to  Congress ;  but  let  me  be 
where  I  will,  I  shall  always  be  happy  to  correspond  with  you. 
My  brother,  Arthur  Lee,  who  now  resides  at  New  York,  a  com- 
missioner of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  will  receive  and 
forward  to  me  such  letters  as  you  are  pleased  to  write.  It 
gives  me  pleasure  to  know  that  Colonel  Smith  is  so  agreeable 
a  secretary  to  you.  Indeed,  I  had  expected  so  from  his  polite- 
ness, his  good  sense,  and  his  spirit.  It  is  certainly  a  misfortune 
both  to  the  United  States  and  to  Great  Britain,  that  a  singular 
kind  of  after  ivisdom  of  the  latter,  should  so  perpetually  keep 
the  two  countries  at  variance  with  each  other.  To  profit  from 
experience  so  becometh  nations  as  well  as  individuals,  that  it 
denoteth  much  ill  to  both,  when  advice  is  not  taken  from  that 
best  source  of  knowledge.  It  is  this  kind  of  wisdom  that, 
having  already  irrecoverably  lost  to  Great  Britain  a  great  and 
valuable  part  of  her  dominions,  is  now^  proceeding  to  deprive 
her  of  a  great  and  valuable  part  of  her  commerce,  also.  For  I 
plainly  perceive  that  the  State  errors,  and  the  commercial  mis- 
takes of  that  country,  are  going  to  force  these  United  States, 
contrary  to  their  inclination,  into  systems  that  will  probably 
prevent  our  trade  from  ever  again  flowing,  as  it  probably  would 
have  done,  into  British  channels.  It  is  true  that  we  may  be 
injured  in  the  commencement  of  these  experiments;  but  it  is 
certain  that  those  who  compel  them  will  be  more  hurt.  A  simi- 
lar experiment  has  been  lately  made,  and  the  issue  recent;  yet 
such  is  the  curse  attending  Britain  and  British  statesmen,  that 
they  will  neither  remember  the  one  or  profit  from  the  other.  I 
join  with  you  in  hoping  soon  to  see  American  factories  esta- 
blished in  the  east,  and  certainly  it  will  be  highly  agreeable  to 
me  to  find  Mr.  Steptoe  promoting  there  his  country's  and  his 
own  good. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

Richard  Henry  Lee. 
4G*  12 


546  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    COUNT    SARSFIELD. 

London,  3  February,  1786. 

In  your  kind  letter  of  the  26th  of  January,  you  ask  an  expla- 
nation of  that  expression  of  the  Massachusetts,  "a  rider  of 
hobby-horses."  In  the  original  of  the  word  hobby-horse,  it  sig- 
nified a  little  horse,  the  same  with  pony  in  English,  or  bidet  in 
French.  The  Eno:lish  then  transferred  it  to  Irish  and  Scottish 
horses,  cheval  d'lrlande  and  d'Ecosse.  From  this  horse  it  was 
transferred  to  those  little  wooden  horses  which  are  made  for 
children  to  ride  on  for  their  amusement.  It  is  defined  "  a  stick  on 
which  boys  get  astride  and  ride ;"  "?/w  bdtonpar  leqiiel  les  enfans 
vont  a  cheval.''^  It  is  defined  in  Latin,  arundo  longa,  a  reed  or 
cane ;  for  the  boys  in  want  of  better  instruments  made  use  of 
these.  From  these  originals  it  has  been  used,  I  do  not  know 
whether  metaphorically  or  poetically,  to  signify  any  favorite 
amusement  of  grown  men  of  all  ranks  and  denominations,  even 
sages  and  heroes,  philosophers  and  legislators,  nobles,  princes, 
and  kings.  All  nations,  I  believe,  have  some  word  appropriated 
to  this  meaning.  There  is  one  in  French,  which  I  once  knew 
familiarly,  but  have  forgotten.  The  Dutch  have  a  proverb, 
'■'■  Jeder  heeft  zyn  speelpop,^''  "every  one  has  his  hobby-horse." 
For  example,  the  hobby-horse  of  Mr.  Lionet  was  the  anatomy 
of  caterpillars ;  that  of  Mr.  Ploos  Van  Amstell,  to  collect  draw- 
ings, &c.  The  Italians  say,  "  Quel  leg-no  o  bastone  che  i  fan- 
ciulli  si  mettono  fra  gambe  e  chiamano  it  loro  cavalloy  The 
Dutch  proverb  is  very  true ;  every  man  has  a  staff  which  he 
puts  sometimes  between  his  legs  and  rides,  and  calls  it  his 
hobby-horse.  It  is  in  this  sense  the  hobby-horse  of  many 
curious  persons,  to  become  acqiiainted  with  singular  and  extra- 
ordinary characters. 

It  has  ever  been  my  hobby-horse  to  see  rising  in  America  an 
empire  of  liberty,  and  a  prospect  of  two  or  three  hundred  mil- 
lions of  freemen,  without  one  noble  or  one  king  among  them. 
You  say  it  is  impossible.  If  I  should  agree  with  you  in  this, 
I  would  still  say,  let  us  try  the  experiment,  and  preserve  our 
equality  as  long  as  we  can.  A  better  system  of  education  for 
the  common  people  might  preserve  them  long  from  such  arti- 
ficial inequalities  as  are  prejudicial  to  society,  by  confounding 
the  natural  distinctions  of  right  and  wrong,  virtue  and  vice. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  547 


SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

Boston,  13  April,  1786. 

Doctor  Gordon  is  to  deliver  you  this  letter.  He  is  going 
to  the  land  of  his  nativity,  wishing  for  the  best  happiness  of 
his  own  country  and  ours,  and  hoping  that  mutual  affection 
will  be  at  length  restored,  as  the  only  means  of  the  prosper- 
ity of  both.  As  he  determines  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his 
days  in  the  country  where  he  was  born,  what  rational  man, 
who  considers  the  ties  of  human  nature,  will  wonder  if  '•'■esto 
perpetua,^^  is  his  most  ardent  prayer  for  her?  But  the  at- 
tachments he  has  made  here,  his  private  friendships,  and  the 
part  he  has  taken  in  our  public  cause,  afford  reason  to  believe 
that  his  second  wish  is  for  us.  I  am  afraid,  however,  that  the 
Dr.  builds  too  much  upon  the  hopes  of  the  return  of  mutual 
affection;  for  can  this  exist  without  forgiveness  of  injury,  and 
can  his  country  ever  cordially  forgive  ours,  whom  she  intended 
to  injure  so  greatly  ?  Her  very  disappointment  will  perpetually 
irritate  her  own  feelings,  and  in  spite  of  reason  or  religion,  pre- 
vent her  conceiving  a  sentiment  of  friendship  for  us.  And, 
besides,  she  will  never  believe  that  there  is  a  possibility  that  vw 
can  forgive  her.  We  must,  therefore,  be  content,  at  least  for  a 
great  while  to  come,  to  live  with  her  as  a  prudent  man  will  with 
one  who  indeed  has  professed  a  friendship  for  him,  but  whose 
sincerity  he  has  reason  vehemently  to  suspect ;  guarding  against 
injury  from  him,  by  making  it  his  interest  to  do  as  little  as  pos- 
sible. This  is  an  arduous  task  our  country  has  committed  to 
you.  Trade  is  a  matter  I  have  had  so  little  to  do  with,  that  it 
is  not  in  my  power  to  aid  you  in  this  more  than  in  any  one 
thing  else.  May  he  who  has  endued  you  with  a  strength  of 
understanding  that  your  country  confides  in,  afford  you  all  that 
light  which  is  necessary  for  so  great  an  undertaking! 

The  child  whom  I  led  by  the  hand,  with  a  particular  design,  I 
find  is  now  become  a  promising  youth.  He  brought  me  one  of 
your  letters.  God  bless  the  lad !  If  I  was  instrumental  at  that 
time  of  enkindling  the  sparks  of  patriotism  in  his  tender  heart, 
it  will  add  to  my  consolation  in  the  latest  hour.  Adieu,  my 
friend.  Mrs.  Adams  desires  your  lady  and  family  may  be 
assured  of  her  cordial  esteem  and  love.     Believe  me,  &c. 

S.  Adams. 


548  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    COTTON    TUFTS. -^ 

London,  26  May,  1786. 

There  is  a  subject  so  closely  connected  with  the  business  of 
my  mission  to  this  court,  that  I  can  no  longer  be  silent  upon  it 
with  honor.  The  most  insuperable  bar  to  all  my  negotiations 
here  has  been  laid  by  those  States,  which  have  made  laws 
against  the  treaty.  The  Massachusetts  is  one  of  them.  The 
law  for  suspending  execution  for  British  debts,  however  colored 
or  disguised,  I  make  no  scruple  to  say  to  you  is  a  direct  breach 
of  the  treaty.  Did  my  ever  dear,  honored,  and  beloved  Massa- 
chusetts mean  to  break  her  public  faith  ?  I  cannot  believe  it 
of  her.     Let  her  then  repeal  the  law  without  delay. 

I  cannot  conceive  the  reason  why  the  Senate  did  not  concur 
with  the  House  in  repealing  the  laws  excluding  the  tories.  Why 
should  a  silly  warfare  be  kept  up  at  so  great  an  expense  against 
those  wretches  ? 

It  is  our  persecution  alone,  that  makes  their  enmity  powerful 
and  important.  Are  we  afraid  they  will  be  popular  and  per- 
suade our  people  to  come  under  the  British  yoke  again  ?  We 
have  one  infallible  security  against  that,  I  assure  you.  This 
government  and  this  nation  would  spurn  us,  if  we  were  to  offer 
them  the  sovereignty  of  us.  The  reason  is  plain;  they  know  it 
would  be  the  certain  and  final  ruin  of  the  nation  to  accept  it, 
because  we  could  throw  them  again  into  a  war,  not  only  against 
us,  but  France,  Spain,  and  Holland,  and  emancipate  ourselves 
again  whenever  we  should  please. 

Are  the  merchants  afraid  the  tories  will  get  their  commerce  ? 
What  is  this  to  the  country  ?  Their  capitals  will  assist  us  in 
paying  our  debts,  and  in  opening  a  trade  every  way.  Are  our 
politicians  afraid  of  their  places  ?  In  freedom's  name  let  our 
countrymen  have  their  own  choice,  and  if  they  please  to  choose 
Jonathan  Sewall  for  their  ambassador  at  St.  James's,  I  will 
return  to  Penn's  Hill  with  pleasure. 

I  long  to  see  ray  countrymen  acting  as  if  they  felt  their  own 
great  souls,  with  dignity,  generosity,  and  spirit,  not  as  if  they 

1  This  gentleman,  who  had  married  the  sister  of  Mrs.  Adams's  mother,  and 
had  bcen'intrusted  with  the  sole  care  of  Mr.  Adams's  private  affairs  during  his 
absence,  was  at  this  time  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  Massachusetts. 


CORRESrONDENCE.  549 

were  guided  by  little  prejudices  and  passions,  and  partial  pri- 
vate interests. 

On  the  one  band,  I  would  repeal  every  law  that  has  the  least 
appearance  of  clashing  with  the  treaty  of  peace;  on  the  other, 
I  would  prohibit  or  burden  with  duties  every  importation  from 
Britain,  and  would  demand,  in  a  tone  that  would  not  be  resisted, 
the  punctual  fulfilment  of  every  iota  of  the  treaty  on  the  part 
of  Britain.  Nay,  I  would  carry  it  so  far,  that  if  the  posts  were 
not  immediately  evacuated,  I  would  not  go  and  attack  them, 
but  declare  war  directly,  and  march  one  army  to  Quebec  and 
another  to  Nova  Scotia. 

This  is  decisive  language,  you  will  say.  True.  But  no 
great  thing  was  ever  done  in  this  world  but  by  decisive  under- 
standings and  tempers,  unless  by  accident. 

Our  countrymen  have  too  long  trifled  with  public  and  private 
faith,  public  and  private  credit,  and  I  will  venture  to  say  that 
nothing  but  remorse  and  disgrace,  poverty  and  misery,  will  be 
their  portion  until  these  are  held  sacred. 


TO    COTTON    TUFTS. 

London,  2  June,  1 786. 

I  am  proud  to  learn,  by  your  letter  of  13th  April,  that  1  am 
so  rich  at  the  university.  If  Thomas  gets  in,  I  shall  be  still 
happier,^  The  expense  will  be  considerable,  and  your  draught 
shall  be  honored  for  the  necessary. 

A  year  will  soon  be  about,  and  what  are  we  to  do  then  with 
John  ?  What  lawyer  shall  we  desire  to  take  him,  in  town  or 
country  ?  and  what  sum  must  be  given  with  him  ?  and  what 
will  his  board  and  clothing  cost?  and  where  shall  we  get 
money  to  pay  all  these  expenses?  Shall  I  come  home  and  take 
all  my  boys  into  my  own  office  ?  I  was  once  thought  to  have 
a  tolerable  knack  at  making  lawyers,  and  now  could  save  a 
large  sum  by  it.  I  am  afraid  I  shall  not  get  it  done  so  cheap 
as  I  used  to  do  it. 

I  do  not  see  why  I  should  stay  here,  unless  there  should  be  a 

1  Mr.  Adams  had  his  three  sons  at  Cambridge  at  the  same  time. 


550  CORRESPONDENCE. 

change  in  the  sentiments  and  conduct  of  my  fellow-citizens. 
There  are,  however,  some  appearances  of  an  approaching 
change. 

Dr.  Gordon's  language  is  decent  and  friendly,  as  far  as  I  have 
heard.  I  believe  the  suspicion  of  him,  that  appears  to  have 
taken  place  in  America,  is  needless.  What  profit  he  will  make 
of  his  history,  I  know  not.  It  is  a  story  that  nobody  here 
loves  to  read.  Indeed,  neither  history,  nor  poetry,  nor  any 
thing  but  painting  and  music,  balls  and  spectacles,  is  in  vogue. 
Reading  is  out  of  fashion,  and  philosophy  itself  has  become  a 
fop  gambolling  in  a  balloon,  "idling  in  the  wanton  summer's 
air,"  like  the  gossamer,  —  so  light  is  vanity.  Herschel,  indeed, 
with  his  new  glass,  has  discovered  the  most  magnificent  spec- 
tacle that  ever  was  seen  or  imagined,  and  I  suppose  it  is  chieHy 
as  a  spectacle  that  his  discovery  is  admired.  If  all  those  single, 
double,  triple,  quadruple  worlds  are  peopled  as  fully  as  every 
leaf  and  drop  is  in  this,  what  a  merry  company  there  is  of  us 
in  the  universe,  all  fellow-creatures,  insects,  animalcules,  and 
all!  Why  are  we  kept  so  unacquainted  with  each  other?  I 
fancy  we  shall  know  each  other  better,  and  shall  see  that  even 
cards  and  routs,  dancing  dogs,  learned  pigs,  scientific  birds,  &c., 
are  not  so  despicable  things  as  we  in  our  wonderful  wisdom 
sometimes  think  them. 

The  Bishop  of  LlandafFhas  made  the  trees,  not  walk,  but  feel 
and  think,  and  why  should  we  not  at  once  settle  it,  that  every 
atom  thinks  and  feels,  a  universe  tremblingly  alive  all  over? 

The  more  we  pursue  these  speculations,  the  higher  sense  we 
shall  have  of  the  Father  and  Master  of  all,  and  the  firmer  expect- 
ation that  all  which  now  appears  irregular,  will  be  found  to  be 
design.     But  where  have  I  rambled  ? 


TO    BENJAMIN    HIGHBORN. 


London,  27  January,  1787. 
I  have  received  with  pleasure  your  obliging  letter  of  the  24th 
of  October,  and  am  much  affected  with  the  disagreeable  state 
of  things  in  the  Massachusetts.     It  is  indeed  news  to  me  that 


CORRESPONDENCE.  551 

there  is  any  such  fixed  determination  as  you  mention,  in  the 
minds  of  men  of  greatest  influence.  Perhaps  I  am  not  a  proper 
confidant  of  those  gentlemen.  As  to  my  coming  home,  it  is 
not  possible  for  me  to  come  home  with  decency  until  next  year, 
at  the  expiration  of  my  commission,  which  will  be  in  about 
twelve  months.  Then  I  shall  come  home,  of  course.  I  wish 
with  all  my  heart  I  were  now  in  Boston,  or  to  embark  for  that 
town  to-morrow ;  not  that  I  give  full  credit  to  your  sanguine 
partiality  to  me  in  supposing  that  I  shall  be  chosen  first  magis- 
trate;  not  that  I  think  it  an  eligible  situation  in  such  times,  or 
that  my  health  or  other  qualifications  would  enable  me  to  sus- 
tain the  weight  of  it  with  dignity  at  any  time.  Indeed,  I  doubt 
whether  my  sentiments  of  government  are  agreeable  to  the 
majority  of  our  State,  and  I  am  not  enough  of  an  accommodat- 
ing disposition  to  give  up  or  conceal  sentiments  that  I  think 
of  consequence,  for  the  sake  of  places.  The  commotions  in 
New  England  alarmed  me  so  much  that  I  have  thrown  together 
"some  hasty  speculations  upon  the  subject  of  government,  which 
you  will  soon  see.  If  the  general  spirit  of  those  papers  is  not 
approved  in  our  country,  my  career  in  political  life  will  be  very 
short. 

I  see,  by  some  newspapers  received  to-day,  that  you  have 
distinguished  yourself  in  support  of  the  laws,  in  a  manner  that 
does  you  great  honor,  and  will  not  soon  be  forgotten.  I  begin 
to  suspect  that  some  gentlemen  who  had  more  zeal  than  know- 
ledge in  the  year  1770,  will  soon  discover  that  I  had  good 
policy,  as  well  as  sound  lav^;^,  on  my  side,  when  I  ventured  to 
lay  open  before  our  people  the  laws  against  riots,  routs,  and 
unlawful  assemblies.  Mobs  will  never  do  to  govern  States  or 
command  armies.  I  was  as  sensible  of  it  in  1770  as  I  am  in 
1787.  To  talk  of  liberty  in  such  a  state  of  things !  Is  not  a 
Shattuck  or  a  Shays  as  gi-eat  a  tyrant,  when  he  would  pluck 
up  law  and  justice  by  the  roots,  as  a  Bernard  or  a  Hutchinson, 
when  he  would  overturn  them  partially  ?  You  see  I  have  not 
forgotten  old  stories  any  more  than  you.  I  am  sorry,  however, 
that  you  recollect  the  old  afTair  of  the  letters,  in  which  I  ever 
believed  you  as  innocent  as  myself,  and  more  so,  too.  I  had 
long  since  forgotten  it,  or  at  least  all  unpleasant  feelings  occa- 
sioned by  it.  Although  those  letters  gave  ofience  to  some  men 
whom  I  always  esteemed,  there  were  other  sentiments  in  them 


552  CORRESPONDENCE. 

which  contributed  to  apprise  the  continent  early  of  what  I  was 
about,  and  to  prepare  their  minds  for  it.  Those  letters  are  the 
first  monument  extant  of  the  immortally  glorious  project  of 
Independence.!  Instead  of  blushing  at  them  altogether,  I  glory 
in  them,  and  so  will  my  grandchild  that  I  hope  to  see  next 
spring.  You  will  oblige  me  much.  Sir,  by  any  communications 
you  can  spare  the  time  to  make  me. 


TO    PHILIP    MAZZEI. 

London,  12  June,  1787. 

Your  favor  of  the  24th  of  May  is  before  me.  To  defend 
the  separation  of  the  legislative,  executive,  judicial  powers 
from  each  other,  and  the  division  of  the  legislative  into  three 
branches,  from  the  attacks  of  county  committees,  riotous  assem- 
blies, and  uninformed  philosophers  and  statesmen,  will  be  the 
burden  of  my  song,  and  I  am  very  glad  to  find  that  the  attempt 
has  met  with  your  approbation.  Such  a  distribution  of  power 
appears  to  me  the  unum  necessarium  of  liberty,  safety,  and  good 
order,  and,  therefore,  no  pains  taken  to  preserve  it  will  be  thrown 
away.  An  application  has  been  made  to  me  here  in  behalf  of 
a  French  writer,  who  is  very  capable  of  translating  such  a  book, 
and  who  wishes  to  publish  an  edition  in  French,  in  London. 
His  name  is  De  la  Tour.  I  have  discouraged  his  project  hitherto, 
because  Mr.  Jefferson  informed  me  that  some  one  had  under- 
taken it  in  Paris.  You  inform  me  that  several  have  applied  to 
government  for  permission.  But  will  they  obtain  it?  I  am 
just  returned  from  an  excursion  to  Amsterdam,  where  I  was 
told  by  a  bookseller  that  he  was  about  getting  it  translated 
into  Dutch.  But  I  doubt  whether  any  of  these  undertakers  will 
proceed;  for  American  affairs  are  not  now  so  interesting  in 
Europe  as  they  were  in  the  time  of  the  war,  and  such  a  work 
will  not  sell  now  as  it  would  then.  I  should  be  glad  to  know 
with  certainty  whether  your  bookseller  has  obtained  permission, 
and  whether  he  will  proceed,  for  the  regulation  of  my  own  con- 

1  The  allusion  is  to  the  intercepted  letters.     See  vol.  ii.  p.  411,  note. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  553 

duct.  Has  he  published  his  advertisement?  I  should  think  he 
had  better  jDroceed  with  the  first  volume,  without  waiting  for 
the  second,  that  he  may  form  a  better  judgment,  whether  it  is 
worth  his  while  to  translate  the  second  at  all. 

If  the  separate  States  preserve  inviolable  the  divisions  and 
separations  and  independence  of  these  several  authorities,  their 
liberties,  their  security,  their  good  order,  prosperity,  grandeur, 
and  glory  will  be  the  certain  consequence,  whatever  imperfec- 
tions may  remain  incurable  in  the  confederation.  But,  if  these 
precautions  are  not  taken,  we  shall  have  a  capricious  and  a 
turbulent,  if  not  a  bloody  scene,  in  America  for  a  hundred  years 
to  come.  So  it  appears  to  me,  and  no  endeavors  of  mine  shall 
be  wanting  to  secure  the  good  and  prevent  the  evil,  however 
unpopular  I  may  make  myself  by  the  attempt. 


R.    H.    1,EE    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

New  York,  3  September,  1787. 

Since  my  letter  to  you  of  December,  1785,  from  Chantilly,  in 
Virginia,  in  answer  to  the  letters  that  you  were  pleased  to  write 
me  on  the  26th  of  August,  6th  and  7th  of  September,  1785,  I 
have  not  been  honored  with  any  letter  from  you.  On  my  arrival 
here,  I  met  with  and  read  with  great  pleasure  your  book  on  the 
American  governments.  The  judicious  collection  that  you 
have  made,  with  your  just  reflections  thereon,  have  reached 
America  at  a  great  crisis,  and  will  probably  have  their  proper 
influence  in  forming  the  federal  government  now  under  consider- 
ation. Your  labor  may,  therefore,  have  its  reward  in  the  thanks 
of  this  and  future  generations.  The  present  federal  system,  how- 
ever well  calculated  it  might  have  been  for  its  designed  ends,  if 
the  States  had  done  their  duty,  under  the  almost  total  neglect 
of  that  duty  has  been  found  quite  inefficient  and  ineffectual. 
The  government  must  be  both  legislative  and  executive,  with 
the  former  power  paramount  to  the  State  legislatures,  in  certain 
respects  essential  to  federal  purposes.  I  think  there  is  no  doubt 
but  that  this  legislature  will  be  recommended  to  consist  of  the 
triple  balance,  if  I  may  use  the  expression  to  signify  a  com- 

VOL.  IX.  47 


/' 


554  ~  CORRESPONDENCE. 

pound  of  the  three  simple  forms  acting  independently,  but  form- 
ing ja.  joint  determination.  The  executive  (which  will  be  part 
of  the  legislative)  to  have  more  duration,  and  power  enlarged 
beyond  the  present.  This  seems  to  be  the  plan  expected,  and 
generally  spoken  of.  I  say  expected,  because  the  Convention  is 
yet  sitting,  and  will  continue  so  to  do  until  the  middle  of  this 
month.  I  was  appointed  to  that  Assembly,  but  being  a  member 
of  Congress,  where  the  plan  of  Convention  must  be  approved, 
there  appeared  an  inconsistency  for  members  of  the  former  to 
have  session  in  the  latter,  and  so  pass  judgment  at  New  York 
upon  their  opinion  at  Philadelphia.  I  therefore  declined  go- 
ing to  Convention,  and  came  here,  where  we  have  lately  con- 
tracted for  the  sale  of  six  millions  of  acres,  on  the  north-western 
side  of  Ohio,  in  the  ceded  territory,  for  lessening  the  domestic 
debt.  And  now,  another  offer  is  made  for  two  millions  more. 
I  hope  we  shall  at  least  be  able  to  extinguish  the  domestic 
debt  created  by  the  late  war,  which  is  by  far  the  greatest  part 
of  the  debt.  So  many  of  oar  members  have  lately  gone  from 
hence  to  the  Convention,  that  we  have  had  but  five  States  in 
Congress  for  a  month  past,  which  has  prevented  any  determina- 
tion on  your  application  to  return.  It  seems  at  present  to  be 
very  doubtful  whether  there  will  be  any  resident  appointed  to 
the  Court  where  you  are;  some  being  for  a  minister,  some  for  a 
charge,  and  some  for  neither,  but  a  consul  only.  How  it  will 
terminate  can  scarcely  be  conjectured  yet. 


ARTHUR  LEE  TO  JOHN  ADAMS. 

New  York,  3  October,  1787. 

I  inclose  you  the  long  expected  production  of  the  Conven- 
tion. I  am  inclined  to  think  you  will  deem  it  somewhat  too 
aristocratic.  An  oligarchy,  however,  I  think,  will  spring  from 
it  in  the  persons  of  the  Presidoit  and  the  Vice-President,  who, 
if  they  understand  one  another,  will  easily  govern  the  two 
Houses  to  their  will.  The  omission  of  a  Declaration  of  Rights, 
the  appointment  of  a  Vice-President,  whose  sole  business  seems 
to  be  to  intrigue,  securing  trial  by  jury  in  criminal  cases  only. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  555 

making  the  federal  court  original  instead  of  appellant,  and  that 
in  the  case  of  a  citizen  of  any  State  and  one  of  another,  and 
of  a  foreigner  with  the  citizen  of  any  State,  the  omission  of  a 
council,  and  vesting  legislative,  executive  and  judicial  powers 
in  the  Senate,  the  making  this  Senate  counsellors  to  the  Presi- 
dent, and  judges  on  his  impeachment,  which  may  happen  to  be 
for  the  very  thing  they  have  advised,  are  errors,  if  errors,  gross 
as  a  mountain.  I  say,  if  errors,  for  1  am  very  much  inclined  to 
believe  they  were  designed. 

Congress  having  three  States  represented  by  those  who  were 
members  of  Convention,  and  three  of  the  most  influential,  each 
in  three  other  States,  resolved  to  send  it  on  without  any  recom- 
mendation, because  its  opponents  insisted  upon  having  their 
reasons  on  the  journals,  if  they  offered  to  recommend  it.  The 
States  present  were  New  Hampshire,  two  Convention  men, 
Massachusetts,  two  Convention,  one  not,  Connecticut,  one  Con- 
vention, one  not.  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Dela- 
ware, Virginia,  one  Convention,  three  not.  North  Carolina,  one 
Convention,  one  not.  South  Carolina,  one  Convention,  one  not, 
Georgia,  two  Convention.  Pennsylvania  has  ordered  the  State 
"t^Ionvention  to  meet  on  the  3d  of  November  to  determine  on  its 
adoption.  All  the  other  assemblies  will  direct  Conventions 
when  they  meet.  From  the  present  appearance  of  things,  it 
seems  probable  it  will  become  our  Constitution  just  as  it  is. 
No  opposition  is  declared  to  it  but  in  V^irginia,  where  it  will  be 
opposed,  I  imagine,  by  the  Governor,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Mr. 
Mason,  and  Mr.  Henry.  In  this  State,  the  Governor  and  all  his 
friends  are  in  opposition.  I  wish  it  may  be  amended,  and  can- 
not see  why  it  should  not. 

My  brother,  R.  H.  Lee,  is  here-,  and  desires  to  be  affection- 
ately remembered  to  you.  Please  to  remember  me  to  Mrs. 
Adams,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Smith,  and  to  my  nephews,  to  whom  1 
have  not  time  to  write.     Adieu. 

A.  Lee. 


556  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 


Braintree,  2  December,  1788. 

A  multiplicity  of  avocations  have  prevented  me  from  answer- 
ing your  friendly  letter  of  the  2dof  July,  till  I  am  almost  ashamed 
to  answer  it  at  all.  Your  congratulations  on  my  arrival  and 
kind  reception  are  very  agreeable,  because  I  know  them  to  be 
sincere.  Your  compliments  upon  my  poor  volumes  are  consola- 
tory, because  they  give  me  grounds  to  hope  that  they  may  have 
done  some  good.  It  is  an  opinion  here,  that  they  contributed 
somewhat  to  restore  a  permanent  tranquillity  to  this  common- 
/  wealth,  as  well  as  to  suppress  the  pestilent  county  conventions, 
insurrections,  and  rebellion.  And  if  I  could  be  flattered  into 
the  belief  that  they  contributed  to  the  formation  or  ratification 
of  a  balanced  national  government  for  the  United  States,  I 
should  sing  my  nunc  dimiltis  with  much  pleasure.  If  any  one 
will  show  me  a  single  example  where  the  laws  were  respected, 
and  liberty,  property,  life  or  character  secure,  without  a  balance 
in  the  Constitution,  I  might  venture  to  give  up  the  controversy. 
And  if  any  one  will  show  that  there  ever  was  a  balance,  or  ever 
can  be  a  balance  for  three  days  together,  without  three  branches, 
and  no  more,  I  might  also  give  up  the  point. 

I  have  heard  nothing  of  the  second  and  third  volumes  in  the 
southern  and  middle  States,  and  know  not  whether  they  have 
been  read  or  how  received.  For  the  third  volume  I  was  most 
anxious,  as  it  was  the  boldest  and  freest,  and  most  likely  to  be 
unpopular. 

Whether  your  expectation,  that  I  shall  be  in  the  new  govern^ 
ment,  proceeds  from  your  partiality  to  your  old  friend,  or  from 
your  knowledge  of  the  sentiments  of  the  nation,  I  know  not. 
The  choice  will  be  in  the  breasts  of  freemen,  and  if  it  falls  upon 
me,  it  will  most  certainly  be  a  free  election. 

You  tell  me  my  labors  are  only  beginning.  Seven-and-twenty 
years  have  I  labored  in  this  rugged  vineyard,  and  am  now  arrived 
at  an  age  when  man  sighs  for  repose. 

My  dear  Mrs.  Adams  is  with  her  only  daughter  at  Long 
Island.  We  have  three  sons,  two  at  college,  and  one  with  an 
eminent  lawyer.  They  are  regular  in  their  manners  and  studies, 
and  give  me  so  much  satisfaction  as  to  increase  the  regret  I  feel 


CORRESPONDENCE.  557 

at  the  remembrance  of  how  much  of  their  interests  I  have  been 
obliged  to  sacrifice  to  the  public  service. 


TO    THOMAS    BRAND-HOLLIS. 

Braintree,  3  December,  1788. 

If  I  had  been  told  at  my  first  arrival,  that  five  months  would 
pass  before  I  should  write  a  line  to  Mr.  Brand-Hollis,  I  should 
not  have  believed  it.  I  found  my  estate,  in  consequence  of  a 
total  neglect  and  inattention  on  my  part  for  fourteen  years,  was 
falling  to  decay,  and  in  so  much  disorder  as  to  require  my  whole 
attention  to  repair  it.  I  have  a  great  mind  to  essay  a  descrip- 
tion of-  it.  It  is  not  large,  in  the  first  place.  It  is  but  the  farm 
of  a  patriot.  But  there  are  in  it  two  or  three  spots,  from  whence 
are  to  be  seen  some  of  the  most  beautiful  prospects  in  the  world. 
I  wish  the  Hyde  was  within  ten  miles,  or  that  Mr.  Brand-Hollis 
would  come  and  build  a  Hyde  near  us.  I  have  a  fine  meadow 
that  I  would  christen  by  the  name  of  Hollis  Mead,  if  it  were  not 
too  small.  The  hill  where  I  now  live  is  worthy  to  be  called 
Hollis  Hill;  but  as  only  a  small  part  of  the  top  of  it  belongs  to 
me,  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  would  succeed.  There  is  a  fine 
brook,  through  a  meadow,  by  my  house;  shall  I  call  it  Hollis 
Brook  ? 

What  shall  I  say  to  you  of  our  public  affairs  ?  The  in- 
crease of  population  is  wonderful.  The  plenty  of  provisions 
"of  all  kinds  amazing,  and  cheap  in  proportion  to  their  abund- 
ance and  the  scarcity  of  money,  which  is  certainly  very  great. 
The  agriculture,  fisheries,  manufactures,  and  commerce  of  the 
country  are  very  well,  much  better  than  I  expected  to  find 
them.  I  cannot  say  so  much  of  our  politics.  The  constancy 
of  the  people  in  a  course  of  annual  elections  has  discarded  from 
their  confidence  almost  all  the  old,  stanch,  firm  patriots,  who 
conducted  the  revolution  in  all  the  civil  departments,  and  has 
called  to  the  helm  pilots  much  more  selfish  and  much  less  skil- 
ful. I  cannot,  however,  lay  all  the  blame  of  this  upon  the 
people.  Many  of  my  brother  patriots  have  flattered  the  people, 
by  telling  them  they  had  virtue,  wisdom,  and  talents,  which  the 

47* 


558  CORRESPONDENCE. 

people  themselves  have  found  out  by  experience  they  had  not, 
and  this  has  disgusted  them  with  their  flatterers.  The  elections 
for  the  new  government  have  been  determined  very  well,  hitherto, 
in  general.  You  may  have  the  curiosity  to  ask  what  share  your 
friend  is  to  have.  I  really  am  at  a  loss  to  guess.  The  probabi- 
lity at  present  seems  to  be,  that  I  shall  have  no  lot  in  it.  I  am 
in  the  habit  of  balancing  every  thing.  In  one  scale  is  vanity, 
in  the  other  comfort.  Can  you  doubt  which  will  preponderate? 
Tn  public  life  I  have  found  nothing  but  the  former,  in  private 
life  I  have  enjoyed  much  of  the  latter. 

I  regret  the  loss  of  the  book-shops,  and  the  society  of  the  few 
men  of  letters  that  I  knew  in  London;  in  all  other  respects  I 
am  much  better  accommodated  here.  Shall  1  hope  to  hear 
from  you  as  you  have  leisure  ?  A  letter  left  at  the  New  Eng- 
land Coffee  House  will  be  brought  me  by  some  of  our  Boston 
captains. 


TO    RICHARD    PRICE. 

New  York,  20  May,  1789. 

I  last  night  received  your  friendly  letter  of  March  the  5th, 
and  am  happy  to  find  that  I  have  a  place  in  your  remem- 
brance. There  are  few  portions  of  my  life  that  I  recollect 
with  more  entire  satisfaction  than  the  hours  I  spent  at  Hack- 
ney, under  your  ministry,  and  in  private  society,  and  conversa- 
tion with  you  at  other  places.  The  approbation  you  are 
pleased  to  express  of  my  speculations  on  the  subject  of  govern- 
ment, is  peculiarly  agreeable  t6  me,  because  it  goes  a  great  way 
to  convince  me  that  the  end  I  had  in  view  has  been  in  some 
degree  answered,  and  will  be  more  so.  It  was  not  to  obtain  a 
name  as  an  author,  or  a  reputation  for  literary  talents,  that  I 
undertook  the  laborious  work.  If  such  had  been  my  object,  I 
certainly  should  have  taken  more  time  to  digest  and  connect  it. 
But  it  appeared  to  me,  that  my  countrymen  were  running  wild, 
and  into  danger,  from  a  too  ardent  and  inconsiderate  pursuit  of 
erroneous  opinions  of  government,  which  had  been  propagated 
among  them  by  some  of  their  ill  informed  favorites,  and  by 
various  writings  which  were  very  popular  among  them,  such  as 


CORRESPONDENCE.  559 

the  pamphlet  called  Common  Sense,  for  one  example,  among 
many  others;  particularly  Mrs.  Macaulay's  History,  Mr.  Bm-gh's 
Political  Disquisitions,  Mr.  Turgot's  _  letters.  These  writings 
are  all  excellent  in  some  respects,  and  very  useful,  but  extremely 
mistaken  in  the  true  construction  of  a  free  government.  To 
jaccomplish  the  good  I  had  in  view,  I  thought  it  would  be  more 
useful  and  efliectual,  to  lay  facts,  principles,  examples,  and 
reasonings  before  my  countrymen,  from  the  writings  of  others, 
than  in  my  own  name.  This  has  given  an  air  of  pedantry  to 
the  books,  which  I  despise ;  but  it  has  answered  the  end  in  a 
manner  more  effectual  than  if  I  had  contrived  it  with  more  art 
to  promote  my  own  reputation.  Our  new  Constitution  is 
formed,  in  part,  upon  its  principles,  and  the  enlightened  part  of 
our  communities  are  generally  convinced  of  the  necessity  of 
adopting  it,  by  degrees,  more  completely. 

Your  monthly  reviewers  thought  themselves  very  sagacious 
in  conjecturing  that  I  had  a  point  to  carry!  They  will  now,  I 
suppose,  glorify  themselves  in  the  belief  that  their  conjecture 
was  right,  and  that  I  have  carried  my  point.  Shrewd,  however, 
as  they  think  themselves,  they  are  mistaken.  Had  my  books 
been  contrived  for  any  selfish  purpose,  they  would  have  cer- 
tainly been  modelled  in  a  more  popular  manner.  If  those 
writings  have  contributed  to  procure  me  the  confidence  of  my 
fellow-citizens,  I  shall  rejoice  in  them  the  more  as  a  sure  proof 
that  they  have  convinced  many  already,  and  that  they  will  con- 
tinue to  operate  a  complete  reformation  of  every  thing  yet 
wrong,  and  produce  in  the  end  what  I  think  the  most  perfect 
form  of  government.  I  am  now  very  happy  with  our  illustrious 
chief  and  many  of  my  old  friends,  and  firmly  trust  in  the  good- 
ness of  Providence  for  aids  to  accomplish  the  great  work  of 
forming  institutions  for  a  great  continent,  which  may  leave 
them  their  liberty  and  happiness  for  many  generations. 


TO    HENRY    MARGHANT. 


New  York,  18  August,  1789 

I  have  received  your  kind  and  obliging  letter  of  the  16th  of 
July,  and  am  sorry  that  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather,  and  a 


560  CORRESPONDENCE. 

constant  attendance  on  the  duties  of  an  office  which  is  some- 
what laborious  and  fatiguing,  have  prevented  my  giving  it  an 
earlier  answer.  The  approbation  you  are  pleased  to  express 
of  my  public  conduct,  is  a  great  satisfaction  to  me.  It  is  true 
that  I  have  run  through  a  course  of  dangers,  hardships,  and 
fatigues,  by  sea  and  land,  and  a  series  of  perplexed  negotiations 
among  various  nations,  and  at  different  courts,  which  have 
never  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  other  American,  and  scarcely  to 
any  other  man.  But  although  I  may  flatter  myself  that  under 
the  favor  of  Heaven  I  have  had  as  much  success  as  could  have 
been  rationally  expected,  yet  I  find  myself  obliged  with  you  to 
lament  that  our  countrymen  have  not  availed  themselves  of  the 
advantages  which  Providence  has  placed  in  their  power.  After 
a  generous  contest  for  liberty,  of  twenty  years'  continuance,  Ame- 
ricans forgot  wherein  liberty  consisted.  After  a  bloody  war  in 
defence  of  property,  they  forgot  that  property  was  sacred.  After 
an  arduous  struggle  for  the  freedom  of  commerce,  they  voluntarily 
shackled  it  with  arbitrary  trammels.  After  fighting  for  justice 
as  the  end  of  government,  they  seemed  determined  to  banish 
that  virtue  from  the  earth.  Rhode  Island  has  carried  all  these 
errors  to  their  extremes,  but  there  is  not  any  State  in  the  Union 
which  is  wholly  free  from  the  same  mistakes.  I  should  deno- 
minate this  conduct  guilty  as  well  as  erroneous,  if  I  were  not 
sensible  that  it  has  been  owing  to  the  loss  of  that  balance  in 
our  government  which  can  alone  preserve  wisdom  or  virtue  in 
society.  The  whole  continent  seems  at  present  sensible  that 
much  has  been  wrong,  and  desirous  of  reformation.  But  there 
are  obstacles  in  the  way,  among  which  the  unnatural  conduct 
of  Rhode  Island  is  not  the  least.  You  will  add  greatly  to  your 
merits  towards  your  country  by  your  exertions  to  bring  your 
fellow-citizens  into  a  right  way  of  thinking  in  this  respect. 

It  is  very  true  that  several  of  those  loose  conjectures  of  an 
imagination,  wandering  into  futurity,  which  you  are  pleased  to 
dignify  with  the  magnificent  appellation  of  "  prophetic  declara- 
tions," have  been  brought  to  pass  in  a  singular  manner,  for  some 
of  which  I  had  much  less  reason  to  offer  than  for  that  which  has 
not  been  accomplished  relative  to  yourself.  This,  however,  is 
still  not  impossible,  nor  perhaps  improbable.  The  solemn  decla- 
ration, which  you  call  prophetic,  and  say  has  come  to  pass,  made 
on  the  floor  of  Congress,  respecting  the  late  confederation,  just 


CORRESPONDENCE.  561 

as  we  had  closed  it,  I  do  not  distinctly  recollect.  I  should  be 
much  obliged  to  you  if  you  would  write  me  as  particular  an 
account  of  it  as  you  can  recollect.^  Hcec  olim  meminisse  juva- 
bit. 

I  must  now  thank  you  for  your  polite  and  friendly  attention 
to  my  family  when  at  Newport.  They  speak  with  much  grati- 
tude of  the  civilities  they  received  both  there  and  at  Providence, 
and  we  live  in  hopes  of  seeing  you  in  Senate  before  another 
year  is  completed. 


TO    SILVANUS    BOURN. 

New  York,  30  August,  1789. 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  18th  of  this  month,  and  have 
communicated  that  to  the  President  which  was  inclosed  in  it. 
The  particular  office  you  solicit  by  that  letter  will  be  sought  by 
numbers,  and  among  them  probably  will  be  men  advanced  in 
life,  encumbered  with  large  families,  in  necessitous  circum- 
stances perhaps  occasioned  by  public  services,  by  depreciated 
public  promises,  &c.  The  President  will,  as  he  ought,  weigh 
all  these  particulars,  and  give  the  preference  upon  the  whole  as 
justice,  humanity,  and  wisdom  shall  dictate.  There  is  another 
gentleman  who  has  applied  for  it,  whose  pretensions,  perhaps, 
will  have  great  weight,  and  will  be  supported  by  recommenda- 
tions of  the  first  sort. 

I  must  caution  you,  my  dear  Sir,  against  having  any  depend- 
ence on  my  influence  or  that  of  any  other  person.  No  man,  I 
believe,  has  influence  with  the  President.  He  seeks  information 
from  all  quarters,  and  judges  more  independently  than  any  man 
I  ever  knew.  It  is  of  so  much  importance  to  the  public  that  he 
should  preserve  this  superiority,  that  I  hope  I  shall  never  see 
the  time  that  any  man  will  have  influence  with  him  beyond 
the  powers  of  reason  and  argument. 

Who  is  it,  pray,  that  has  been  honoring  Vice  in  poetry  ? 

'  See  vol.  iii.  p.  70,  note. 


J  2 


562  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    JAMES    SULLIVAN. 

New  York,  17  September,  1789. 

In  your  letter  of  the  18th  of  August,  you  ask  why  we  may 
not  have  as  much  paper  in  circulation  in  proportion  to  our  cir- 
culating silver  and  gold,  as  Great  Britain  has  in  proportion 
to  hers.  Give  me  leave  to  answer  you  without  hesitation. 
We  may,  as  soon  as  we  shall  have  any  credit.  We  have 
none.  No  man  of  common  sense  will  trust  us.  As  long  as 
an  unlimited  democracy  tyrannized  over  the  rich,  no  man  of 
property  was  safe.  If  ever  an  unlimited  aristocracy  shall 
tyrannize  over  the  poor  and  the  moderately  rich  at  once,  the 
greater  portion  of  society  wdll  not  dare  to  trust  the  less.  But 
if  a  government  well  ordered,  mixed,  and  counterpoised  should 
take  place,  and  in  consequence  of  it  the  commandment,  "  Thou 
shalt  not  steal,"  be  observed,  then  and  not  till  then  you  may 
circulate  what  paper  you  may  find  necessary.  But  I  doubt 
very  much  whether  our  circumstances  will  require  any  paper  at 
all.  The  cash  paid  in  imposts  will  immediately  be  paid  to  cre- 
ditors, and  by  them  circulated  in  society. 


TO    MARSTON    WATSON. 

Braintree,  7  November,  1789. 

The  letter  you  did  me  the  honor  to  write  me  on  the  30th  of 
September  has  been  to  New  York,  and  from  thence  transmitted 
to  this  place ;  but  it  never  reached  my  hand  till  the  night  before 
last.  The  sentiments  of  esteem  for  my  private  character,  ex- 
pressed by  gentlemen  who  are  probably  strangers  to  me,  are 
very  obliging,  and  the  approbation  of  my  public  conduct  abroad 
lays  me  under  still  greater  obligations. 

The  fisheries  are  so  essential  to  the  commerce  and  naval 
power  of  this  nation,  that  it  is  astonishing  that  any  one  citizen 
should  ever  have  been  found  indifferent  about  them.  But  it  is 
certain  that  at  a  time  when  there  were  reasons  to  expect  that 
more  than  one  foreign  nation  would  endeavor  to  deprive  us  of 


CORRESPONDENCE.  563 

them,  there  were  many  Americans  indifferent,  and  not  a  few 
even  disposed  to  give  them  away.  A  knowledge  of  this  was 
the  first  and  strongest  motive  with  me  to  embark  for  Europe  a 
first  and  a  second  time.  After  all,  however,  the  final  preserva- 
tion of  the  fisheries  was  owing  to  causes  so  providential,  that  I 
can  never  look  back  upon  them  without  reverence  and  emotion. 
Your  approbation.  Sir,  and  that  of  your  friends,  of  the  part  I 
acted  in  that  negotiation,  give  me  great  pleasure. 

The  present  of  four  boxes  of  fish  has  been  received  in  my 
absence  by  my  family ;  and  is  in  every  point  of  view  very 
acceptable  to  me.  As  an  amateur,  I  shall  regale  myself  and  my 
friends;  as  a  wellwisher  to  the  trade,  I  shall  endeavor  to  make 
the  dish  fashionable  at  New  York.  I  pray  you  and  your  com- 
panions to  accept  of  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  favor,  and  my 
best  wishes  for  their  pleasure,  profit,  and  prosperity  in  the  pro- 
secution of  the  fisheries.  May  you  and  they  live  to  see  a  com- 
merce and  a  naval  power  growing  out  of  your  occupations, 
which  shall  render  this  the  first  and  most  respectable  of  mari- 
time nations  I 


TO    RICHARD    PRICE. 

New  York,  19  April,  1790. 

My  dear  Friend,  —  Accept  of  my  best  thanks  for  your  favor 
of  February  1st,  and  the  excellent  discourse  ^  that  came  with  it, 
I  love  the  zeal  and  the  spirit  which  dictated  this  discourse,  and 
admire  the  general  sentiments  of  it.  From  the  year  1760  to 
this  hour,  the  whole  scope  of  my  life  has  been  to  support  such 
principles  and  propagate  such  sentiments.  No  sacrifices  of  my- 
self or  my  family,  no  dangers,  no  labors,  have  been  too  much 
for  me  in  this  great  cause.  The  revolution  in  France  could 
not  therefore  be  indifferent  to  me ;  but  I  have  learned  by  awful 
experience  to  rejoice  with  trembling.  I  know  that  encyclope-  j 
dists  and  economists,  Diderot  and  D'Alembert,  Voltaire  and 
Rousseau,  have  contributed  to  this  great  event  more  than  Sid- 
ney, Locke,  or  Hoadley,  perhaps  more  than  the  American  revo- , 

1  On  the  Love  of  Country.     This  sermon  was  the  occasion  of  Burke's  Reflec- 
tions on  the  French  Revolution. 


564  CORRESPONDENCE. 

(I  lution;  and  I  own  to  you,  I  know  not  what  to  make  of  a  re- 
\|  public  of  thirty  million  atheists.  The  Constitution  is  but  an 
experiment,  and  must  and  will  be  altered.  I  know  it  to  be 
t^  impossible  that  France  should  be  long  governed  by  it.  If  the 
sovereignty  is  to  reside  in  one  assembly,  the  king,  princes  of  the 
blood,  and  principal  quality,  will  govern  it  at  their  pleasure  as 
long  as  they  can  agree ;  when  they  differ,  they  will  go  to  war, 
and  act  over  again  all  the  tragedies  of  Valois,  Bourbons,  Lor- 
raines.  Guises,  and  Colignis,  two  hundred  years  ago.  The 
Greeks  sung  the  praises  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton  for  restor- 
ing equal  laws.  Too  many  Frenchmen,  after  the  example  of 
too  many  Americans,  pant  for  equality  of  persons  and  property. 
The  impracticability  of  this,  God  Almighty  has  decreed,  and 
the  advocates  for  liberty,  who  attempt  it,  will  surely  suffer 
for  it. 

I  thank  you.  Sir,  for  your  kind  compliment.  As  it  has  been 
the  great  aim  of  my  life  to  be  useful,  if  I  had  any  reason  to 
think  I  was  so,  as  you  seem  to  suppose,  it  would  make  me 
happy.  For  "eminence"  I  care  nothing;  for  though  I  pretend 
not  to  be  exempt  from  ambition,  or  any  other  human  passion,  I 
have  been  convinced  from  my  infancy  and  have  been  confirmed 
every  year  and  day  of  my  life,  that  the  mechanic  and  peasant 
are  happier  than  any  nobleman,  or  magistrate,  or  king,  and  that 
the  higher  a  man  rises,  if  he  has  any  sense  of  duty,  the  more 
anxious  he  must  be.  Our  new  government  is  an  attempt  to 
divide  a  sovereignty ;  a  fresh  essay  at  imperium  in  imperio.  It 
cannot,  therefore,  be  expected  to  be  very  stable  or  very  firm.  It 
will  prevent  us  for  a  time  from  drawing  our  swords  upon  each 
other,  and  when  it  will  do  that  no  longer,  we  must  call  a  new 
Convention  to  reform  it.  The  difficulty  of  bringing  millions  to 
agree  in  any  measures,  to  act  by  any  rule,  can  never  be  conceived 
by  him  who  has  not  tried  it.  It  is  incredible  how  small  is  the 
number,  in  any  nation,  of  those  who  comprehend  any  system  of 
constitution  or  administration,  and  those  few  it  is  wholly  im- 
possible to  unite.  I  am  a  sincere  inquirer  after  truth,  but  I  find 
very  few  who  discover  the  same  truths.  The  Jimg  ^f  Prussia 
\  has  found  one  which  has  also  faUen  in  my  way.  "  That  it  is 
the  peculiar  quality  of  the  human  understanding,  that  example 
'  should  correct  no  man.  The  blunders  of  the  father  are  lost  to 
his  children,  and  every  generation   must  commit  its  own."     I 


CORRESPONDENCE.  565 

have  never  sacrificed    my   judgment   to    kings,   ministersj^  nor_ 
people,  and  I  never  will.     When  either  shall  see  as  I  do,  I  shall 
rejoice  in  their  protection,  uitl,  and   honor;  but  I  see  no  pro- 
spect  that  either  will  ever  think  as  I  do,  and  therefore  I  shall 
never  be  a  favorite  with  either.     I  do  not  desire  to  be ;  but  I 


sincerely  wish  and  devoutly  pray,  that  a  hundred  years  of  civil 
wars  may  not  be  the  portion  of  all  Europe  for  want  of  a 
little  attention  to  the  true  elements  of  the  science  of  govern- 
ment. With  sentiments,  moral  sentiments,  which  are  and 
must  be  eternal,  I  am  your  friend,  &c. 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

New  York,  18  April,  1790. 

Your  letter  of  April  13th  soars  above  the  visible,  diurnal 
sphere.  I  own  to  you  that  avarice,  ambition,  the  love  of  fame, 
&c.,  are  all  mysterious  passions.  They  are  the  greatest  absurd- 
ities, delusions,  and  follies  that  can  be  imagined,  if  in  this  life 
only  we  had  hope.  In  the  boat,  on  our  return  from  Point-no- 
Point,  the  principal  topic  of  conversation  was  independence. 
My  sentiments  on  this  head  were  no  secret  in  Congress  from 
May,  1775.  An  intercepted  letter  early  in  1775  had  informed 
the  world  that  I  was  for  independence.  But  I  was  left  too  much 
alone.  The  company  in  the  boat  appeared  to  me  then  and 
ever  since  to  have  invited  me  to  be  of  their  party  that  they 
might  all  assure  me  in  that  confidential  manner  that  they  were 
of  my  mind  and  would  ultimately  support  me.  There  was  not 
one  of  the  company,  I  believe,  who  in  the  course  of  the  passage 
did  not  repeatedly  assure  me  that  in  his  opinion  we  must  be 
independent.  That  evening's  conversation  was  a  great  comfort 
to  me  ever  after. 

How  many  follies  and  indiscreet  speeches  do  your  minutes 
in  your  note-book  bring  to  my  recollection,  which  I  had  forgot- 
ten forever!  Alas!  I  fear  I  am  not  yet  much  more  prudent 
Your  character  of  Mr.  Paine  is  very  well  and  very  just.  To  the 
accusation  against  me  which  you  have  recorded  in  your  note- 
book of  the  17th  of  March  last,  I  plead  not  guilty.     I^ny  an 

VOL.  IX.  48 


566 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


V 


J 


attachment  to  monarchy,  and  I  deny  that  I  have- changed  my 
principles  since  1776.  No  letter  of  mine  to  Mr.  Hooper  was  ever 
printed  that  I  know  of.  Indeed,  I  have  but  a  very  confused 
recollectioii  of  having  ever  written  him  any  letter.  If  any  letter 
has  been  printed  in  my  name,  I  desire  to  see  it.  You  know 
that  a  letter  of  mine  to  Mr.  Wythe  was  printed  by  Dunlap,  in 
January,  1776,  under  the  title  of  "Thoughts  on  Government,  in 
a  letter  from  a  gentleman  to  his  friend."  In  that  pamphlet  I 
recommended  a  legislature  in  three  independent  branches,  and 
to  such  a  legislature  I  am  still  attached.  But  I  own  that  at 
that  time  I  understood  very  little  of  the  subject,  and,  if  I  had 
changed  my  opinions,  should  have  no  scruple  to  avow  it.  I 
own  that  awful  experience  has  concurred  with  reading  and 
reflection,  to  convince  me  that  Americans  are  more  rapidly  dis- 
posed to  corruption  in  elections  that  I  thought  they  were  four- 
teen years  ago. 

My  friend  Dr.  Rush  will  excuse  me,  if  I  caution  him  against 
'  a  fraudulent  use  of  the  words  monarchy  and  republic.  _!  am  a 
mortal  and  irreconcilable  enemy  to  monarchy.  I  am  no  friend 
to  hereditary  limited  monarchy  in  America.  This  I  know  can 
never  be  admitted  without  an  hereditary  Senate  to  control  it, 
and  a  hereditary  nobility  or  Senate  in  America  I  know  to  be 

{  unattainable  and  impracticable.  I  should  scarcely  be  for  it,  if 
it  were.  Do  not,  therefore,  my  friend,  misunderstand  me  and 
misrepresent  me  to  posterity.  I  am  for  a  balance  between  the 
legislative  and  executive  powers,  and  I  am  for  enabling  the 
executive  to  be  at  all  times  capable  of  maintaining  the  balance 
between  the  Senate  and  House,  or  in  other  words,  between  the 
aristocratical  and  democratical  interests.  Yet  I  am  for  having 
all  three  brajiches  elected  at  Stated  periods,  and  these  elections, 
I  hope,  will  continue  until  the  people  shall  be  convinced  that 
fortune,  providence,  or  chance,  call  it  which  you  will,  is  better 

.  than  election.  If  the  time  should  come  when  corruption  shall 
be  added  to  intrigue  and  manoeuvre  in  elections,  and  produce 
civil  war,  then,  in  my  opinion,  chance  will  be  better  than  choice 
for  all  but  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Accept  rny  thanks  for  your  polite  and  obliging  invitation  to 
Philadelphia.  Nothing  would  give  me  more  pleasure  than  such 
a  visit;  but  I  must  deny  myself  that  satisfaction.  I  know  I 
have  friends  in  Pennsylvania,  and  such  as  I  esteem  very  much 


CORRESPONDENCE.  567 

as  friends  of  virtue,  liberty,  and  good  government.  Wliat  you 
mean  by  "more  than  British  degrees  of  corruption"  at  New 
York,  and  by  "sophisticated  government,"  I  know  not.  The 
continent  is  a  kind  of  whispering  gallery,  and  acts  and  speeches 
are  reverberated  round  from  New  York  in  all  directions.  The 
report  is  very  loud  at  a  distance,  when  the  whisper  is  very  gentle 
in  the  centre.  But  if  you  see  such  corruption  in  your  country- 
men, on  what  do  you  found  your  hopes?  I  lament  the  deplor- 
able condition  of  my  country,  which  seems  to  be  under  such  a 
fatality  that  the  people  can  agree  upon  nothing.  When  they 
seem  to  agree,  they  are  so  unsteady  that  it  is  but  for  a  moment. 
That  changes  may  be  made  for  the  better,  is  probable.  I  know 
of  no  change  that  would  occasion  much  danger,  but  that  of 
President.  I  wish  very  heartily  that  a  change  of  Vice-President 
could  be  made  to-morrow.  I  have  been  too  ill-used  in  the  office 
to  be  fond  of  it ;  —  if  I  had  not  been  introduced  into  it  in  a 
manner  that  made  it  a  disgrace.  I  will  never  serve  in  it  again 
upon  such  terms.  Though  I  have  acted  in  public  with  immense 
multitudes,  1  have  had  few  friends,  and  those  certainly  not  inter- 
ested ones.     These  I  shall  love  in  public  or  private.     Adieu. 


TO    ALEXANDER   JARDINE. 

New  York,  1  June,  1790. 

I  take  the  opportunity  by  General  Mansell  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  your  polite  letter  of  the  29th  May,  1789,  and  to 
present  you  my  thanks  for  the  valuable  present  of  your  enter- 
taining travels.^  Your  compliments  upon  so  hasty  a  production 
as  my  book,  are  very  flattering.  It  would  give  me  pleasure  to 
pursue  the  subject  through  all  the  known  governments,  and  to 
correct  or  rather  new-make  the  whole  work.  But  my  life  is 
destined  to  labor  of  a  much  less  agreeable  kind.  I  know  not 
how  it  is,  but  mankind  have  an  aversion  to  the  study  of  the 
science  of  government.  Is  it  because  the  subject  is  dry?  To 
me,  no  romance  is  more  entertaining.  Those  who  take  the  lead 
in  revolutions   are  seldom  well  informed,  and  they  commonly 

1  Letters  from  Barbary,  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  &c.,  in  two  volumes. 


568  CORKESPONDENCE. 

take  more  pains  to  inflame  their  own  passions  and  those  of 
society,  than  to  discover  truth  ;  and  very  few  of  those  who  have 
just  ideas  have  the  courage  to  pursue  them.  I  know  by  ex- 
perience that  in  revolutions  the  most  fiery  spirits  and  flighty 
geniuses  frequently  obtain  more  influence  than  men  of  sense 
and  judgment,  and  the  weakest  men  may  carry  foolish  measures 
in  opposition  to  wise  ones  proposed  by  the  ablest.  France  is  in 
great  danger  from  this  quarter.  The  desire  of  change  in  Europe 
is  not  wonderful.  Abuses  in  religion  and  government  are  so 
numerous  and  oppressive  to  the  people,  that  a  reformation  must 
take  place,  or  a  general  decline.  The  armies  of  monks,  soldiers, 
and  courtiers  were  become  so  numerous  and  costly,  that  the 
labor  of  the  rest  was  not  enough  to  maintain  them.  Either 
reformation  or  depopulation  must  come. 

I  am  so  well  satisfied  of  my  own  principles,  that  I  think  them 
as  eternal  and  unchangeable  as  the  earth  and  its  inhabitants. 
I  know  mankind  must  finally  adopt  a  balance  between  the 
executive  and  legislative  powers,  and  another  balance  between 
the  poor  and  the  rich  in  the  legislature,  and  quarrel  till  they 
come  to  that  conclusion.  But  how  long  they  must  quarrel 
before  they  agree  in  the  inference,  I  know  not. 


TO    THOMAS    BRAND-HOLLIS. 

New  York,  1  June,  1 790. 

Nothing  mortifies  me  more  than  the  difficulty  I  find  to 
maintain  that  correspondence  with  you,  which,  when  I  left 
England,  I  thought  would  be  some  consolation  to  me  for  the 
loss  of  your  conversation. 

We  proceed  by  degrees  to  introduce  a  little  order  into  this 
country,  and  my  public  duties  require  so  much  of  my  time  that 
I  have  little  left  for  private  friendships,  however  dear  to  me. 
By  General  Mansell  I  send  you  a  small  packet  which  will  give 
you  some  idea  of  our  proceedings.  The  French  seem  to  be  very 
zealous  to  follow  our  example.  I  wish  they  may  not  too  ex- 
actly copy  our  greatest  errors,  and  suffer  in  consequence  of  them 
greater  misfortunes  than  ours.     They  will  find  themselves  under 


CORRESPONDENCE.  509 

a  necessity  of  treading  back  some  of  their  too  nasty  steps,  as 
we  have  done. 

I  am  situated  on  the  majestic  bariks  of  the  Hudson,  in  com- 
parison of  which  your  Thames  is  but  a  rivulet,  and  surrounded 
with  all  the  beauties  and  sublimities  of  nature.  Never  did  I 
live  in  so  delightful  a  spot.  I  would  give,  what  would  I  not 
give  to  see  you  here  ?  Your  library  and  your  cabinets  of  ele- 
gant and  costly  curiosities  would  be  an  addition  to  such  a 
situation,  which  in  this  country  would  attract  the  attention  of 
all.  In  Europe  they  are  lost  in  the  crowd.  Come  over  and  pur- 
chase a  paradise  here,  and  be  the  delight  and  admiration  of  a 
new  world.  Marry  one  of  our  fine  girls,  and  leave  a  family  to 
do  honor  to  human  nature,  when  you  can  do  it  no  longer  in 
person.  Franklin  is  no  more,  and  we  have  lately  trembled  for 
Washington.  Thank  God,  he  has  recovered  from  a  dangerous 
sickness  and  is  likely  now  to  continue  many  years.  His  life  is 
of  vast  importance  for  us.  Is  there  any  probability  of  a  fer- 
mentation in  England,  sufficient  to  carry  off'  any  of  her  distem- 
pers? I  wish  her  happy  and  prosperous,  but  I  wish  she  would 
adopt  the  old  maxim,  "  Live  and  let  live."  Will  there  be  a 
complete  revolution  in  Europe,  both  in  religion  and  govern- 
ment? Where  will  the  present  passions  and  principles  lead, 
and  in  what  will  they  end  ?  In  more  freedom  and  humanity,  I 
am  clear.  But  when  or  how?  My  affectionate  regards  to  Dr. 
Price,  and  all  our  good  friends;  and  believe  me  yours  dum 
spiro,  &c. 

Rhode  Island  is  to  become  one  of  us,  on  the  29th  May. 


TO    THOMAS    BRAND-HOLLIS. 

New  York,  11  June,  1790. 

I  have  received  your  kind  letter  of  March  29th,  and  the  packet 
of  pamphlets,  and  I  pray  you  to  accept  of  my  best  thanks  for 
both.  I  sent  you  lately,  by  General  Mansell,  some  of  our  rough 
matters.  The  boxes  of  books  you  sent  by  Captain  Bernard, 
arrived  safely,  I  know.  You  seem  to  suppose  our  coast  in 
danger  from  African  pirates.      In  this  I  presume  you  are  de- 

48* 


570  CORRESPONDENCE. 

ceived  by  the  artifices  of  the  London  insurance  offices,  for  we  are 
in  no  more  danger  than  the  empire  of  China  is.  The  great  revo- 
lution in  France  is  wonderful,  but  not  supernatural.  The  hand 
of  Providence  is  in  it,  I  doubt  not,  working,  however,  by  natural 
and  ordinary  means,  such  as  produced  the  reformation  in  religion 
in  the  sixteenth  century.  That  all  men  have  one  common  nature, 
is  a  principle  which  will  now  universally  prevail,  and  equal  rights 
and  equal  duties  will  in  a  just  sense,  I  hope,  be  inferred  from  it. 
But  equal  ranks  and  equal  property  never  can  be  inferred  from 


it,  any  more  than  equal  understanding,  agility,  vigor,  or  beauty. 
Equal  laws  are  all  that  ever  can  be  derived  from  human  equal- 
r/  ity.  I  am  delighted  with  Doctor  Price's  sermon  on  patriotisnij 
but  there  is  a  sentiment  or  two  which  I  should  explain  a  little. 
He  guards  his  hearers  and  readers  very  judiciously  against  the 
extreme  of  adulation  and  contempt.  "  The  former  is  the  ex- 
treme," he  says,  "to  which  mankind  in  general  have  been  most 
prone."  The  generality  of  rulers  have  treated  men  as  your  Eng- 
lish jockeys  treat  their  horses,  convinced  them  first  that  they 
were  their  masters,  and  next  that  they  were  their  friends;  at  least 
they  have  pretended  to  do  so.  Mankind  have,  I  agree,  behaved 
too  much  like  horses ;  been  rude,  wild,  and  mad,  until  they 
were  mastered,  and  then  been  too  tame,  gentle,  and  dull.  T 
think  our  friend  should  have  stated  it  thus.  The  great  and 
perpetual  distinction  in  civilized  societies,  has  been  between  the 
rich,  who  are  few,  and  the  poor,  who  are  many.  When  the 
many  are  masters,  they  are  too  unruly,  and  then  the  few  are 
too  tame,  and  afraid  to  speak  out  the  truth.  When  the  few  are 
masters,  they  are  too  severe,  and  then  the  many  are  too  servile. 
This  is  the  strict  truth.  The  few  have  had  most  art  and  union, 
and  therefore  have  generally  prevailed  in  the  end.  The  inference 
of  wisdom  from  these  premises  is,  that  neither  thej)oor  nor  the 
.rich  should  ever  be  suffered  to  be  masters.  They  should  have 
equal  pov^'^er  to  defend  themselves ;  and  that  their  power  may  be 
always  equal,  there  should  be  an  independent  mediator  between 
them,  always  ready,  always  able,  and  always  interested  to  assist 
the  weakest.  Equal  laws  can  never  be  made  or  maintained 
without  this  balance.  You  see  I  still  hold  fast  my  scales,  and 
weigh  every  thing  in  them.  The  French  must  finally  become 
my  disciples,  or  rather  the  disciples  of  Zeno,  or  they  will  have 
no  equal  laws,  no  personal  liberty,  no  property,  no  lives. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  571 

I  am  very  inucn  employed  in  business,  and  this  must  be  my 
apology  for  neglecting  so  much  to  write  to  you ;  but  I  will  be 
as  good  a  correspondent  as  I  can.     I  hope  you  will  not  forget 
your  old  friend.     In  this  country  the  pendulum  has  vibrated  too  1/ 
far  to  the  popular  side,  driven  by  men  without  experience  or  /^ 
judgment,  and  horrid  ravages  have  been  made  upon  property  by 
arbitrary  multitudes  or  majorities  of  multitudes.      France  has 
severe  trials  to  endure  from  the  same  cause.     Both  have  found, 
or  will  find,  that  to  place  property  at  the  mercy  of  a  majority 
who  have  no  property,  is  ^'-  committer e  ag-num  lupoP     My  funda- 
mental maxim  of  government  is,  never  to  trust  the  lamb  to  the 
custody  of  the  wolf     If  you  are  not  perfectly  of  my  mind  at 
present,  I  hereby  promise  and  assure  you  that  you  will  live  to 
see  that  I  am  precisely  right.     Thus  arrogantly  concludes  your    [/ 
assured  friend. 


TO    THOMAS    WELSH. 

New  York,  13  September,  1790. 

My  dear  Dr.  Welsh,  —  I  received  your  letter  before  my 
departure  for  Philadelphia,  but  had  not  time  to  answer  it.  It 
is  not  probable  that  any  special  agents  will  be  employed  in  the 
business  you  had  in  contemplation.  The  board  consists  of  men 
who  will  study  economy  in  that  as  well  as  in  all  other  affairs  com- 
mitted to  their  charge,  and  therefore  the  loan  officers  or  collect- 
ors, or  some  other  known  character,  will  have  this  additional  duty 
annexed  to  him  without  any  other  reward  than  the  honor  of  it, 
as  1  suppose.  I  have  much  satisfaction  in  finding  my  son  in 
your  family.  What  the  conjunctions  and  oppositions  of  two 
such  political  planets  may  produce,  I  know  not.  Politics  are 
bred  in  the  bones  of  both  of  you;  but  your  good  example  will 
teach  him,  I  hope,  to  take  politics  by  way  of  amusement  or 
spectacle,  without  ever  suffering  their  interference  with  your 
professions.  I  recollect  the  painful  years  I  suffered  from  1758, 
when  I  was  sworn  at  Boston,  to  the  year  1761,  too  perfectly  not 
to  sympathi^^e  with  John.  Do  not  let  him  flatter  himself  with 
hopes  of  a  run  of  business,  which  is  neither  to  be  expected,  nor 


572  CORRESPONDENCE. 

would  be  beneficial.  His  business  is  to  study  and  be  constant 
to  his  office,  and  in  court.  Causes  and  clients  will  come  soon 
enough  for  his  benefit,  if  he  does  that.  "  My  knowledge  of  the 
law  cost  me  seven  years'  hard  study  in  that  great  chair,"  said 
John  Read,  who  had  as  great  a  genius  and  became  as  eminent 
as  any  man.  "  Attend  to  the  study  of  the  law  rather  than  the 
gain  of  it,"  said  my  master  Gridley  to  me ;  and  I  recollect  the 
precept  with  sufficient  pleasure  to  recommend  it  to  any  of  my 
sons.  I  can  ill  afford  to  maintain  my  sons  at  their  studies,  but 
I  had  Irather  do  that  than  have  them  overwhelmed  with  a  run 
of  business,  at  first,  which  must  put  an  end  to  their  studies.  If 
a  father's  partiality  has  not  deceived  me  very  much,  John  is  as 
great  a  scholar  as  this  country  has  produced  at  his  age,  and  I 
know  he  possesses  a  spirit  that  will  not  stoop  to  dishonorable 
practice  or  conduct.  I  am  therefore  perfectly  at  ease  in  my 
mind  about  his  success.  Whether  his  reputation  spreads  this 
year,  or  two  or  three  years  hence,  is  indifferent  to  me,  provided 
his  anxiety  does  not  injure  his  health.  I  have  seen  too  many 
flashing  insects  in  my  day  glitter  and  glare  for  a  moment,  and. 
then  disappear,  to  wish  that  my  sons  may  add  to  the  number. 


TO    JOHN    TRUMBULL. 

Philadelphia,  23  January,  1791. 

I  have  been  so  much  of  an  anti-economist,  as  to  leave  your 
letter  of  June  the  5th  unanswered  to  this  day.  "  The  Defence 
of  the  American  Constitutions"  is  not,  I  apprehend,  a  "misno- 
mer." Had  the  patriots  of  Amsterdam  repulsed  the  duke  of 
Brunswick  from  the  Harlaem  gate,  a  history  of  the  action  might 
have  properly  been  called  an  "  account  of  the  defence  of  Amster- 
dam," although  the  city  on  the  side  of  the  Leyden  gate  and 
Utrecht  gate  had  been  so  ill  fortified  as  to  have  been  indefen- 
sible, had  the  Prussian  attack  been  made  on  either  of  these 
quarters.  My  three  volumes  are  a  defence  of  the  American 
Constitutions  on  that  side  on  which  they  are  attacked.  Mr. 
Turgot  attacked  them  for  aiming  at  three  orders  and  a  balance. 
I  defended  them  in  this  point  only.     Had  he  attacked  them  for 


CORRESPONDENCE.  573 

not  making  their  orders  distinct  and  independent  enough,  or 
for  not  making  their  balances  complete,  I  should  have  been  the 
last  man  in  the  world  to  have  undertaken  their  defence.  If 
another  edition  should  ever  be  published,  I  would  insert  in  the 
title  page :  "  A  defence,  &c.,  against  the  attack  of  M.  Turgot."  (^ 
This,  I  apprehend,  would  cure  all  ^Selects  In  point  of  title. 
But,  as  you  observe,  the  feelings  of  mankind  are  so  much 
against  any  rational  theory,  that  I  find  my  labor  has  all  been  in 
vain,  and  it  is  not  worth  while  to  take  any  more  pains  upon 
the  subject.  The  rivalry  between  jthe_State  governments  and 
the   National   government,  is   growing  daily  more   active   and 

ardent. Thirteen   strong  men,   embracing   thirteen    pillars   at 

once,  and  bov/ing  themselves  in  concert,  will  easily  pull  down 
a  frail  edifice.  If  the  superiority  of  the  national  government  is 
not  more  clearly  acknowledged,  we  shall  soon  be  in  a  confu- 


sion which  we  shall  not  get  out  of  for  twenty  years.  There 
was  never  more  occasion  for  firmness  in  all  who  wish  in  sin- 
cerity for  peace,  liberty,  or  safety. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  all  that  you  think  him. 
There  is  no  office  in  the  government  better  filled.  It  is  unhappy 
that  New  York  has  taken  away  one  of  his  supports.  Your 
sentiments  of  other  characters,  and  of  measures  in  general, 
appear  to  me  to  be  so  just  that  I  cannot  but  wish  that  you  had 
more  to  do  in  public  affairs.  But  they  say  that  you  "love  wit 
better  than  your  friend,"  and  although  I  do  not  believe  this,  I 
expect  from  you  for  this  piece  of  information,  by  way  of  revenge, 
a  sheet  or  two  of  their  sarcasms  upon  me.  I  know  that  although 
the  ridiculous  can  never  escape  your  observation  in  a  friend  or 
an  enemy,  yet  you  love  the  former  and  have  no  ill  will  against 
the  latter.  The  independence  of  your  fame  and  fortune,  and 
your  happiness  in  private  life,  are  more  to  be  envied  than  any 
public  office  or  station.  For  myself,  I  find  the  office  I  hold, 
jthou^h  Jaboriousj  so  wholly  insignificant,  and,  from  the  blind 
policy  of  that  part  of  the  world  from  whence  I  came^o  stupidly 
pinched  and  betrayed,  that  I  wish  myself  again  at_the  bar,  old 
as  I  am.  My  own  situation  is  almost  the  only  one  in  the  world, 
in  which  firmness  and  patience  are  useless.  I  have  derived  so 
much  pleasure  from  your  correspondence,  that,  notwithstanding 
the  long  interruption  of  it,  I  hope  you  will  not  deny  it  in  future 
to  your  friend  and  humble  servant. 


674  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO  HANNAH  ADAMS. 

Philadelphia,  10  March,  1791. 

I  have  this  day  received  your  obliging  letter  of  the  21st  of 
February,  including  a  copy  of  a  proposed  dedication.  Your 
request  of  my  permission  to  dedicate  to  me  the  second  edition 
of  your  View  of  Religions,  is  very  flattering  to  me,  because, 
although  I  am  ashamed  to  acknowledge  I  have  never  seen  the 
book,  I  know  its  reputation  to  be  very  respectable,  not  only  in 
this  country,  but  in  Europe.  Although  I  am  conscious  that 
some  of  the  compliments  intended  me  have  not  been  so  well 
merited  as  I  wish  they  had  been,  I  shall  leave  to  your  inclina- 
tion and  discretion  every  thing  of  that  kind ;  only  requesting 
that  all  titles,  literary  or  political,  may  be  omitted,  and  that  the 
address  may  be  only  to  John  Adams,  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  If  you  please,  you  may  receive  me 
into  the  list  of  your  subscribers  for  three  copies  bound. 

You  and  I  are  undoubtedly  related  by  birth,  although  per- 
sonally unknown  to  each  other,  and  although  we  were  both 
"  born  in  humble  obscurity,"  yet  I  presume  neither  of  us  has 
any  cause  to  regret  that  circumstance.  If  I  could  ever  suppose 
that  family  pride  were  any  way  excusable,  I  should  think  a 
descent  from  a  line  of  virtuous,  independent  New  England 
farmers  for  a  hundred  and  sixty  years,  was  a  better  foundation 
for  it  than  a  descent  through  royal  or  noble  scoundrels  ever 
since  the  flood. 

I  am,  Miss  Adams,  very  sincerely  your  well  wisher. 


TO    JOSEPH    WARD. 

Philadelphia,  6  April,  1797. 

I  received  yesterday  your  favor  of  the  27th  of  March,  for 
which  I  thank  you. 

The  strain  of  joy  at  a  late  event,  and  of  panegyric  on  the  sub- 
ject of  it,  serve,  among  some  other  instances,  to  convince  me 
that  old  friendships,  when  they  are  well  preserved,  become  very 


CORRESPONDENCE.  575 

strong.  The  friends  of  my  youth  are  generally  gone ;  the  friends 
of  my  early  political  life  are  chiefly  departed ;  of  the  few  that 
remain,  some  have  been  found  on  the  late  occasion,  weak,  en- 
vious, jealous,  and  spiteful,  humiliated,  and  mortified,  and  duped 
enough  by  French  finesse  and  Jacobinical  rascality,  to  show  it 
to  me  and  to  the  world.  Others  have  been  found  faithful  and 
true,  generous  and  manly.  From  these  I  have  received  letters 
and  tokens  of  approbation  and  friendship,  in  a  style  of  ardor, 
zeal,  and  exultation,  similar  to  yours. 

Your  postscript  is  a  morsel  of  exquisite  beauty  and  utility. 
My  life  will  undoubtedly  depend  in  a  great  measure  on  my 
observance  of  it.  The  labor  of  my  office  is  very  constant  and 
very  severe,  and  before  this  time  you  will  have  seen  enough  to 
convince  you  that  my  prospects,  as  well  as  yours,  are  grave.  I 
should  be  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  sentiments,  and  those 
of  the  people  in  general  about  you,  concerning  what  ought  to 
be  done. 


TO    HENRY    GUEST. 

Philadelphia,  3  January,  1799. 

I  have  just  received  your  favor  of  the  1st  of  this  month,  and 
am  much  pleased  that  you  think  my  answers  to  addresses 
patient,  fatherly,  and  patriotic.  I  believe  with  you  in  the  pro- 
found patriotism  at  the  bottom  of  the  hearts  of  our  countrymen 
very  universally.  Clitus,  I  think,  describes  the  ship  in  more 
danger  than  she  is. 

I  received  the  panegyric  on  General  Anchoret,  and  a  political 
speech,  and  read  them  with  pleasure. 

The  coat  of  mail,  if  it  answers  your  description,  must  be  a 
useful  invention.  Do  you  think  the  French  will  come  here  with 
their  bayonets  to  pierce  it  ? 

I  care  very  little  what  shall  be  ^vritten  on  my  gravestone, 
only  I  hope  it  will  tell  no  untruth.  I  like  your  epitaph  as  well 
as  any. 

"  Who  British,  French,  and  Moorish  bribes  withstood, 
Not  for  his  o^jn  but  for  his  country's  good." 


576  CORRESPONDENCE. 

As  I  do  not  choose  to  correspond  with  any  one  who  is  asham- 
ed of  his  correspondent,  I  shall  certainly  frank  this  letter,  for  to 
you  it  will  not  be  worth  the  postage. 


TO    DR.    OGDEN. 

Washington,  3  December,  1800. 

I  have  received,  this  evening,  your  favor  of  the  26th  Novem- 
ber, with  the  pamphlet  inclosed.^  I  have  run  it  over  in  more 
haste  than  it  was  written  in,  but  am  so  far  possessed  of  its 
purport  as  to  be  better  pleased  that  it  was  written  in  thirty 
hours,  than  if  it  had  been  the  elaborate  production  of  a  week, 
because  it  shows  the  first  impressions  of  the  writer  upon  read- 
ing the  pamphlet  it  is  an  answer  to.  This  last  pamphlet  I  regret 
more  on  account  of  its  author  than  on  my  own,  because  I  am 
confident  it  will  do  him  more  harm  than  me.  I  am  not  his 
enemy,  and  never  was.  I  have  not  adored  him,  like  his  idol- 
aters, and  have  had  great  cause  to  disapprove  of  some  of  his 
politics.  He  has  talents,  if  he  would  correct  himself,  which 
might  be  useful.  There  is  more  burnish,  however,  on  the  out- 
side, than  sterling  silver  in  the  substance.  He  threatened  his 
master,  Washington,  sometimes  with  pamphlets  upon  his  cha- 
racter and  conduct,  and  Washington,  who  had  more  regard  to 
his  reputation  than  I  have,  I  say  it  with  humility  and  mortifica- 
tion, might  be  restrained  by  his  threats,  but  I  dread  neither  his 
menaces  of  pamphlets  nor  the  execution  of  them.  It  would 
take  a  large  volume  to  answer  him  completely.  I  have  not  time, 
and,  if  I  had,  I  would  not  employ  it  in  such  a  work,  while  I  am 
in  public  office.  The  public  indignation  he  has  excited  is 
punishment  enough.  I  thank  you,  Sir,  for  this  valuable  present 
I  shall  preserve  it  for  my  children. 


TO    F.    A.    VANDERKEMP. 


"Wasliington,  28  December,  1800. 

I  had  last  night  your  letter  of  the  12th,  the  friendly  sentiments 
of  which  have  tenderly  affected  me.     The  affliction  in  my  family 
1  "  A  letter  to  Major-General  Hamilton,  by  a  Citizen." 


CORRESPONDENCE.  577 

from  the  melancholy  death  of  a  once  beloved  son,  has  been  very- 
great,  and  has  required  the  consolation  of  religion,  as  well  as 
philosophy,  to  enable  us  to  support  it.  The  prospects  of  that 
unfortunate  youth  were  very  pleasing  and  promising,  but  have 
been  cut  off,  and  a  wife  and  two  very  young  children  are  left 
with  their  grandparents  to  bewail  a  fate,  which  neither  could 
avert,  and  to  which  all  ought  in  patience  to  submit.  I  have 
two  sons  left,  whose  conduct  is  worthy  of  their  education  and 
connections.  I  pray  that  their  lives  may  be  spared  and  their 
characters  respected. 

Before  this  reaches  you,  the  news  will  be  familiar  to  you,  that 
after  the  3d  of  March  I  am  to  be  a  private  citizen  and  your 
brother  farmer.  I  shall  leave  the  State  with  its  coffers  full,  and 
the  fair  prospects  of  a  peace  with  all  the  world  smiling  in  its 
face,  its  commerce  flourishing,  its  navy  glorious,  its  agriculture 
uncommonly  productive  and  lucrative.  O,  my  country  !  May 
peace  be  within  thy  walls,  and  prosperity  within  thy  palaces. 


TO    ELBRIDGE    GERRY. 


Wasliington,  30  December,  1800. 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  18th.  It  has  been  an  inva- 
riable usage  these  twelve  years  for  the  President  to  answer  no 
letters  of  solicitation  or  recommendation  to  office ;  but  with 
you,  in  full  confidence,  I  will  say,  that  it  is  uncertain  whether  I 
shall  appoint  any  consuls  to  France.  Mr.  Lee  is  represented  to 
me  as  a  Jacobin,  who  was  very  busy  in  a  late  election  in  the 
town  of  Roxbury,  on  the  \M:ong  side.  His  pretensions,  how- 
ever, shall  be  considered  with  all  others  impartially,  if  I  should 
make  any  appointments. 

Your  anxiety  for  the  issue  of  the  election  is,  by  this  time, 
allayed.  How  mighty  a  power  is  the  spirit  of  party !  How 
decisive  and  unanimous  it  is !  Seventy-three  for  Mr.  Jefferson 
and  seventy-three  for  Mr.  Burr.  May  the  peace  and  welfare  of 
the  country  be  promoted  by  this  result !  But  I  see  not  the  way 
as  yet.  In  the  case  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  there  is  nothing  wonderful ; 
but  Mr.  Burr's  good  fortune  surpasses  all  ordinary  rules,  and 

VOL.  IX.  49  K2 


578  CORRESPONDENCE. 

exceeds  that  of  Bonaparte.  All  the  old  patriots,  all  the  splendid 
talents,  the  long  experience,  both  of  federalists  and  antifederalists, 
must  be  subjected  to  the  humiliation  of  seeing  this  dexterous 
gentleman  rise,  like  a  balloon,  filled  with  inflammable  air,  over 
then-  heads.  And  this  is  not  the  worst.  What  a  discouragement 
to  all  virtuous  exertion,  and  what  an  encouragement  to  party 
intrigue,  and  corruption !  "What  course  is  it  we  steer,  and  to 
what  harbor  are  we  bound?  Say,  man  of  wisdom  and  expe- 
rience, for  I  am  wholly  at  a  loss. 

I  thank  you.  Sir,  and  Mrs.  Gerry,  for  your  kind  condolence 
with  us  in  our  affliction,  under  a  very  melancholy  and  distress- 
ing bereavement.  I  thank  the  Supreme  that  I  have  yet  two 
sons,  who  will  give  me  some  consolation  by  a  perseverance  in 
those  habits  of  virtue  and  industry  which  they  have  hitherto 
preserved.  There  is  nothing  more  to  be  said,  but  let  the  Eter- 
nal w^ill  be  done ! 


CHRISTOPHER    GADSDEN    TO    JOHN    ADAMS. 

Charleston,  11  March,  1801. 

For  five  or  six  years  past,  at  least,  very  rarely  have  I  been 
seen  from  home,  (or  Avished  to  be,)  excepting  at  church  or  fune- 
rals ;  but  my  duty  to  my  country  and  to  our  old  standbys, 
though  now  in  my  seventy-eighth,  compelled  me  in  our  late 
election  to  take  up  my  feeble  pen  again,  at  least  to  show  my 
good  will  and  inclination ;  and  though  many  able  hands  were 
not  wanting,  yet  sorry  am  I  to  say,  all  our  efforts  failed. 

Many  well-earned  honors  have  the  United  States  conferred 
on  you.  Had  they  added  one  more,  a  second  invitation  to  the 
Presidency,  it  would  have  been  not  only  what  your  long,  faith- 
ful, important,  and  useful  services  might  have  reasonably 
expected,  as  a  public  acknowledgment  and  concurrence  with 
all  the  world  in  your  able  and  successful  discharge  of  your  first 
appointment,  and  of  all  your  many  other  important  trusts,  but 
also  what,  in  my  humble  opinion,  sound  policy  seemed  to  dic- 
tate. God  grant  that  the  recollection  of  your  ungrateful  treat- 
ment may  not  deter  truly  firm,  virtuous  men  from  venturing 
their  names  to  be  held  up  to  the  public  on  such  elections!     I 


CORRESPONDENCE.  579 

am  not  without  my  suspicions,  that  foreign  meddlers  must  have 
had  this  deep  political  slyness  in  view. 

Many  of  our  new-comers  cajoled  and  imposed  upon  by  emis- 
saries from  without,  and  egged  on  by  a  numerous  or  rather 
innumerable  tribe  of  young  law-followers  amongst  ourselves, 
especially  in  the  circuits,  have  brought  on  a  strange  renverse- 
ment  in  our  State.  Our  old-standers  and  independent  men  of 
long  well-tried  patriotism,  sound  understanding,  and  good  pro- 
perty, have  now  in  general  very  little  influence  in  our  public 
matters.  Our  too  easy  admittance  of  strangers  has  entangled 
us  in  this  evil,  and  when  or  where  it  will  end,  God  only  knows! 

But  here,  my  dear  Sir,  I  must  confess  my  own  credulity  and 
shortsightedness,  who  was  amongst  the  most  zealous  in  that 
over-hasty  and  not  sufficientl}^  guarded  step,  which  we  now 
have  great  reason  to  lament  as  big  with  innumerable  mischiefs. 
Our  worthy  deceased  friend  John  Rutledge,  looking  farther, 
was  for  giving  them  every  reasonable  protection  and  encourage- 
ment, but  for  admitting  only  their  sons  born  amongst  us  into 
such  complete  citizenship  as  to  vote  either  at  State  or  Congress 
elections ;  and  when  unsuccessful  in  this  point,  was  then  for 
extending  the  time  to  ten  years  at  least.  Had  even  this  been 
carried,  it  would  have  given  new-comers  full  time  to  look  so 
deliberately  about  them,  as  greatly  to  have  deterred  and  hin- 
dered all  designing  tamperers  and  deceivers  in  most  of  their 
infernal  views  and  mischievous  suggestions;  and  much  better, 
in  all  probability,  would  this  have  been  for  the  peace,  safety, 
and  lasting  political  security  of  both. 

You  must  have  heard  of  and  admired  the  open,  honorable 
behavior  of  General  Pinckney  in  our  State  election  ;  that  he 
would  listen  to  no  proposals  of  composition  whatever,  but  per- 
sisted, from  first  to  last,  to  stand  or  fall  with  you.  I  know  you 
cannot  want  any  consolation  in  this  matter  beyond  your  own 
breast.  The  firm,  well-grounded  complacency  there,  is,  I  am 
sure,  amply  sufficient  to  dispense  with  any  thing  exterior. 

Long  have  I  been  led  to  think  our  planet  a  mere  bedlam,  and 
the  uncommonly  extravagant  ravings  of  our  own  times,  espe- 
cially for  a  few  years  past,  and  still  in  the  highest  rant,  have 
greatly  increased  and  confirmed  that  opinion.  Look  round  our 
whirling  globe,  my  friend,  where  you  will,  east,  west,  north,  or 
south,  where  is  the  spot  in  which  are  not  many  thousands  of 


580  CORRESPONDENCE. 

these  mad  lunatics?  But  not  a  few  strong  symptoms  seem 
now  loudly  to  proclaim  that  this  terrible,  catching  epidemic 
cannot  be  far  from  its  crisis ;  and  when  arrived  there,  our  all 
knowing,  unerring  Physician,  always  mercifully  producing  good 
from  evil,  and  setting  to  rights  the  mad,  destructive  freaks  of 
mortals,  will,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  in  the  present  forlorn  distresses 
interfere,  and  give  such  a  favorable  turn  to  the  crisis,  as  to 
make  this  bedlam-commitment  end  in  the  cure  of  all  its  miser- 
able captives.  More  and  more  happy,  I  bless  God,  do  I  every 
day  feel  myself  to  find  that  my  passage  over  this  life's  Atlantic 
is  almost  gained,  having  been  in  soundings  for  some  time,  not 
far  from  my  wished-for  port,  waiting  only  for  a  favorable  breeze 
from  our  kind  Savior  to  waft  me  to  that  pleasing  and  expected 
land  for  which  I  cheerfully  and  humbly  hope. 

Since  our  country  will  have  it  so,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  may 
discharge  his  four  years'  duty  with  as  much  faithfulness  and 
steadiness  as  you  have  done,  and  as  much  to  the  public  benefit; 
that  in  so  doing  he  may  have  the  constitutional  assistance  and 
countenance  of  every  citizen  of  the  Union  ;  and  that  his  public 
actions  may  be  judged  of  with  candor  and  generosity,  without 
any  captious  hole-picking;  and  above  all,  that  every  tendency 
to  our  reharmonizing  and  keeping  so  may  be  cordially  embraced 
and  zealously  forwarded  by  all  ranks,  and  happily  effected,  is 
the  constant,  sincere,  and  heartfelt  prayer  of  him  who  is  with 
great  respect  and  affection,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  &c., 

Christopher  Gadsden. 


TO    SAMUEL    DEXTER. 

Quincy,  23  March,  1801. 

I  left  "Washington  on  the  4th,  and  arrived  at  Quincy  on  the 
18th,  having  trotted  the  bogs  five  hundred  miles.  I  found  about 
a  hundred  loads  of  sea-weed  in  my  barnyard,  and,  recollecting 
Horace's 

"  Et  genus  et  virtus,  nisi  cum  re,  vilior  alga  est," 

I  thought  I  had  made  a  good  exchange,  if  Ulysses  is  an  ortho- 
dox authority  in  this  case,  which  I  do  not  believe,  of  honors  and 


CORRESPONDENCE.  581 

virtues  for  manure.     I  have  more  reason  than  Ulysses  to  inquire 
of  Tiresias,  or  some  other  prophet, 

"  quibus  amissas  reparare  queam  res 
Artibus  alque  modis." 

I  shall  not,  however,  most  certainly  take  the  measures  recom- 
mended by  Tiresias.  The  fifth  and  sixth  satires  of  the  second 
book  of  Horace  have  much  good  matter  applicable  to  me.  If 
you  will  read  them,  it  will  save  me  the  trouble  of  writing,  and 
you  of  reading  much  which  I  might  commit  to  paper  concerning 
myself 

All  is  still  as  night  in  this  region.  My  respects  to  the  Presi- 
dent, and  compliments  to  Messrs.  Madison,  Lincoln,  Dearborn, 
and  love  to  Mr.  Stoddert.  Pray  Mrs.  Dexter  to  accept  the  kind 
regards  of  my  family,  and  you  will  do  me  a  favor  by  letting  me 
hear  of  your  welfare. 

TO    THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

Quincy,  24  March,  1801. 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  IMarch  8th,  with  the  letter  in- 
closed, for  which  I  thank  you.^  Inclosed  is  a  letter  to  one  of 
your  domestics,  Joseph  Dougherty. 

Had  you  read  the  papers  inclosed,  they  might  have  given 
you  a  moment  of  melancholy,  or,  at  least,  of  sympathy  with  a 
inourning  father.  They  related  wholly  to  the  funeral  of  a  son, 
who  was  once  the  delight  of  my  eyes,  and  a  darling  of  my  heart, 
cut  off  in  the  flower  of  his  days,  amidst  very  flattering  prospects, 
by  causes  which  have  been  the  greatest  grief  of  my  heart,  and 
the  deepest  affliction  of  my  life.  It  is  not  possible  that  any 
thing  of  the  kind  should  happen  to  you,  and  I  sincerely  wish 
you  may  never  experience  any  thing  in  any  degree  resembling  it. 

This  part  of  the  Union  is  in  a  state  of  perfect  tranquillity, 
and  I  see  nothing  to  obscure  your  prospect  of  a  quiet  and  pros- 
perous administration,  which  I  heartily  wash  you. 

With  great  respect,  &c. 

1  "  Th.  Jefferson  presents  his  respects  to  Mr.  Adams,  and  incloses  hhn  a  letter 
which  came  to  his  hands  last  night.  On  reading  what  is  written  within  the 
cover,  he  concluded  it  to  be  a  private  letter,  and  without  opening  a  single  paper 
within  it,  he  folded  it  up,  and  now  has  the  honor  to  inclose  it  to  Mr.  Adams, 
with  the  homage  of  his  high  consideration  and  respect."  Washington,  8  March, 
1801. 

49* 


582  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    BENJAMIN    STODDERT. 


Quincy,  31  March,  1801. 

On  the  evening  of  the  18th,  a  few  minutes  after  my  arrival 
at  this  place,  commenced  a  violent  equinoctial  gale  of  wind, 
accompanied  with  a  flood  of  rain,  from  the  north-east,  which 
has  continued,  with  very  short  intervals,  to  this  day,  and  con- 
fined me  to  my  house.  This  is  so  old  fashioned  a  storm,  that 
I  begin  to  hope  that  nature  is  returning  to  her  old  good-nature 
and  good-humor,  and  is  substituting  fermentations  in  the  ele- 
ments for  revolutions  in  the  moral,  intellectual,  and  political 
world.  I  can  give  you  no  information  of  the  politics  of  this 
State,  having  had  little  opportunity  to  converse  with  any  of 
the  knowing  ones. 

We  know  nothing  with  any  certainty  of  the  acts  of  our  Exe-_ 
cutive  at  Washington;  who  are  to  go  out,  and  who  to  come 
in;  whether  the  Virginia  system  is  to  be  a  copy  of  that  of  Penn- 
sylvania, or  whether  it  will  be  original.  Appointments  of  Mr. 
Dallas  and  Mr.  Dawson  are  announced,  and  as  these  characters 
are  not  held  in  great  veneration  here,  they  are  not  much  ad- 
mired. /We  federalists  are  much  in  tlie  situation  of  the  party 
of  Bolingbroke  and  Harley,  after  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  com- 
pletely and  totally  routed  and  defeated.  We  are  not  yet 
attainted  by  act  of  Congress,  and,  I  hope,  shall  not  fly  out  into 
rebellion.  No  party,  that  ever  existed,  knew  itself  so  little,  or 
so  vainly  overrated  its  own  influence  and  popularity,  as  ours. 
None  ever  understood  so  ill  the  causes  of  its  own  power,  or  so 
wantonly  destroyed  them.  If  we  had  been  blessed  with  com- 
mon sense,  we  should  not  have  been  overthrown  by  Philip 
Freneau,  Duane,  Callender,  Cooper,  and  Lyon,  or  their  great 
patron  and  protector.  A  group  of  foreign  liars,  encouraged  by 
a  few  ambitious  native  gentlemen,  have  discomfited  the  educa- 
tion, the  talents,  the  virtues,  and  the  property  of  the  country. 
The  reason  is,  we  have  no  Americans  in  America.  The  fede- 
ralists have  been  no  more  Americans  than  the  antles. 

Your  time  is  too  precious  to  be  wasted  in  idle  correspond- 
ences ;  but,  if  you  have  a  moment  to  spare,  you  will  oblige  me 
by  giving  me  news  of  your  welfare.  My  family  present  their 
high  regards  to  yours.     I  have  not  seen  any  of  the  attacks  upon 


CORRESPONDENCE.  583 

you,  nor  any  of  your  defence.  Indeed,  I  have  no  great  anxiety 
or  curiosity  to  know  the  productions  of  malevolence.  I  am, 
and  ever  shall  be,  I  believe,  world  without  end,  your  friend,  &c. 


TO  THE  MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE. 

Qulncy,  6  April,  1801. 

I  have  received  from  Mr.  Pichon  your  favor  of  the  10th  of 
January,  and,  while  I  feel  my  obligations  to  you  for  your  kind 
remembrance  of  me,  I  very  heartily  rejoice  with  you  in  your 
return  to  your  native  country.  The  new  superintendent  of  the 
commercial  relations  between  France  and  the  United  States, 
will,  I  presume,  be  very  well  received  here,  and  the  better  by 
most  men  for  the  part  he  acted  in  Holland,  in  promoting  the 
late  negotiation. 

"I  live"  also  "with  my  family  in  a  rural,  solitary  place  of 
retirement,"  after  an  uninterrupted  toil  of  six-and-twenty  years 
in  the  service  of  the  public.  Like  you,  also,  "  I  preserve  the  love, 
the  doctrines,  and  the  independence  of  true  liberty."  It  is  a 
lamentable  truth,  that  mankind  has  always  been  ill  treated  by 
government,  and  a  most  unfortunate  circumstance,  which  ren- 
ders the  evil  totally  desperate,  is,  that  they  are  never  so  ill  used 
as  when  they  take  the  government  into  their  own  hands.  The 
doctrines  of  sans-culotteism  are  productive  of  more  plagues  than 
those  of  Sir  Robert  Filmer,  while  they  last. 

I  am  glad  you  are  on  good  terms  with  your  principal  deliverer 
from  Olmutz,  who  did  honor  to  his  own  head  and  heart  by  his 
wise  and  generous  conduct  upon  that  occasion.  How  extra- 
ordinary that  character!  Is  it  not  unique?  As  it  has  been  my 
fortune  to  conduct  a  negotiation  with  him,  I  may,  without 
offence,  wish  him  a  greater  glory  than  ever  yet  fell  to  the  lot  of 
any  conqueror  before  him,  that  of  giving  peace  to  Europe,  and 
liberty  and  good  government  to  France. 

Your  country  by  adoption  has   grown   and   prospered   since 
you  saw  it.     You  would  scarcely  know  it,  if  you  should  make 
it  a  visit.     It  would  be  a  great  pleasure  to  the  farmer  of  Stony 
field  to  take  you  by  the  hand  in  his  little  chaumiere. 


584  CORRESPONDENCE. 

^Mi-tf.  Adams,  who  is  all  the  family  I  have,  joins  me  in  respect- 
ful attachment  to  you  and  your  lady  and  family.  With  great 
regard,  &c. 


TO    CHRISTOPHER    GADSDEN. 

Quincy,  16  April,  1801. 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  11th  of  March,  and,  with  a 
pleasure  far  exceeding  all  my  powers  of  expression,  perceive 
that  your  friendly  sentiments  for  me  are  as  kind  and  indulgent 
as  they  were  six-and-twenty  years  ago.  I  read  with  the  same 
satisfaction  your  publication  last  fall,  and  with  a  tenderness 
which  was  almost  too  much  for  my  sensibility.  While  Wythe 
and  Pendleton,  and  McKean,  and  Clinton,  and  Gates,  and  Os- 
good, and  many  others  I  could  name,  were  arrayed  in  political 
j  hostility  against  their  old  friend,  Gadsden  was  almost  the  only 
I  stanch  old  companion,  who  was  faithful  found.  What  is  the 
reason  that  so  many  of  our  "old  standbys"  are  infected  with 
Jacobinism  ?  The  principles  of  this  infernal  tribe  were  surely 
no  part  of  our  ancient  political  creed. 

"Foreign  meddlers,"  as  you  properly  denominate  them,  have 
a  strange,  a  mysterious  influence  in  this  country.  Is  there  no 
pride  in  American  bosoms  ?  Can  their  hearts  endure  that  Cal- 
lender,  Duane,  Cooper,  and  Lyon,  should  be  the  most  influential 
men  in  the  country,  all  foreigners  and  all  degraded  characters  ? 
It  is  astonishing  to  me  that  the  "  tribes  of  law-followers  "  should 
adopt  principles  subversive  of  all  law,  should  unite  with  the 
ignorant  and  illiberal  against  men  of  understanding  and  pro- 
perty. The  plan  of  our  worthy  friend,  John  Rutledge,  relative 
to  the  admission  of  strangers  to  the  privileges  of  citizens,  as 
you  explain  it,  was  certainly  prudent.  Americans  will  find 
that  their  own  experience  will  coincide  with  the  experience  of 
I  all  other  nations,  and  foreigners  must  be  received  with  caution, 
or  they  will  destroy  all  confidence  in  government. 

I  have  been  well  informed  of  the  frank,  candid,  and  honorable 
conduct  of  General  Pinckney  at  your  State  election,  which  was 
conformable  to  the  whole  tenor  of  his  conduct  through  life,  as 
far  as  it  has  come  to  my  knowledge. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  585 

The  only  consolation  I  shall  want  will  be  that  of  employ- 
ment. Ennui,  when  it  rains  on  a  man  in  large  drops,  is  worse 
than  one  of  our  north-east  storms ;  but  the  labors  of  agriculture 
and  amusement  of  letters  will  shelter'me.  My  greatest  grief  is 
that  I  cannot  return  to  the  bar.  There  I  should  forget  in  a 
moment  that  I  was  ever  a  member  of  Congress,  a  foreign  mi- 
nister, or  President  of  the  United  States.     But  I  cannot  speak. 

I  concur  with  you  so  fully  in  sentiment,  that  I  very  much 
doubt  whether  in  any  period  of  the  world  so  much  ever  happened 
in  a  dozen  years  to  mortify  the  vanity  of  human  nature,  and  to 
render  existence  odious  to  man.  I  know  of  no  philosophy  or 
religion  but  yours,  which  can  reconcile  man  to  life.  I  should 
envy  you  the  felicity  of  your  prospect,  if  I  had  not  the  same  in 
-substance  in  my  own  view.  I  am  approaching  sixty-five,  and 
what  are  ten  or  eleven  years  after  that  age  ?  I  shall  arrive 
soon  after  you,  and  it  is  my  sincere,  devout  wish,  that  we  may 
be  better  acquainted,  and  never  separated,  in  our  new  country. 

To  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  I  wish  prosperity  and  feli- 
city ;  but  the  commencement  of  it  is  too  strongly  infected  with 
the  spirit  of  party,  to  give  much  encouragement  to  men  who  are  J 
merely  national. 

Accept,  my  dear  Sir,  a  repetition  of  assurances  of  a  warm 
affection,  a  sincere  friendship,  and  a  high  esteem. 


TO    SAMUEL    A.    OTIS. 


Quincy,  26  January,  1802. 

I  received  your  favor  of  December  16th,  and  presented  the 
inclosed  letter  from  Mrs.  Otis  to  Mrs.  Adams.  I  congi'atulate 
you  on  your  continuance  in  office.^  It  would  not  have  raised 
the  reputation  of  any  set  of  men  to  have  made  unnecessary 
changes  in  such  kinds  of  offices.  Even  in  England,  where  party 
and  self  have  at  least  as  much  energy  as  they  have  here,  re- 
movals are  uncommon  in  the  army,  navy,  revenue,  as  well  as  in 
the  subordinate  offices  in  the  great  departments.     The  Marquis 

I  Mr.  Otis  was  Clerk  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 


586  CORRESPONDENCE. 

of  Carmarthen  introduced  to  me  Mr.  Fraser,  an  under  secre- 
tary of  State,  and  afterwards  said  to  me  that  Mr.  Fraser  was 
the  cleverest  man  in  England ;  that  in  all  the  changes  of  admi- 
nistration he  had  remained  in  office  since  the  duke  of  Newcastle's 
time,  above  thirty  years.  I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  say  that 
you  are  the  cleverest  man  in  the  United  States,  but  I  will  say 
you  are  so  clever  that  it  would  have  been  ungenerous,  indis- 
creet, in  the  present  majority  to  have  removed  you. 


TO    THOMAS    TRUXTUN. 

Qulncy,  30  November,  1802. 

I  have  many  apologies  to  make  for  omitting  so  long  to 
acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  obliging  favor  of  the  10th  of 
July.  The  copy  you  have  done  me  the  honor  to  present  to  me 
of  the  medal  voted  by  Congress,  and  executed  according  to  my 
directions  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  I  accept  with  great 
pleasure,  not  only  from  my  personal  regard  to  the  giver,  but 
because  I  esteem  every  laurel  conferred  upon  you,  for  the  glo- 
rious action  of  the  1st  of  March,  1800,  as  an  honor  done  to  our 
beloved  country.  From  both  of  these  motives  I  have  been 
highly  gratified  with  the  honor  the  gentlemen  of  Lloyd's  Coffee 
House  have  done  themselves  in  the  handsome  acknowledgment 
they  have  made  of  their  obligations  to  you.  I  regret  that  the 
artist  had  not  completed  the  medal  in  season,  that  I  might  have 
had  the  satisfaction  of  presenting  it  to  an  officer  who  has  so 
greatly  deserved  it ;  and  I  lament  still  more  that  I  had  not  the 
power  of  promoting  merit  to  its  just  rank  in  the  navy,  that  of 
an  admiral. 

The  counsel  which  Themistocles  gave  to  Athens,  Pompey  to 
Rome,  Cromwell  to  England,  De  Witt  to  Holland,  and  Colbert 
to  France,  I  have  always  given  and  shall  continue  to  give  to 
my  countrymen,  that  as  the  great  questions  of  commerce  and 
power  between  nations  and  empires  must  be  decided  by  a  mili- 
tary marine,  and  war  and  peace  are  determined  at  sea,  all 
reasonable  encouragement  should  be  given  to  the  navy.  The 
trident  of  Neptune  is  the  sceptre  of  the  world. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  587 


TO    JOSHUA     THOMAS,     JAMES     THACHER,     AND     WILLIAM    JACKSON. 

Quincy,  20  December,  1802. 

Gentlemen,  —  Nothing  could  afford  me  more  pleasure  than 
to  visit  my  friends  in  Plymouth  (where  I  formerly  so  much 
delighted  to  reside)  on  the  22d  instant,  according  to  your  polite 
and  obliging  invitation,  but  various  circumstances  will  oblige 
me  to  deny  myself  that  gratification. 

I  feel  a  well-gi'ounded  conviction,  that  the  best  principles  of 
our  great  and  glorious  ancestors  are  inherited  by  a  large  portion 
of  the  American  people.  And  if  the  talents,  the  policy,  the 
address,  the  power,  the  bigotry,  and  tyranny  of  Archbishop  Laud, 
and  the  court  of  Charles  the  First,  were  not  able  to  destroy  or 
discredit  them  in  1630  or  1635,  there  is  little  cause  of  apprehen- 
sion for  them  from  the  feeble  efforts  of  the  frivolous  libertines, 
who  are  combining,  conspiring,  and  intriguing  against  them  in 
1802.  These  principles  are  a  file  that  has  broken  the  teeth  of 
many  a  viper.  Or,  to  borrow  a  figure  from  one  of  the  reformers, 
they  are  an  anvil  which  has  broken  to  pieces  or  worn  out  a 
long  succession  of  hammers  of  firmer  metal  and  more  formidable 
weight  than  any  that  have  been  or  can  be  wielded  by  the  pre- 
sent effeminate  and  profligate  race  of  their  enemies. 

While  I  concur  in  your  opinion,  that  our  free  Constitution 
and  elective  government  can  exist  no  longer  than  these  prin- 
ciples, and  must  be  destroyed  in  their  fall,  and  although  I  have 
sometimes  been  staggered  in  my  faith  for  a  moment  by  the 
license  of  calumny,  I  still  entertain  a  pleasing  hope  that  this 
nation  will  long  enjoy  a  continuance  of  felicity  and  prosperity 
under  their  pure  principles  and  representative  governments. 

Your  benevolent  wishes  for  my  happiness  I  with  great  sin- 
cerity reciprocate  to  you,  to  the  town  of  Plymouth,  to  the  Old 
Colony,  and  to  all  who  rejoice  in  the  day  and  event  you  so 
wisely  celebrate. 


588  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    F.    A.    VANDERKEMP. 

Quincy,  3  March,  1804. 

Last  night  I  received  your  favor  of  the  15th  of  February.  At 
the  two  last  meetings  of  our  academy  I  made  inquiry  concern- 
ing your  manuscript,  and  found  that  the  committee  had  referred 
it  to  a  sub-committee,  who  were  not  then  present,  and  had 
not  reported.  I  will  endeavor  to  get  this  matter  settled  at  the 
next  meeting  in  May.  BufTon,  I  presume,  from  all  I  have 
heard  or  read  of  him,  believed  in  nothing  but  matter,  which  he 
thought  was  eternal  and  self-existent.  The  universe  had  been 
from  eternity  as  it  is  now,  with  all  its  good  and  evil,  intelligence 
and  accident,  beauty  and  deformity,  harmony  and  dissonance, 
order  and  confusion,  virtue  and  vice,  wisdom  and  folly,  equity 
and  inequity,  truth  and  lies ;  that  planets  and  suns,  systems 
and  systems  of  systems,  are  born  and  die,  like  animals  and 
vegetables,  and  that  this  process  will  go  on  to  all  eternity. 
Something  like  this  was  the  creed  of  the  King  of  Prussia  and 
D'Alembert,  Diderot,  and  De  la  Lande.  All  this,  I  think,  is 
neither  more  nor  less  than  the  creed  of  Epicurus  set  to  music 
by  Lucretius. 

•'  The  movements  of  nature"  mean  the  movements  of  matter; 
but  can  matter  move  itself?  "  The  renovating  powder  of  mat- 
ter,"—  what  does  this  mean?  Can  matter,  if  annihilated,  re- 
create itself?     Matter,  if  at  rest,  can  it  set  itself  in  motion  ? 

A  German  ambassador  once  told  me,  "  he  could  not  bear  St. 
Paul,  he  was  so  severe  against  fornication."  On  the  same 
principle  these  philosophers  cannot  bear  a  God,  because  he  is 
just. 

You  could  not  apply  more  unfortunately  than  to  me  for  any 
knowledge  of  natural  history.  A  little  law,  a  little  ethics,  and 
a  little  history  constitute  all  the  circle  of  my  knowledge,  and  I 
am  too  old  to  acquire  any  thing  new^ 

"~  Sensible  as  I  am  of  the  honor,  and  grateful  to  you  as  I  am 
for  the  offer,  I  beg  leave  to  decline  the  dedication.  I  wish  to 
pass  off  as  little  talked  of  and  thought  of  as  possible. 

I  can  hear  nothing  of  Ingraham's  journal.  It  might,  for  what 
I  know,  have  gone  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea  with  him  in  the 


Insurgente. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  589 

In  the  wisdom,  power,  and  goodness  of  our  maker  is  all  the 
security  we  have  against  roasting  in  volcanoes  and  writhing 
with  the  tortures  of  gout,  stone,  cholic,  and  cancers;  sinking 
under  the  burdens  of  dray-horses  and  hackney  coach-horses  to 
all  eternity.  Nature  produces  all  these  evils,  and  if  she  does  it 
by  chance,  she  may  assign  them  all  to  us,  whether  we  behave 
well  or  ill,  and  the  poor  hag  will  not  know  what  she  does. 

Almost  forty  years  ago,  that  is  in  1765,  I  wrote  a  few 
thoughts  in  Edes  and  Gill's  Gazette.  Mr.  Hollis  of  London 
printed  them  in  a  pamphlet,  and  imputed  them  to  Mr.  Gridley. 
He  gave  them  the  title  of  a  Dissertation  on  the  Canon  and 
Feudal  Law.  A  lamentable  bagatelle  it  is.  I  have  no  copy  of 
it,  and  know  not  where  to  get  one. 

I  know  nothing  of  Stuart's  success.  I  sat  to  him  at  the 
request  of  the  Massachusetts  legislature,  but  have  never  seen 
any  thing  of  the  picture  but  the  first  sketch. 

There  are  no  more  than  two  volumes  of  the  Memoirs  of 
the  Academy.  Count  Sarsfield  solicited  me  very  earnestly  in 
London  to  let  him  import  some  French  mirrors  under  my  privi- 
lege. I  told  him  I  considered  my  privilege  as  sacred.  He  then 
answered:  "7/  ne  vaut  pas  un  sou  d'etre  voire  ami"  Do  not  let 
Hamilton  know  this.  If  you  do,  he  will  record  it  in  his  next 
pamphlet  as  an  instance  of  my  vanity.  Your  letters  always 
give  pleasure  to  your  old  friend. 


TO    F.    A.    VANDERKEMP. 

Quincy,  5  February,  1805. 

This  day  I  received  your  favor  of  the  15th  of  last  month.  You 
and  I  are  in  the  same  predicament.  You  are  buried  and  for- 
gotten, as  you  say,  in  the  western  wilderness,  and  I  am  buried 
and  forgotten  at  Mount  Wollaston ;  but  I  believe  you  are  hap- 
pier than  you  were  when  bustling  in  Holland,  and  I  am  very 
sure  I  have  been  happier  for  these  four  years  past,  than  I  ever 
was  in  any  four  of  forty  years  before  that  term  began.  From 
the  year  1760  to  the  year  1800  I  was  svv^allowed  up  in  cares, 
anxieties,  and  exertions  for  the  public.     At  the  close  of  the  18th 

VOL.  IX.  50 


590  CORRESPONDENCE. 

century,  I  was  dismissed,  to  the  joy  of  both  parties,  to  a  retire- 
ment in  which  I  was  never  more  to  see  any  thing  but  my  plough 
between  me  and  the  grave.  I  submitted  without  murmuring, 
complaint,  or  dismay,  and  have  enjoyed  life  and  health  with 
gratitude,  calmness,  and  comfort.  I  cannot  always  be  free  from 
apprehensions  for  the  public ;  but  as  all  responsibility  is  cheer- 
fully taken  away  from  me  by  both  parties,  I  have  no  fears  of 
future  remorse  or  reflection  on  myself  for  any  errors  or  miscar- 
riages of  my  own. 

Such  is  the  nature  of  the  people,  and  such  the  construction 
of  our  government,  that  about  once  in  a  dozen  years  there  will 
be  an  entire  change  in  the  administration.  I  lived  twelve  years 
as  President  and  Vice-President;  Jefferson  may  possibly  last 
sixteen  ;  but  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  cannot  remain  lon- 
ger than  that  period  in  their  present  unnatural  attachment  to 
the  southern  States,  nor  will  the  natural  inconstancy  of  the 
people  allow  them  to  persevere  longer  in  their  present  career. 
Our  government  will  be  a  game  of  leap-frog,  of  factions  leaping 
over  one  another's  backs  about  once  in  twelve  years,  according 
to  my  computation. 

I  am  fearful  of  nothing  more  than  of  what  you  prognosticate, 
that  the  people  at  next  change  will  "  fearfully  avenge  themselves 
and  their  wrongs  on  some  of  the  objects  of  their  present  idol- 
atry." The  federalists,  however,  will  be  too  wise  to  be  vin- 
dictive. 

Franklin's  parable  against  persecution  was  borrowed  from 
Bishop  Taylor,  who  quotes  it  from  some  of  the  cabalistical 
writings,  as  I  understood.  It  is  certain  that  Franklin  was  not 
the  inventor  of  it. 

The  dart  of  Abaris  might  be  the  northern  light,  for  what  I 
know,  but  it  will  be  difficult  to  prove  it.  Who,  pray,  is  Sar- 
bienus  ?  I  never  heard  of  him,  and  cannot  find  his  name  in  the 
Dictionnaire  Historiqiie,  nor  Moreri,  nor  any  other  writer.  You 
must  erase  every  word  of  panegyric  upon  Buffon  and  Jefferson, 
for  Buffon  was  an  atheist  and  Jefferson  is  President  of  the 
United  States. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  591 

TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Quincy,  1  May,  1807. 

If  credit  can  be  given  to  Judge  Innes's  deposition  and  Sebas- 
tian's conviction,  it  is  certain  that  Spain  has  tampered  in  the 
United  States,  and  if  she  tampered  once  before  with  others,  she 
might  a  second  time  with  Burr.  If  I  was  convinced  of  his 
guilt  of  treason  or  treasonable  intentions,  I  should  infer  that  he 
was  eraployed'by  Spain. 

You  ask  me,  if  I  do  not  sometimes  imprecate  evils  on  the 
day  on  which  I  became  a  politician.  I  have  endeavored  to 
recollect  that  day.  It  is  a  remote  one.  A  mighty  impression 
was  made  upon  my  little  head  at  the  time  of  the  expedition 
against  Cape  Breton  under  General  Pepperell  in  1745,  and  on 
the  approach  of  the  Duke  d'Enville's  armament  against  Boston. 
But  I  have  only  my  memory  to  testify  so  early.  An  odd  acci- 
dent has  within  a  month  brought  to  light  the  inclosed  letter, 
which  has  lain  fifty-one  years  and  a  half  in  darkness  and 
silence,  in  dust  and  oblivion. ^  Pray  tell  me  your  reflections  on 
the  sight  of  this  droll  phenomenon.  I  fancy  they  will  be,  first, 
wiiat  would  our  tories  and  quakers  and  proprietors  have  said 
of  this  letter,  had  it  been  published  in  1774,  5,  or  6  ?  But  I 
will  not  guess  at  any  more  of  your  observations.  You  shall 
make  them  yourself  and  relate  them  to  me.  But  I  will  make 
my  own  remarks  first,  and  submit  them  to  you. 

1.  Paine,  in  "  Common  Sense,"  says,  that  nobody  in  America 
ever  thought,  till  he  revealed  to  them  the  mighty  truth,  that 
America  would  ever  be  independent.  I  remember  not  the 
words,  but  this  is  the  sense  as  I  remember  it.  This  I  have 
ahvays,  at  all  times  and  in  all  places,  contradicted,  and  have 
affirmed  that  the  idea  of  American  independence,  sooner  or 
later,  and  of  the  necessity  of  it  some  time  or  other,  was  always 
familiar  to  gentlemen  of  reflection  in  all  parts  of  America,  and 
I  spoke  of  my  own  knowledge  in  this  province. 

2.  I  very  distinctly  remember,  that  in  the  war  of  1755,  a 
union   of  the  colonies,  to   defend  themselves   against  the   en- 

1  The  letter  to  Nathan  Webb,  written  in  1755,  and  inserted  in  the  first  chap- 
ter of  the  memoir  in  the  first  volume  of  this  work. 


592  CORRESPONDENCE. 

croachments  of  the  French,  was  the  general  wish  of  the  gentle- 
men with  whom  I  conversed,  and  it  was  the  opinion  of  some 
that  we  could  defend  om-selves,  and  even  conquer  Canada,  bet- 
ter without  England  than  with  her,  if  she  would  but  allow  us 
to  vmite  and  exert  our  strength,  courage,  and  skill,  diffident  as 
we  were  of  the  last. 

3.  It  was  the  fear  of  this  union  of  the  colonies,  which  was 
indeed  commenced  in  a  Congress  at  Albany,  which  induced  the 
English  to  take  the  war  into  their  own  hands. 

4.  The  war  was  so  ill  conducted  by  Shirley,  Lord  Loudon, 
Braddock,  and  all  other  British  commanders,  till  "Wolfe  and 
Amherst  came  forward,  that  the  utmost  anxiety  prevailed,  and 
a  thousand  panics  were  spread  lest  the  French  should  overrun 
us  all.  All  this  time  I  was  not  alone  in  wishing  that  we  were 
unshackled  by  Britain,  and  left  to  defend  ourselves. 

5.  The  treatment  of  the  provincial  officers  and  soldiers  by  the 
British  officers  during  that  war  made  the  blood  boil  in  my  veins. 

6.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  I  had  no  desire  of  independence 
as  long  as  Britain  would  do  us  justice.  I  knew  it  must  be  an 
obstinate  struggle,  and  saw  no  advantage  in  it  as  long  as  Bri- 
tain should  leave  our  liberties  inviolate. 

7.  Jefferson  has  acquired  such  glory  by  his  declaration  of 
independence  in  1776,  that  I  think  I  may  boast  of  my  declara- 
tion of  independence  in  1755,  twenty-one  years  older  than  his. 

8.  Our  governor  elect,  in  his  biographical  sketch  of  Samuel 
Adams,  ascribes  to  him  the  honor  of  the  first  idea  and  project 
of  independence.  In  1755,  when  my  letter  to  Dr.  Webb  was 
written,  I  had  never  seen  the  face  of  Samuel  Adams. 

9.  The  English,  the  Scotch,  the  tories,  and  hyperfederalists 
will  rebellow  their  execrations  against  me  as  a  rebel  from  my 
infancy,  and  a  plotter  of  independence  more  than  half  a  hundred 

ago. 

10.  The  present  ruling  party  in  the  United  States  will  repeat, 
renew,  and  redouble  their  curses  and  sarcasms  against  me  for 
having  meditated  the  ruin  of  this  country  from  a  boy,  from  a 
mere  chicken  in  the  eggshell,  by  building  a  navy  under  pretence 
of  protecting  our  commerce  and  seaports,  but  in  reality  only  as 
a  hobby-horse  for  myself  to  ride  and  to  increase  my  patronage. 
For  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  the  boy,  though  not  yet  twenty 
years  old,  and  though  pinched  and  starved  in  a  stingy  country 


years  ^^ 


CORRESPONDENCE.  593 

school,  fully  expected  to  be  King  of  North  America,  and  to 
marry  his  daughter  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  his  son,  John 
Quincy,  to  the  princess  royal  of  England. 

11.  There  can  be  no  doubt  but  this  letter,  puerile  and  child- 
ish as  it  is,  will  make  a  distinguished  figure  in  the  memoirs  of 
my  life.  A  grave  and  important  question  arises  on  a  point  of 
chronology,  whether  it  should  be  inserted  in  the  month  of  Oc- 
tober, 1755,  the  time  of  its  birth,  or  in  the  month  of  April,  1807, 
the  time  of  its  resurrection.  As  you  have  advised  me  to  write 
my  own  life^jrou  must  resolve  this  question  for  me,  for  it  is  too 
perplexed  for  my  judgment  to  determine. 

12.  You  may  depend  upon  its  authenticity,  for  I  have  copied 
it  from  the  original,  to  every  word  and  almost  every  letter  of 
which  I  can  attest,  and  so  might  any  one  else,  who  should  com- 
pare it  with  this,  from  the  similarity  of  hand  and  composition. 

13.  Viue  la  bagatelle  I 

Now,  Sir,  to  be  serious,  I  do  not  curse  the  day  when  I  en- 
gaged in  public  affairs.  I  do  not  say  when  I  became  a  politician, 
for  that  I  never  was.  I  cannot  repent  of  any  thing  I  ever  did 
conscientiously  and  from  a  sense  of  duty.  I  never  engaged  in 
public  affairs  for  my  own  interest,  pleasure,  envy,  jealousy, 
avarice,  or  ambition,  or  even  the  desire  of  fame.  If  any  of  these 
had  been  my  motive,  my  conduct  would  have  been  very  differ- 
ent. In  every  considerable  transaction  of  my  public  life,  I  have 
invariably  acted  according  to  my  best  judgment,  and  I  can  look 
up  to  God  for  the  sincerity  of  my  intentions.  How,  then,  is  it 
possible  I  can  repent?  Notwithstanding  this,  I  have  an  immense 
load  of  errors,  weaknesses,  follies,  and  sins  to  mourn  over  and 
repent  of,  and  these  are  the  only  afflictions  of  my  present  life. 

But,  notwithstanding  all,  St.  Paul  and  Dr.  Barrow  have  taught 
me  to  rejoice  evermore,  and  be  content.  This  phrase,  "rejoice 
evermore,"  shall  never  be  out  of  my  heart,  memory,  or  mouth 
again,  as  long  as  I  live,  if  I  can  help  it.  This  is  my  perfect- 
ibility of  man. 

Your  "  palace  of  ice  "  is  a  most  admirable  image.  I  agree  that 
you  and  I  have  been  employed  in  building  a  palace  of  ice. 
However,  if  we  did  not  believe  it  to  be  marble,  or  silver,  or 
gold,  or  ivory,  or  alabaster,  or  stone,  or  brick,  Ave  both  thought 
it  good,  sound  white  oak,  which  would  shelter  its  inhabitants 
from  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  and  last  a  long  time.     But 


594  CORRESPONDENCE. 

the  heat  of  the  climate  in  summer  has  proved  it  to  have  been 
ice.     It  is  all  melted  to  water. 

P.  S.  I  forgot  a  principal  point  I  had  in  view  when  I  sat 
down ;  that  is,  to  congratulate  you  that  the  Queen  of  Etruria  has 
fallen  in  love  with  you.  Tell  Mrs.  Rush  that  I  congratulate 
her  that  the  Queen  of  Sheba  is  not  likely  to  visit  Solomon  at 
Philadelphia. 


TO    WILLIAM    HEATH. 

Quincy,  11  May,  1807, 

I  read  in  the  Chronicle,  some  time  ago,  two  speculations  with 
the  signature  of  A  Military  Countryman,  and  I  read  them  with 
great  pleasure  for  two  very  substantial  reasons,  one  of  which  is 
that  I  cordially  approved  and  coincided  with  every  sentiment 
and  every  expression  in  them.  The  other  was,  that  I  knew  at 
once  that  General  Heath  was  the  writer  of  them.  How  did 
you  know  that,  you  will  ask.  I  answer,  by  the  style,  by  the 
signature,  and  by  the  motto.  I  need  not  enlarge  on  the  two 
former,  but  of  the  latter  I  can  give  you  a  piece  of  history.  Not 
much  less  than  thirty  years  ago,  you  wrote  me  a  letter  in  which 
you  quoted  the  King  of  Prussia's  maxim,  "  that  the  entire  pros- 
perity of  every  State  rests  on  the  discipline  of  its  armies."  I 
had  read  this  in  the  King  of  Prussia's  writings  before,  and  was 
now  so  struck  with  it,  and  thought  it  so  apposite  to  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  times,  that  I  made  Edes  and  Gill  insert  it  as  a  motto 
to  their  Boston  Gazette,  where  it  shone  to  the  end  of  the  war. 
You  never  knew  till  now  from  whence  it  came,  and  perhaps 
least  of  all  suspected  that  it  came  from  yourself.  The  maxim 
is  certainly  true  in  a  sense;  but  what  is  that  sense?  The  King 
of  Prussia  was  a  soldier,  a  general,  and  an  absolute  monarch, 
whose  existence  depended  on  the  discipline  of  his  armies,  and 
therefore  might  adopt  this  maxim  in  a  sense  too  absolute.  The 
Pope  and  his  cardinals  would  probably  say  that  "  the  entire 
prosperity  of  every  State  depends  upon  the  discipline  of  the 
Catholic  church,"  The  archbishops  and  bishops  of  England 
would  say,  "  the  entire  prosperity  of  every  State  depends  on 
subscription  to  the  thirty-nine  articles,"     The  Presbyterians  in 


CORRESPONDENCE.  595 

America  might  say,  the  entire  prosperity  of  the  State  depends 
on  observance  of  the  result  of  synods,  assemblies  of  the  clergy, 
&c.  Christians  in  general  might  say,  that  the  entire  prosperity 
of  the  State  depends  on  the  religious  observation  of  the  sab- 
bath. Men  of  the  most  enlarged  minds  and  extensive  views 
may  say  that  the  entire  prosperity  of  a  S'tate  depends  on  a 
strict  attention  in  making  matrimony  be  honored  and  respected. 
The  abuses  of  marriage,  these  men  will  say,  are  the  original 
source  of  all  corruptions  of  morals;  and  without  pure  morals 
there  can  be  no  prosperity.  The  American  yeomanry  say  at 
this  day,  the  entire  prosperity  of  the  State  depends  on  agricul- 
ture. The  American  merchants  say  that  it  depends  on  com- 
merce. The  lawyers  say  that  it  depends  on  a  government  of 
laws  and  not  of  men.  Philosophers  of  the  deepest  reflection 
will  say  that  wealth  and  power  are  not  prosperity,  and  that 
pure  prosperity  depends  on  pure  morals.  The  King  of  Prussia's 
maxim  is  a  remnant  of  the  old  system,  that  that  order  of  men 
who  have  for  their  object  the  defence  of  the  State,  ought  to 
enjoy  its  principal  honors,  dignities,  and  emoluments.  But,  my 
friend,  let  me  observe  to  you  that  on  this  principle  have  been 
founded  systems,  which  will  not  succeed  in  this  age,  either  in 
America  or  Europe.  Hereditary  monarchies,  hereditary  nobili- 
ties, originate  from  this  source.  Of  all  professions  in  society, 
the  military  have  the  most  to  fear  from  luxury  and  effeminacy. 
Military  men,  therefore,  have  been  forbidden  commerce  and  all 
other  means  of  acquiring  wealth.  Glory  has  been  the  only 
object  permitted  them.  But  no  men  were  found  who  would 
fight  for  mere  personal  glory ;  and  therefore  they  have  been  per- 
mitted to  glory  in  their  birth,  and  in  transmitting  their  honors 
to  posterity. 

But  commerce  has  produced  an  entire  revolution  in  the  sen- 
timents of  mankind.  Honor  and  glory  are  too  meagre  a  diet 
to  feed  officers  or  soldiers  in  this  age.  Money  they  will  have,  or 
you  will  have  neither  discipline  nor  army.  Even  in  England, 
and  much  more  in  France,  the  reward  of  nobility  will  not  do  to 
excite  exertion  without  money,  in  the  shape  of  prizes,  plunder, 
or  pillage. 

These,  however,  are  but  airy  amusements  of  speculation  ;  my 
principal  design  was  to  express  to  you  my  thanks  for  communi- 
cating your  sentiments  to  the  public,  and  to  assure  you   that  1 


596  CORRESPONDENCE. 

think  with  you.  Some  fortifications  to  our  seaports  I  think 
indispensable ;  some  soldiers,  especially  artillery  men,  to  garri- 
son the  fortresses.  Armies  were  always  my  aversion,  however 
I  may  have  been  belied.  Some  frigates  to  defend  our  sea-coasts 
from  insult,  and  protect  our  commerce  in  the  West  Indies  from 
pirates.  Seventy-fours  never  had  my  approbation.  My  judg- 
ment was  always  in  favor  of  frigates,  and  of  them  but  a  mode- 
rate number.  A  general  attention  to  the  militia  and  its  instruc- 
tion and  discipline.  In  these  sentiments,  if  I  understand  you, 
we  are  agreed ;  and  I  think  it  is  time  for  the  antediluvian  pa- 
triarchs to  interchange  sentiments  with  each  other.  We  have 
passed  the  river  and  the  Red  Sea,  and  escaped  from  the  house 
of  bondage,  but  we  shall  never  see  the  promised  land.  We  are 
still  wandering  in  the  wilderness,  however  secure  we  may  think 
ourselves. 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Quincy,  21  May,  1807. 

My  not  preserving  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  Doctor  Nathan 
Webb  (for  he  was  a  physician)  is  no  wonder,  for  I  never  kept  a 
copy  of  any  letter  till  I  became  a  member  of  Congress,  in  1774. 
The  observation  of  your  son  Richard  is  very  shrewd,  and,  unfor- 
tunately for  me,  very  just.  There  are  the  same  marks  of  haste, 
and  heedless  inattention  to  style,  which  have  characterized  all 
my  writings  to  this  day. 

I  have  always  laughed  at  the  affectation  of  representing 
American  independence  as  a  novel  idea,  as  a  modern  discovery, 
as  a  late  invention.  The  idea  of  it  as  a  possible  thing,  as  a 
probable  event,  nay,  as  a  necessary  and  unavoidable  measure, 
in  case  Great  Britain  should  assume  an  unconstitutional  author- 
ity over  us,  has  been  familiar  to  Americans  from  the  first  settle- 
ment of  the  country,  and  was  as  well  understood  by  Governor 
Winthrop  in  1675,i  a,s  by  Governor  Samuel  Adams,  when  he 
told  you  that  independence  had  been  the  first  wish  of  his  heart 
for  seven  years.  I  suppose  he  dated  from  1768,  when  the  board 
of  commissioners  arrived  and  landed  in  Boston  under  the  pro- 
tection of  nine  ships  of  war  and  four  thousand  regular  troops. 

^  So  in  the  copy.    It 'may  refer  to  the  Connecticut  Governor.     But  it  is  pro- 
bably an  error  in  the  third  figure. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  597 

A  couplet  has  been  repeated  with  rapture,  as  loug  as  I  can 
remember,  which  was  imputed  to  Dean  Berkeley.  The  first 
line  I  have  forgot,  but  the  last  was, 

"  And  empire  rises  wliere  the  suu  descends ;  1 

This  was  public  many  years  before  my  letter  of  1755  to  Doctor 
Webb.  In  1760,  Colonel  Josiah  Quincy,  the  grandfather  of 
Josiah  Quhicy,  now  a  member  of  Congress  from  Boston,  read 
to  me  a  letter  he  had  then  just  received  from  a  Mr.  Turner,  I 
believe  one  of  the  first  mercantile  houses  in  London,  congratu- 
lating him  on  the  surrender  of  Montreal  to  General  Amherst, 
and  the  final  conquest  of  Canada,  "  as  a  great  event  to  America, 
not  only  by  insuring  her  tranquillity  and  repose,  but  as  facilitat- 
ing and  advancing  your  (Colonel  Quincy's)  country's  rise  to 
independence  and  empire."  Within  the  course  of  the  year 
before  the  meeting  of  Congress,  in  1774,  on  a  journey  to  some 
of  our  circuit  courts  in  Massachusetts,  I  stopped  one  night  at  a 
tavern  in  Shrewsbury,  about  forty  miles  from  Boston,  and  as  I 
was  cold  and  wet,  I  sat  down  at  a  good  fire  in  the  bar-room  to 
dry  my  great  coat  and  saddle-bags  till  a  fire  could  be  made  in 
my  chamber.  There  presently  came  in,  one  after  another,  half  a 
dozen,  or  half  a  score,  substantial  yeomen  of  the  neighborhood, 
who,  sitting  down  to  the  fire  after  lighting  their  pipes,  began  a 
lively  conversation  upon  politics.  As  I  believed  I  was  unknown 
to  all  of  them,  I  sat  in  total  silence  to  hear  them.  One  said, 
"  The  people  of  Boston  are  distracted  ! "  Another  answered,  "  No 
wonder  the  people  of  Boston  are  distracted.  Oppression  will 
make  wise  men  mad."  A  third  said,  "  What  would  you  say, 
if  a  fellow  should  come  to  your  house  and  tell  you  he  was  come 
to  take  a  list  of  your  cattle,  that  parliament  might  tax  you  for 
them  at  so  much  a  head?  and  how  should  you  feel,  if  he  was 
to  go  and  break  open  your  barn,  to  take  down  your  oxen,  cows, 
horses,  and  sheep  ?  "  "  What  should  I  say  ?  "  replied  the  first ; 
"  I  would  knock  him  in  the  head."  "  Well,"  said  a  fourth, 
"  if  parliament  can  take  away  Mr.  Hancock's  wharf  and  Mr. 
Rowe's  wharf,  they  can  take  away  your  barn  and  my  house." 
After  much  more  reasoning  in  this  style,  a  fifth,  who  had  as  yet 
been  silent,  broke  out,  "  Well,  it  is  high  time  for  us  to  rebel;  we 

1  The  lines  of  Berkeley  are  now  familiarly  known  to  all  American  readers, 
but  they  do  not  contain  the  words  quoted.     See  the  next  letter. 


598  CORRESPONDENCE. 

must,  rebel  some  time  or  other,  and  we  had  better  rebel  now 
than  at  any  time  to  come.  If  we  put  it  ofT  for  ten  or  twenty 
years,  and  let  them  go  on  as  they  have  begun,  they  will  get  a 
strong  party  among  us,  and  plague  us  a  great  deal  more  than 
they  can  now.  As  yet,  they  have  but  a  small  party  on  their 
side."  I  was  disgusted  with  his  word  rebel,  because  I  was 
determined  never  to  rebel,  as  much  as  I  was  to  resist  rebellion 
against  the  fundamental  privileges  of  the  Constitution,  when- 
ever British  generals  or  governors  should  begin  it.  I  mention 
this  anecdote  to  show  that  the  idea  of  independence  was  fami- 
liar, even  among  the  common  people,  much  earlier  than  some 
persons  pretend.  I  have  heard  some  gentlemen  of  education 
say,  that  the  first  idea  of  independence  was  suggested  to  them 
by  the  pamphlet  "  Common  Sense;"  and  others,  that  they  were 
first  converted  by  it  to  that  doctrine;  but  these  were  men  of 
very  little  conversation  with  the  world,  and  men  of  very  narrow 
views  and  very  little  reflection. 

Your  enemies  are  only  your  would-be  rivals ;  they  can  never 
hurt  you.  Envy  is  a  foul  fiend  that  is  only  to  be  defied.  You 
read  Sully.  His  memoirs  are  a  pretty  specimen.  Every  honest, 
virtuous,  and  able  man  that  ever  existed,  from  Abel  down  to 
Doctor  Rush,  has  had  this  enemy  to  combat  through  life. 
"  Envy  does  merit  as  its  shade  pursue."  You  need  not  fear  the 
charge  of  vanity.  Vanity  is  really  what  the  French  call  it, 
amour  propre,  self-love,  and  it  is  a  universal  passion.  All  men 
have  it  in  an  equal  degree.  Honest  men  do  not  always  dis- 
guise it.  Knaves  often  do,  if  not  always.  When  you  see  or 
hear  a  man  pique  himself  upon  his  modesty,  you  may  depend 
upon  it,  he  is  as  vain  a  fellow  as  lives,  and  very  probably  a 
great  villain.  I  would  advise  you  to  communicate  freely  all 
the  compliments  you  have  had  or  may  have  from  Europe.  Defy 
the  foul  fiend.  Do  not  infer  from  this  that  I  think  there  is 
no  such  thing  as  modesty  or  decency.  On  the  contrary,  it  is 
the  duty  of  every  man  to  respect  the  self-love  of  every  other 
man,  and  not  to  disgust  him  by  any  ostentatious  display  of  his 
own.  But  in  your  case,  surrounded  as  you  are  with  jealous 
competitors,  always  intriguing  to  depress  you,  it  is  your  right 
and  your  duty  to  mortify  their  invidious  impertinence  by  a  free 
communication  of  all  your  trophies  to  your  friends  without  any 
injunctions  of  secrecy. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  599 

I  have  not  seen  the  pamphlet,  entitled  "  The  dangers  of  the 
country,"  but  my  mind  is  deeply  impressed  with  the  dangers  of 
our  country,  and  all  other  countries,  of  France  as  well  as  Eng- 
land. Of  all  countries,  there  is  none  more  to  be  pitied  than 
France.  England,  in  my  opinion,  is  in  a  still  less  dangerous 
situation  than  her  rival. 

The  ominous  dissolution  of  morality,  both  in  theory  and  prac- 
tice, throughout  the  civilized  world,  threatens  dangers  and  cala- 
mities of  a  novel  species,  beyond  all  calculation,  because  there  is 
no  precedent  or  example  in  history  which  can  show  us  the  con- 
sequences of  it.  Perhaps  you  may  say.  Tyre  and  Sidon,  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah  are  examples  in  point.  But  we  have  no  relation 
of  their  rise,  progi*ess,  and  decline.  You  may  say  the  old  world, 
when  it  repented  God  that  he  had  made  man,  when  it  grieved 
him  in  his  heart  that  he  had  made  so  vile  a  creature,  is  a  case 
in  point.  I  know  not  what  to  say  in  answer  to  this,  only  that 
the  same  authority  we  have  for  the  fact,  assures  us  that  the 
world  shall  never  be  again  drowned. 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Quincy,  23  May,  1807. 

I  received,  at  an  exhibition  of  music  in  our  polite  village  of 
Mount  Wollaston,  on  Thursday,  your  letter  relative  to  Mr. 
Loud,  and  sent  it  immediately  to  Dr.  Tufts  by  his  lady,  that  the 
young  gentleman's  friends  might  be  informed  of  his  situation. 
I  lament  the  untimely  decline  of  a  youth,  although  I  never  saw 
him,  who  has  been  represented  to  me  as  one  who  injured  his 
health  by  too  intense  an  application  to  study.  I  never  heard 
his  name  but  once,  when  my  brother  Cranch  mentioned  him  to 
me  before  he  embarked  on  his  voyage. 

And  now  I  have  mentioned  my  brother  Cranch,  a  gentleman 
of  four-score,  whose  memory  is  better  than  mine,  I  will  relate 
to  you  a  conversation  with  him  last  evening.  I  asked  him  if 
he  recollected  the  first  line  of  a  couplet  whose  second  line  was, 
"and  empire  rises  where  the  sun  descends."  He  paused  a 
moment  and  said, — 

"  The  eastern  nations  sink,  their  glory  ends, 
And  empire  rises  where  the  sun  descends." 


600  CORRESPONDENCE. 

I  asked  him,  if  Dean  Berkeley  was  the  author  of  them.  He 
answered  no.  The  tradition  was,  as  he  had  heard  it  for  sixty 
years,  that  these  lines  were  inscribed,  or  rather  drilled,  into  a 
rock  on  the  shore  of  Monument  Bay  in  ovir  old  colony  of  Ply- 
mouth, and  were  supposed  to  have  been  written  and  engraved 
there  by  some  of  the  first  emigrants  from  Leyden,  who  landed 
at  Plymouth.  However  this  may  be,  I  may  add  my  testimony 
to  Mr.  Cranch's,  that  I  have  heard  these  verses  for  more  than 
sixty  years.  I  conjecture  that  Berkeley  became  connected  with 
them,  in  my  head,  by  some  report  that  the  bishop  had  copied 
them  into  some  publication.  There  is  nothing,  in  my  little 
reading,  more  ancient  in  my  memory  than  the  observation  that 
arts,  sciences,  and  empire  had  travelled  westward;  and  in  con- 
versation it  was  always  added  since  I  was  a  child,  that  their 
next  leap  would  be  over  the  Atlantic  into  America. 

The  claim  of  the  1776  men  to  the  honor  of  first  conceiving 
the  idea  of  American  independence,  or  of  first  inventing  the  pro- 
ject of  it,  is  as  ridiculous  as  that  of  Dr.  Priestley  to  the  discovery 
of  the  perfectibility  of  man.  I  hereby  disclaim  all  pretensions 
to  it,  because  it  was  much  more  ancient  than  my  nativity. 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Quincy,  3  September,  1808. 

I  will  not  stand  upon  ceremonies  with  you,  and  wait  for  the 
return  of  a  visit,  or  an  answer  to  my  last  letter. 

Whatever  proportion  of  loyalty  to  an  established  dynasty  of 
kings,  or  whatever  taint  of  Catholic  superstition  there  may  be 
in  the  present  sensations  of  the  Spanish  people,  or  however 
their  conduct  may  have  been  excited  by  British  or  Austrian 
gold,  I  revere  the  mixture  of  pure  patriotism  that  appears  to  be 
in  it  and  inseparable  from  it,  and  I  wish  to  know  the  sentiments 
of  your  Pennsylvania  statesmen  concerning  it. 

The  contest  between  the  houses  of  Austria  and  Bourbon  in 
the  beginning  of  the  last  century  for  the  succession  to  the  throne 
of  Spain,  is  well  known.  Philip  V.  and  Charles  VI.  were  rivals, 
as  Ferdinand  VH.  and  Joseph  I.  are  now.     Charles  was  sup- 


CORRESPONDENCE.  601 

ported  by  the  Emperor,  England  and  Holland,  and  Philip  by 
France  and  her  allies.  The  Earls  of  Galway  and  Peterbo- 
rough ran  about  Spain  with  armies  at  their  heels,  and  pro- 
claimed Charles  at  Madrid,  and  many  other  places,  till  Louis 
XIV.  and  his  grandson  Philip  were  in  despair.  In  this  situa- 
tion, Vauban,  the  great  teacher  of  fortification,  and  one  of  the 
profound  statesmen  as  well  as  honest  patriots  of  France,  pro- 
posed to  his  court  to  send  Philip  to  reign  in  America,  that  the 
commerce  of  Mexico  and  Peru  might  be  secured  to  France. 
The  English  seem  to  have  adopted  this  project  of  Vauban,  and 
to  aim  at  securing  the  commerce  of  South  America  to  them- 
selves. Have  your  Philadelphia  politicians  considered  what 
will  be  the  consequence  of  this  to  the  United  States  ?  How 
will  it  affect  our  Louisiana  claims,  our  West  India  commerce  ? 
I  am  almost  afraid  to  ask  so  bold  and  hazardous  a  question,  as 
whether  it  will  not  make  France  the  natural  ally  of  the  United 
States. 

The  inclination  of  the  Spaniards  was  in  favor  of  Philip,  and 
the  fortitude  of  the  Castilians  turned  the  scale  in  his  favor. 
They  made  great  efforts  when  they  found  hina  in  danger.  It  is 
a  very  arduous  enterprise  to  impose  upon  a  nation  a  king  in 
spite  of  their  teeth.  The  Austrians,  the  Dutch,  the  English, 
and  the  Portuguese,  were  harassed  in  Spain,  suffered  for  want 
of  provisions,  and  were  consumed  by  degrees. 

By  some  accounts,  certain  provinces  in  Spain  have  proclaimed 
Prince  Charles.  This  looks  like  a  desire  to  revive  the  old  con- 
nection of  Spain  with  the  house  of  Austria,  which  might  check 
the  house  of  Napoleon  for  the  present,  but  would  lay  a  founda- 
tion for  interminable  future  wars  in  Europe. 

Is  there  room  to  hope  that  the  French  will  meet  with  effect- 
ual obstructions  in  Spain  ?  How  will  they  procure  provisions? 
Not  by  sea.  The  English  fleet  is  in  the  way.  By  land,  from 
France  and  Italy,  will  be  almost  impossible,  and  the  Spaniards 
have  not  onions  and  turnips  enough  for  themselves.  An  army 
of  two  or  three  hundred  thousand  Frenchmen  will  consume  a 
great  many  bushels.  The  Spaniards  had  better  fight  and  die 
in  battle  than  perish  with  famine. 

These  occurrences  in  Spain  open  wide  views  to  those  who 
have  more  information  and  sagacity  than  I  have.  They  will 
give  trouble  to  Napoleon,  employ  a  great  part  of  his  force,  and 

VOL.  IX.  51 


602  COERESPONDENCE. 

be  a  powerful  temptation  to  nations  he  has  humbled,  to  avenge 
their  disgrace.  The  French  have  always  been  chased  out  of 
Italy.  Germany  and  the  north  of  Europe  must  be  alarmed  at 
having  Spain  and  the  Indies  in  the  power  of  the  Corsicans.  In 
short,  I  know  not  but  the  Spaniards  may  produce  a  Marlbo- 
rough in  England,  and  in  Germany  a  Eugene,  to  give  Napoleon 
a  fistula.     What  think  you? 

I  have  always  called  our  Constitution  a  game  at  leap-frog. 
New  England  is  again  converted  to  federalism.  The  federal 
administration  lasted  twelve  years.  The  republicans  then  leaped 
over  their  heads  and  shoulders,  and  have  ruled  eight  years.  They 
may  possibly  hold  out  four  years  more,  and  then  probably  the 
federalists  wull  leap  again.  But  neither  party  will  ever  be 
strong,  while  they  adhere  to  their  austere,  exclusive  maxims. 
Neither  party  will  ever  be  able  to  pursue  the  true  interest, 
honor,  and  dignity  of  the  nation.  I  lament  the  narrow,  selfish 
spirit  of  the  leaders  of  both  parties,  but  can  do  no  good  to 
either.  They  are  incorrigible.  We  must  adopt  the  Dutch  motto, 
"  Incertum  quo  fata  feranlP 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Quincy,  27  September,  1808. 

That  Rosicrucian  sylph,  that  fairy  Queen  Mab,  or  that  other 
familiar  spirit,  whatever  it  is,  that  inspires  your  nightly  dreams, 
I  would  not  exchange,  if  I  had  it,  for  the  demon  of  Socrates. 
You  have  more  wit,  and  humor,  and  sense  in  your  sleep  than 
other  people,  I  was  about  to  say  than  you  yourself,  have  when 
awake.  I  know  not  whether  I  have  ever  read  two  finer  allego- 
ries than  the  two  you  have  given  me  from  your  nocturnal 
slumbers.  I  agree  well  enough  with  you  in  the  moral  of  them 
both. 

I  believe,  with  you,  "  a  republican  government,"  while  the 
people  have  the  virtues,  talents,  and  love  of  country  necessary 
to  support  it,  "the  best  possible  government  to  promote  the 
interest,  dignity,  and  happiness  of  man."  But  you  know  that 
commerce,  luxury,  and  avarice  have  destroyed  every  republican 


COKRESPONDENCE.  603 

government.  England  and  France  have  tried  the  experiment, 
and  neither  of  them  could  preserve  it  for  twelve  years.  It 
might  be  said  with  truth  that  they  could  not  preserve  it  for  a 
moment,  for  the  commonwealth  of  England,  from  1640  to  1660, 
was  in  reality  a  succession  of  monarchies  under  Pyra,  Hamp- 
den, Fairfax,  and  Cromwell,  and  the  republic  of  France  was  a 
similar  monarchy  under  Mirabeau,  Brissot,  Danton,  Robespierre, 
and  a  succession  of  others  like  them,  down  to  Napoleon,  the 
Emperor.  The  mercenary  spirit  of  commerce  has  recently 
destroyed  the  republics  of  Holland,  Switzerland,  and  Venice. 
Not  one  of  these  republics,  however,  dared  at  any  time  to  trust 
the  people  with  any  elections  whatever,  much  less  with  the 
election  of  first  magistrates.  In  all  those  countries,  the  monster 
venality  would  instantly  have  appeared,  and  swallowed  at  once 
all  security  of  liberty,  property,  fame,  and  life. 

When  public  virtue  is  gone,  when  the  national  spirit  is  fled, 
when  a  party  is  substituted  for  the  nation  and  faction  for  a 
party,  when  venality  lurks  and  skulks  in  secret,  and,  much  more, 
when  it  impudently  braves  the  public  censure,  whether  it  be 
sent  in  the  form  of  emissaries  from  foreign  powers,  or  is  em- 
ployed by  ambitious  and  intriguing  domestic  citizens,  the  repub- 
lic is  lost  in  essence,  though  it  may  still  exist  in  form.  The 
form  of  a  Senate  is  still  preserved  in  Rome.  The  Prince  Rez- 
zonico  was  presented  to  me  in  London,  under  the  title  of 
"  Senatore  di  Roma."  But  what  sort  of  a  republic  is  Rome  at 
present  ? 

When  commerce,  and  luxury,  and  dissipation  had  introduced 
avarice  among  the  Greeks,  the  artful  policy  and  military  disci- 
pline of  Philip  and  his  son  prevailed  over  all  the  toils,  negotia- 
tions, and  eloquence  of  Demosthenes.  The  people  who,  in  vir- 
tuous times,  or,  if  you  will,  in  times  of  national  pride,  had  set 
the  hosts  of  Persia  at  defiance,  now  sold  themselves  and  bowed 
their  necks  to  the  yoke  of  a  petty  prince  of  Macedonia.  And 
poor  Demosthenes,  abandoned,  persecuted  while  he  lived,  was 
pursued  to  an  ignominious  death,  as  the  only  reward  of  his 
patriotism.  Immortal  glory  has  followed  his  eloquence,  but 
this  he  could  not  enjoy  while  he  lived,  and  we  know  not  that 
he  enjoys  it  since  his  death.  I  hope  he  has  enjoyments  superior 
to  this. 

The  same  causes  produced  the  same  effects  in  Rome,  and  the 


604  CORRESPONDENCE. 

labors,  eloquence,  and  patriotism  of  Cicero  were  to  as  little 
purpose  as  those  of  Demosthenes,  and  were  equally  rewarded. 

We  mortals  cannot  work  miracles;  we  struggle  in  vain 
against  the  constitution  and  course  of  nature. 

Americans,  I  fondly  hope  and  candidly  believe,  are  not  yet 
arrived  at  the  age  of  Demosthenes  or  Cicero.  If  we  can  pre- 
serve our  Union  entire,  we  may  preserve  our  republic;  but  if 
the  union  is  broken,  we  become  petty  principalities,  little  better 
than  the  feudatories,  one  of  France  and  the  other  of  England. 

If  I  could  lay  an  embargo,  or  pass  a  new  importation  law 
against  corruption  and  foreign  influence,  I  would  not  make  it  a 
temporary,  but  a  perpetual  law,  and  I  would  not  repeal  it, 
though  it  should  raise  a  clamor  as  loud  as  my  gag-law,  or  your 
grog-law,  or  Mr.  Jefferson's  embargo.  The  majorities  in  the 
five  States  of  New  England,  though  small,  are  all  on  one  side. 
New  York  has  fortified  the  same  party  with  half  a  dozen  mem- 
bers, and  anxious  are  the  expectations  from  New  Jersey,  Penn- 
sylvania, and  Maryland.  There  is  a  body  of  the  same  party  in 
every  other  State.  The  Union,  I  fear,  is  in  some  danger.  Nor 
_is_thejdanger_of  foreign  war  much  diminished.  An  alliance 
between  England  and  Spain  is  a  new  aspect  of  planets  towards 
us.  Surrounded  by  land,  on  the  east,  north,  west,  and  south, 
by  the  territories  of  two  such  powers,  and  blockaded  by  sea  by 
two  such  navies  as  the  English  and  Spanish,  without  a  friend 
or  ally  by  sea  or  land,  we  may  have  all  our  republican  virtues 
put  to  a  trial. 

I  am  weary  of  conjectures,  but  not  in  despair. 


TO    J.    B.    VARNUM. 

Quincy,  26  December,  1808. 
I  receive  very  kindly  your  obliging  letter  of  the  15th  of  this 
month.  Ever  since  my  return  from  Europe,  where  I  had  resided 
ten  years,  and  could  not  be  fully  informed  of  the  state  of  affairs 
in  my  own  country,  I  hqve  been  constantly  anxious  and  alarmed 
at  the  intemperance  of  party  spirit  and  the  unbounded  license 
of  our  presses.     In  the  same  view  I  could  not  but  lament  some 


CORRESPONDENCE.  605 

things  which  have  lately  passed  in  public  bodies.  To  instance, 
at  Dedham  and  Topsfield,  and  last  of  all  in  the  resolutions  of 
our  Massachusetts  legislature.  Upon  principle,  I  see  no  right 
in  our  Senate  and  House  to  dictate,  nor  to  advise,  nor  to  request 
our  representatives  in  Congress.  The  right  of  the  people  to 
instruct  their  representatives,  is  very  dear  to  them,  and  will 
never  be  disputed  by  me.  But  this  is  a  very  different  thing 
from  an  interference  of  a  State  legislature.  Congress  must  be 
"the  cloud  by  day  and  the  pillar  of  fire  by  night"  to  conduct 
this  nation,  and  if  their  eyes  are  to  be  diverted  by  wandering 
light,  accidentally  springing  up  in  every  direction,  we  shall 
never  get  through  the  wilderness. 

I  have  not  been  inattentive  to  the  course  of  our  public  affairs, 
and  asree  with  Congress  in  their  resolutions  to  resist  the  de- 
crees,  edicts,  and  orders  of  France  and  England ;  but  I  think 
the  king's  proclamation  for  the  impressment  of  seamen  on  board 
our  merchant  ships  has  not  been  distinctly  enough  reprobated. 
It  is  the  most  groundless  pretension  of  all.  Retired  as  I  am, 
conversing  with  very  few  of  any  party,  out  of  the  secret  of 
affairs,  collecting  information  only  from  public  papers  and  pam- 
phlets, many  links  in  the  great  chain  of  deliberations,  actions, 
and  events,  may  have  escaped  me.  You  will  easily  believe, 
that  an  excessive  diffidence  in  my  own  opinions  has  not  been 
the  sin  that  has  most  easily  beset  me.  I  must  nevertheless 
confess  to  you  that  in  all  the  intricate  combinations  of  our 
affairs,  to  which  I  have  ever  been  a  witness,  I  never  found  my- 
self so  much  at  a  loss  to  form  a  judgment  of  what  the  nation 
ought  to  doj^r^wliat  part  I  ought  to  act.  No  man,  then,  I 
hope,  will  have  more  confidence  in  the  solidity  of  any  thing  I 
may  suggest  than  I  have  myself. 

I  revere  the  upright  and  enlightened  general  sense  of  our 
American  nation.  It  is  nevertheless  capable,  like  all  other 
nations,  of  general  prejudices  and  national  errors.  Among 
these,  I  know  not  whether  there  is  any  more  remarkable  than 
that  opinion  so  universal,  that  it  is  in  our  power  to  bring  foreign 
nations  to  our  terms,  by  withholding  our  commerce.  When  the 
executive  and  legislative  authority  of  any  nation,  especially  in 
the  old  governments  and  great  powers  of  Europe,  have  adopted 
measures  upon  deliberation,  and  published  them  to  the  world, 
they  cannot  recede  without  a  deep  humiliation  and  disgrace,  in 

51  * 


606  CORRESPONDENCE. 

the  eyes  of  their  own  subjects,  as  well  as  all  Europe.  They 
will  therefore  obstinately  adhere  to  them,  at  the  expense  even 
of  great  sacrifices,  and  in  defiance  of  great  dangers.  In  1774, 
Congress  appeared  alniost  unanimously  sanguine  that  a  non- 
importation and  a  non-consumption  association  would  procure 
an  immediate  repeal  of  acts  of  parliament  and  royal  orders.  I 
went  heartily  along  with  the  rest  in  all  these  measures,  because 
I  knew  that  the  sense  of  the  nation,  the  public  opinion  in  all 
the  colonies,  required  them,  and  I  did  not  see  that  they  could 
do  harm.  But  I  had  no  confidence  in  their  success  in  any  thing 
but  uniting  the  American  people.  I  expressed  this  opinion 
freely  to  some  of  my  friends,  particularly  to  Mr.  Henry  of  Vir- 
ginia and  to  Major  Hawley  of  Massachusetts.  These  two,  and 
these  only,  agreed  with  me  in  opinion,  that  we  must  fight,  after 
all.  We  found  by  experience  that  a  war  of  eight  years,  in  addi- 
tion to  all  our  resolutions,  was  necessary,  and  the  aid  of  France, 
Spain,  and  Holland,  too,  before  our  purposes  could  be  accom- 
plished. Do  we  presume  that  we  can  excite  insurrection,  rebel- 
lion, and  a  revolution  in  England?  Even  a  revolution  would 
be  of  no  benefit  to  us.  A  republican  government  in  England 
would  be  more  hostile  to  us  than  the  monarchy  is.  The 
resources  of  that  country  are  so  great,  their  merchants,  capital- 
ists, and  principal  manufacturers  are  so  rich,  that  they  can 
employ  their  manufacturers  and  store  their  productions  for  a 
long  time,  perhaps  longer  than  we  can  or  will  bear  to  hoard 
ours.  In  1794,  upon  these  principles  and  for  these  reasons,  I 
thought  it  my  duty  to  decide,  in  Senate,  against  Mr.  Madison's 
resolutions,  as  they  were  called,  and  I  have  seen  no  reason  to 
alter  my  opinion  since.  L own  J  was  sorry  when  the  late  non- 
importation law  passed.  When  a  war  with  England  was 
seriously  apprehended  in  1794,  I  approved  of  an  embargo,  as  a 
temporary  measure  to  preserve  our  seamen  and  property,  buit 
not  with  any  expectation  that  it  would  influence  England.;  I 
thought  the  embargo,  which  was  laid  a  year  ago,  a  wise  4nd 
prudent  measure  for  the  same  reason,  namely  to  preserve  our 
j  seamen  and  as  much  of  our  property  as  we  could  get  in,  but 
not  with  the  faintest  hope  that  it  would  influence  the  British 
Councils.  At  the  same  time  1  confidently  expected  that  it 
would  be  raised  in  a  few  months.  I  have  not  censured  any  of 
these   measures,  because   I  knev/  the   fond   attachment  of  the 


CORRESPONDENCE.  607 

nation  to  them ;  but  I  think  the  nation  must  soon  be  convinced 
that  they  will  not  answer  their  expectations.  The  embargo 
and  the  non-intercourse  laws,  I  think,  ought  not  to  last  long. 
They  will  lay  such  a  foundation  of  disaffection  to  the  national 
government  as  will  give  great  uneasiness  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  suc- 
cessor, and  produce  such  distractions  and  confusions  as  I  shud- 
der to  think  of.  The  naval  and  military  force  to  carry  them 
into  execution  would  maintain  a  war. 

Are  you  then  for  war,  you  will  ask.  I  will  answer  you  can- 
didly. _Ijthink  a  war  would  be  a  less  evil  than  a  rigorous_ 
enforcement  of  the  embargo  and  non-intercourse.  But  we  have 
no  necessity  to  declare  war  against  England  or  France,  or  both. 
We  may  raise  the  embargo,  repeal  the  non-intercourse,  author- 
ize our  merchants  to  arm  their  vessels,  give  them  special  letters 
of  marque  to  defend  themselves  against  all  unlawful  aggres- 
sors, and  take  and  burn  or  destroy  all  vessels,  or  make  prize  of 
them  as  enemies,  that  shall  attack  them.  In  the  mean  time 
apply  all  our  resources  to  build  frigates,  some  in  every  principal 
seaport.  These  frigates  ought  not  to  be  assembled  in  any  one 
port  to  become  an  object  of  a  hostile  expedition  to  destroy  them. 
They  should  be  separated  and  scattered  as  much  as  possible 
from  New  Orleans  to  Passamaquoddy.  I  never  was  fond  of 
jthe  plan  of  building  line  of  battle  ships.  Our  policy  is  not  to 
fight  squadrons  at  sea,  but  to  have  fast-sailing  frigates  to  scour 
the  seas  and  make  impression  on  the  enemy's  commerce ;  and 
in  this  way  we  can  do  great  things.  Our  great  seaports  and 
most  exposed  frontier  places  ought  not  to  be  neglected  in  their 
fortifications;  but  I  cannot  see  for  what  purpose  a  hundred 
thousand  militia  are  called  out,  nor  why  we  should  have  so 
large  an  army  at  present.  The  revenues  applied  to  these  uses 
would  be  better  appropriated  to  building  frigates.  We  may 
depend  upon  it,  we  shall  never  be  respected  by  foreign  powers 
until  they  see  that  we  are  sensible  of  the  great  resources  which 
the  Almighty  in  his  benevolent  providence  has  put  into  our 
hands.  No  nation  under  the  sun  has  better  materials,  architects, 
or  mariners  for  a  respectable  maritime  power.  I  have  no  doubt 
but  our  people,  when  they  see  a  necessity,  will  cheerfully  pay 
the  taxes  necessary  for  their  defence,  and  to  support  their  union, 
independence,  and  national  honor.  When  our  merchants  are 
armed,  if  they  are  taken,  they  cannot  blame  the  government; 


608  CORRESPONDENCE. 

if  they  fight  well,  and  captivate  their  enemies,  they  will  acquire 
glory  and  encouragement  at  home,  and  England  or  France 
may  determine  for  themselves  whether  they  will  declarejwar. 
i  believe  neither  will  do  it,  because  each  will  be  afraid  of  our 
joining  the  other.  If  either  should,  in  my  opinion,  the  other  will 
rescind ;  but  if  we  should  have  both  to  fight,  it  would  not  be 
long  before  one  or  the  other  would  be  willing  to  make  peace, 
and  I  see  not  much  difference  between  fighting  both  and  fight- 
ing England  alone.  My  heart  is  with  the  Spanish  patriots, 
and  I  should  be  glad  to  assist  them  as  far  as  our  commerce 
can  supply  them. 

I  conclude  with  acknowledging  that  we  have  received  greater 
injuries  from  England  than  from  France,  abominable  as  both 
have  been.  I  conclude  that  whatever  the  government  deter- 
mines, I  shall  support  as  far  as  my  small  voice  extends. 

N.  B.  The  tribute  and  the  British  licenses  must  be  prohibited 
with  adequate  penalties. 


TO    F.    A.    VANDERKEMP. 


Quincy,  16  February,  1809. 

I  have  yours  of  the  ISth  of  January.  When  you  receive 
your  diploma,  you  will  have  no  fees  to  pay.  We  have  not  yet 
adopted  any  regulation  which  requires  fees  from  the  members 
elected.  Perhaps  it  would  be  prudent  in  future  to  adopt  such 
a  measure,  and  give  a  salary  to  our  secretary.  Our  officers  are 
now  men  of  so  much  business,  and  so  dependent  on  it  for  the 
support  of  their  families,  that  they  cannot  attend  enough  to  the 
business  of  the  Academy.  I  would  send  you  our  transactions, 
if  I  knew  how.  I  spoke  to  Dr.  Morse  and  Dr.  Kirkland,  but 
they  have  not  informed  me  of  a  conveyance. 

The  Dutch  history,  as  you  say,  should  be  instructive  to  us. 
The  alliance  with  England  has  in  the  end  been  fatal  to  Holland. 
The  close  connection  between  the  house  of  Hanover  and  the 
house  of  Orange,  the  Dutch  policy  to  depend  upon  the  protec- 
tion of  the  English  fleet,  has  given  preponderance  to  the  four 
agricultural  provinces  over  the  three  maritime  provinces,  and 


CORRESPONDENCE.  609 

induced  the  States  General  to  neglect  and  abandon  the  marine 
for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  a  standing  array  for  the  Prince 
of  Orange  to  review  daily  on  the  parade  at  the  Hague.  In 
consequence,  their  independence  has  been  lost.  Beware  I  Oh, 
_my  country,  beware  I  lest  you  suffer  English  or  French  intrigues 
to  render  a  naval  power  unpopular  in  America. 

Robert  Morris  (since  you  ask  me  my  opinion  of  him)  was  a 
frank,  generous,  and  manly  mortal.  He  rose  from  nothing  but 
a  naked  boy,  by  his  industry,  ingenuity,  and  fidelity,  to  great 
business  and  credit  as  a  merchant.  At  the  beginning  of  our 
revolution,  his  commerce  was  stagnated,  and  as  he  had  over- 
traded, he  was  much  embarrassed.  He  took  advantage  of  the 
times,  united  with  the  whigs,  came  into  Congress,  and  united 
his  credit,  supported  by  my  loans  in  Holland,  and  resources  of 
the  United  States.  By  this  means  he  supported  his  credit  for 
many  years;  but  at  last  grew  extravagant,  as  all  conquerors  and 
extraordinary  characters  do,  and  died  as  he  had  lived,  as  I  be- 
lieve, all  his  days,  worth  very  little  solid  capital.  Like  Lafon- 
taine  in  his  epitaph,  he  might  say, 

"  Jean  s'en  alia  comme  11  etait  venu, 
Mangea  le  fonds  avec  le  revenu." 

If  you  write  dialogues  of  the  dead,  you  must  not  put  into  the 
mouth  of  Dumas  your  correct  notions  of  government.  He, 
poor  man,  was  too  dependent  on  the  French,  and  too  devoted 
to  democracy,  to  advocate  the  true  system  of  government.  I 
say  with  yon  and  Voltaire, — 

"  Vivons,  6crivons,  aimons,  buvons,  claer  Horace !  " 

We  may  be  reduced  to  hard  necessities.  The  two  most 
powerful,  active,  and  enterprising  nations  that  ever  existed  are 
now  contending  with  us.  The  two  nations,  to  whom  mankind 
are  under  more  obligations  for  the  progress  of  science  and  civil- 
ization than  to  any  others,  except  the  Hebrews.  This  consider- 
ation affects  me  more  than  the  danger  from  either  or  both.  I 
excepted  the  Hebrews,  for  in  spite  of  Bolingbroke  and  Voltaire, 
I  will  insist  that  the  Hebrews  have  done  more  to  civilize  men 
than  any  other  nation.  If  I  were  an  atheist,  and  believed  in 
blind  eternal  fate,  I  should  still  believe  that  fate  had  ordained 
the  Jews  to  be  the  most  essential  instrument  for  civilizing  the 

M  2 


610  CORRESPONDENCE. 

nations.  If  I  were  an  atheist  of  the  other  sect,  who  believe  or 
pretend  to  believe  that  all  is  ordered  by  chance,  I  should  believe 
that  chance  had  ordered  the  Jews  to  preserve  and  propagate  to 
all  mankind  the  doctrine  of  a  supreme,  intelligent,  wise,  almighty 
sovereign  of  the  universe,  which  I  believe  to  be  the  great  essen- 
tial principle  of  all  morality,  and  consequently  of  all  civilization. 
/I  cannot  say  that  I  love  the  Jews  very  much  neither,  nor  the 
French,  nor  the  English,  nor  the  Romans,  nor  the  Greeks.  We 
must  love  all  nations  as  well  as  we  can,  but  it  is  very  hard  to 
love  most  of  them. 

Our  medium  is  depreciated  by  the  multitude  of  swindling 
banks,  which  have  emitted  bank  bills  to  an  immense  amount 
beyond  the  deposits  of  gold  and  silver  in  their  vaults,  by  which 
means  the  price  of  labor  and  land  and  merchandise  and  produce 
is  doubled,  tripled,  and  quadrupled  in  many  instances.  Every 
dollar  of  a  bank  bill  that  is  issued  beyond  the  quantity  of  gold 
and  silver  in  the  vaults,  represents  nothing,  and  is  therefore  a 
cheat  upon  somebody. 

Solomon  built  Palmyra,  the  ruins  of  which  show  that  his 
magnificence  was  not  a  fable. 


TO    SKELTON    JONES. 

Quincy,  11  March,  1809. 

I  received  yesterday  your  favor  of  the  month  of  August,  1808, 
and  if  the  following  answers  to  your  questions  will  be  any  gra- 
tification to  your  curiosity,  or  any  aid  to  your  work,  they  are  at 
your  service. 

1.  My  father  was  John  Adams,  the  son  of  Joseph  Adams,  the 
son  of  another  Joseph  Adams,  the  son  of  Henry  Adams,  who 
all  lived  independent  New  England  farmers,  and  died  and  lie 
buried  in  this  town  of  Quincy,  formerly  called  Braintree,  and 
more  anciently  still.  Mount  Wollaston.  My  mother  was  Su- 
sanna Boylston,  daughter  of  Peter  Boylston,  of  Brookline,  the 
oldest  son  of  Thomas  Boylston,  a  physician  who  came  from 
England  in  1656,  and  purchased  a  farm  in  that  town  near 
Boston. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  611 

2.  I  was  born  in  Q.uincy,  on  the  19th  of  October,  1735. 

3.  My  early  life  and  education  were,  first  at  the  public  latin 
school  in  the  then  town  of  Braintree ;  then  at  a  private  academy 
under  Mr.  Joseph  Marsh,  within  three  doors  of  my  father's 
house ;  then  at  Harvard  College,  in  Cambridge,  where,  after  four 
years'  studies,  I  received  a  degree  as  bachelor  of  arts  in  1755, 
and,  after  three  years  more,  that  of  master  of  arts. 

4.  Among  these  accidents,^  the  principal  that  I  recollect  were 
certain  theological  controversies,  which  were  conducted,  as  I 
thought,  with  an  uncharitable  spirit  of  intolerance  that  convinced 
me  I  should  be  forever  unfit  for  the  profession  of  divinity,  and 
determined  me  to  the  profession  of  the  law.  To  this  cause 
were  added  many  compliments  from  my  academical  compa- 
nions, who  endeavored  to  make  me  believe  that  I  had  a  voice 
and  a  tongue,  as  well  as  a  face  and  front,  for  a  public  speaker, 
and  that  I  was  better  fitted  for  the  bar  than  the  pulpit.  For 
the  faculty  of  medicine  I  never  had  any  inclination,  having  an 
aversion  to  sick  rooms  and  no  fondness  for  rising  at  all  hours 
of  the  night  to  visit  patients. 

5.  Mr.  Maccarty,  a  clergyman  of  Worcester,  authorized  by 
the  selectmen,  at  the  commencement  at  college,  in  1755,  hap- 
pening to  be  pleased  with  the  performance  of  my  part  in  the 
public  exhibition,  engaged  me  to  take  the  charge  of  the  latin 
school  in  that  town,  whei'c  in  a  few  months  1  entered  as  a  clerk 
in  tlie  office  of  Colonel  James  Putnam,  a  counsellor  at  law  in 
very  large  practice  and  of  very  respectable  talents  and  informa- 
tion. Here,  as  I  boarded  in  his  family,  I  had  opportunities  of 
conversing  with  all  the  judges,  lawyers,  and  many  others  of  the 
principal  characters  of  the  province,  and  heard  their  speculations 
upon  public  affairs.  This  was  highly  delightful  to  me,  because 
my  fatiier,  who  had  a  public  soul,  had  drawn  my  attention  to 
public  affairs.  From  my  earliest  infancy  I  had  listened  with 
eagerness  to  his  conversation  with  his  friends  during  the  whole 
expedition  to  Cape  Breton,  in  1745,  and  I  had  received  very 
grievous  impressions  of  the  injustice  and  ingratitude  of  Great 
Britain  towards  New  England  in  that  whole  transaction,  as 
well  as  many  others  before  and  after  it,  during  the  years  1754, 

1  Mr.  Jones's  inquiry  was,  respecting  "  those  accidents  which  decided  your 
destiny,  and  gave  a  color  and  complexion  to  all  your  future  prospects  and  con- 
duct." 


612  CORRESPONDENCE. 

1755,  1756,  and  1757.  The  conduct  of  Generals  Shirley,  Brad- 
dock,  Abercrombie,  Webb,  and  above  all  Lord  Loudon,  which 
were  daily  discussed  in  Mr.  Putnam's  family,  gave  me  such  an 
opinion  and  such  a  disgust  of  the  British  government,  that  I 
heartily  wished  the  two  countries  were  separated  for  ever.  I 
was  convinced  we  could  defend  ourselves  against  the  French, 
and  manage  our  affairs  better  without,  than  with,  the  English. 
In  1758  and  1759,  Mr.  Pitt  coming  into  power,  sent  Wolfe,  and 
Amherst,  whom  I  saw  with  his  army,  as  they  passed  through 
Worcester,  and  these  conquered  Cape  Breton  and  Quebec.  I 
then  rejoiced  that  I  was  an  Englishman,  and  gloried  in  the 
name  of  Briton.  But,  alas!  how  short  was  my  triumph  in 
British  wisdom  and  justice !  In  February,  1761,  I  heard  the 
argument  in  the  council  chamber  in  Boston  upon  writs  of 
assistance,  and  there  saw  that  Britain  was  determined  to  let 
nothing  divert  me  from  my  fidelity  to  my  country. 

6. 1  An  inflexible  course  of  studies  and  labors,  to  promote, 
preserve,  and  secure  that  independence  of  my  country,  which  I 
so  early  saw  to  be  inevitable,  against  all  parties,  factions,  and 
nations  that  have  shown  themselves  unfriendly  to  it. 

7.  The  4th  of  March,  1801.  The  causes  of  my  retirement  are 
to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  Freneau,  Markoe,  Ned  Church, 
Andrew  Brown,  Paine,  Callender,  Hamilton,  Cobbet,  and  John 
Ward  Fenno  and  many  others,  but  more  especially  in  the  cir- 
cular letters  of  members  of  Congress  from  the  southern  and 
middle  States.  Without  a  complete  collection  of  all  these  libels, 
no  faithful  history  of  the  last  twenty  years  can  ever  be  written, 
nor  any  adequate  account  given  of  the  causes  of  my  retirement 
from  public  life. 

8.  My  life  for  the  last  eight  years  has  been  spent  in  the  bosom 
of  my  family,  surrounded  by  my  children  and  grandchildren ; 
on  my  farm,  in  my  garden  and  library.  But  in  all  this  there  is 
nothing  interesting  to  the  public. 

9.  Five  feet,  seven  or  nine  inches,  I  really  know  not  which. 

10.  I  have  one  head,  four  limbs,  and  five  senses,  like  any 
other  man,  and  nothing  peculiar  in  any  of  them. 

11.  I  have  been  married  forty-four  years. 

12.  To  Miss  Abigail  Smith,  on  the  25th  of  October,  1764,  in 

1  Mr.  Jones's  sixth  question  was  as  to  "  the  part  you  acted  during  the  time  in 
which  you  were  in  a  pubUc  station." 


TO    DANIEL    WRIGHT    AND    ERASTUS    LYMAN. 

Qumcy,  13  March,  1809. 

I  have  received  your  very  civil  letter  of  the  3d  of  this  month 
with  emotions  very  similar  to  those  which  I  felt  many  years 
ago  upon  the  following  occasion. 

1  14.  "  Anecdotes  relative  to  yourself  or  any  of  your  acquaintances  who  have 
borne  public  offices." 

-  16.  "  Has  it  (your  temper)  undergone  any  change  ?  "     Mr.  Jones's  queries. 

VOL.  IX.  52 


i 


CORRESPONDENCE.  613 

her  father's  house  at  Weymouth,  the  next  town  to  this,  and  by 
her  father,  who  was  a  clergyman. 

13.  Three  sons  and  a  daughter. 

14.  This  would  require  twenty  volumes.^ 

15.  My  temper  in  general  has  been  tranquil,  except  when  any  I  / 
instance  of  extraordinary  madness,  deceit,  hypocrisy,  ingratitude, 
treachery  or  perfidy,  has  suddenly  struck  me.  Then  I  have 
always  been  irascible  enough,  and  in  three  or  four  instances, 
very  extraordinary  ones,  too  much  so.  The  storm,  however,  ^ 
never  lasted  for  half  an  hour,  and  anger  never  rested  in  the 
bosom. 

16.  Very  little,  I  believe.^ 

17.  Under  my  first  latin  master,  who  was  a  churl,  I  spent  my 
time  in  shooting,  skating,  swimming,  flying  kites,  and  every 
other  boyish  exercise  and  diversion  I  could  invent.  Never  mis- 
chievous. Under  my  second  master,  who  was  kind,  I  began  to 
love  my  books  and  neglect  my  sports, 

18.  From  that  time  I  have  been  too  studious.  At  college, 
next  to  the  ordinary  routine  of  classical  studies,  mathematics 
and  natural  philosophy  were  my  favorite  pursuits.  When  I 
began  to  study  law,  I  found  ethics,  the  law  of  nations,  the  civil 
law,  the  common  law,  a  field  too  vast  to  admit  of  many  other 
inquiries.  Classics,  history,  and  philosophy  have,  however, 
never  been  wholly  neglected  to  this  day. 

19.  Such  persons  are  all  dead,  or  so  old  as  to  be  incapable  of 
writing  any  long  details. 

20.  I  have  no  miniature,  and  have  been  too  much  abused  by 
painters  ever  to  sit  to  any  one  again 


614  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Returning  from  Holland  to  Paris  in  1784,  I  was  invited  to 
dine,  with  my  wife  and  daughter,  by  the  Baron  de  Stael,  ambas- 
sador from  Sweden.  As  I  was  the  first  of  the  corps  diploma- 
tique who  arrived,  the  ambassador  was  showing  me  a  fine  portrait 
of  the  King  of  Sweden,  his  master,  when  the  Count  Deodati, 
ambassador  from  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  came  in.  After  com- 
pliments to  De  Stael,  Deodati  turned  to  me,  whom  he  had 
known  several  years  before,  and  the  following  dialogue  ensued. 

Deodati.  Very  well,  Mr.  Adams,  you  are  a  republican,  I  sup- 
pose. 

Adams.  You  are  in  the  right,  Mr.  Ambassador,  I  have  the 
honor  to  be  a  republican. 

Deodati.  And  your  countrymen  are  republican,  and  your 
government  is  republican. 

Adams.  Certainly.  My  countrymen  are  republicans,  and  our 
government  is  republican. 

Deodati.  And  you  have  made  your  countrymen  and  your 
government  republican. 

Adams.  Not  at  all,  Sir.  My  country  and  its  government  have 
been  republican  from  their  origin,  and  long  before  I  was  born. 

Deodati.  Very  well.  You  at  least  have  made  your  country 
very  celebrated.  You  have  made  it  independent.  You  have 
made  an  astonishing  treaty  with  Holland.  You  have  made  a 
marvellous  peace  with  England.  You  have  made  her  acknow- 
ledge your  independence. 

Adams.  I  beg  your  pardon.  Sir.  You  are  too  polite.  You 
do  me  too  much  honor.  I  have  no  pretensions  to  have  per- 
formed all  these  great  achievements.  I  have  acted  a  part  in 
some  of  these  affairs. 

Deodati.  But!  Very  well!  I  will  now  tell  you  the  recom- 
pense you  will  receive  for  all  that  you  have  done. 

Adams.  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  hear  your  prognostications 
concerning  my  destiny. 

Deodati.  Your  fortune  will  be  that  of  all  the  republicans ; 
of  Aristides,  of  Phocion,  of  Miltiades,  of  Scipio,  &c..  &c. 

Adams.     I  believe  it. 

Deodati.     You  believe  it  ? 

Adams.     Yes. 

Deodati.  You  will  experience  all  the  ingratitude,  all  the  in- 
justice of  the  ancient  republicans. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  615 

-  Adams.     I  expect  it,  and  always  have  expected  it. 

Deodati.  You  will  be  ill-treated,  hated,  despised,  and  perse- 
cuted. 

Adams.  I  have  no  doubt  of  all  that.  It  is  in  the  ordinary 
nature  and  course  of  things. 

Diodati.  Your  virtue  must  be  very  heroical,  or  your  philosophy 
very  stoical,  to  undertake  all  those  adventures,  with  your  eyes 
open,  for  such  a  reward. 

So  much  for  Deodati  and  his  warning  voice;  and  so  mucn 
for  my  well-grounded  anticipations.  This  is  no  fabulous  dia- 
logue of  the  dead,  but  strict  historical  truth.  A  curious  coalition 
of  French  and  English  emissaries  with  federal  and  republican 
libellers,  have  so  completely  fulfilled  the  prophecy  of  Deodati 
and  my  own  forebodings,  so  totally  destroyed  my  reputation 
by  their  calumnies,  that  I  have  neither  power  nor  influence  to 
do  any  thing  for  my  country,  to  assist  her  in  her  present  dis- 
tresses, or  guard  her  against  future  calamities.  Nothing  remains 
to  m,e  but  the  right  of  private  judgment,  and  that  I  exercise 
freely,  and  communicate  my  sentiments  as  freely  to  those  who 
wish  to  know  them. 

I  am  totis  virihus  against  any  division  of  the  Union,  by  the 
North  River,  or  by  Delaware  River,  or  by  the  Potomac,  or  any 
other  river,  or  by  any  chain  of  mountains.  I  am  for  maintain- 
ing the  independence  of  the  nation  at  all  events.  I  am  no 
advocate  of  Mr.  Gore's  declaration  of  war  against  France. 
Knowing,  as  I  do,  from  personal  experience,  the  mutually 
friendly  dispositions  between  the  people  of  France  and  the 
people  of  America,  Bonaparte  out  of  the  question,  I  shall  be  very 
sorry  to  see  them  converted  into  ill  will,  and  old  English  pre- 
judices revived.  Lasting  injuries  and  misfortunes  would  arise 
to  this  country  from  such  a  change.  I  am  averse,  also,  to  a  war 
with  England,  and  wish  to  maintain  our  neutrality  as  long  as 
possible  without  conceding  important  principles.  If  either  of 
the  belligerent  powers  forces  us  all  into  a  war,  I  am  for  fighting 
that  power,  whichever  it  may  be. 

I  always  consider  the  whole  nation  as  my  children  ;  but  they 
have  almost  all  been  undutiful  to  me.  You  two  gentlemen  are 
almost  the  only  ones,  out  of  my  own  house,  who  have  for  a  long 
time,  and  I  thank  you  for  it,  expressed  a  filial  affection  for 

John  Adams. 


616  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 


Quincy,  12  April,  1809. 

Thank  you  for  your  favor  of  the  1st.  I  might  have  quoted 
Job  as  well  as  St.  Paul  as  a  precedent,  but  as  I  mix  religion 
with  politics  as  little  as  possible,  I  chose  to  confine  myself  to 
Cicero.  You  advise  me  to  write  my  own  life.  I  have  made 
several  attempts,  but  it  is  so  dull  an  employment  that  I  cannot 
endure  it.  I  look  so  much  like  a  small  boy  in  my  own  eyes, 
that,  with  all  my  vanity,  I  cannot  endure  the  sight  of  the  pic- 
ture. I  am  glad  you  have  resolved  to  do  yourself  justice.  I 
am  determined  to  vindicate  myself  in  some  points  while  I  live. 
Inclosed  is  a  whimsical  specimen.^  In  future  I  shall  not  be  so 
g-og;uenard. 

The  dialogue  between  Deodati  and  me  is  literal  truth;  that 
is,  it  is  a  literal  translation  from  the  French,  in  which  language 
the  conversation  was  held,  and  which  I  reduced  to  writing. 
You  may  ask  what  reason  I  had  for  foreseeing  such  conse- 
quences.    I  will  give  you  a  few  hints  among  a  thousand. 

1.  When  I  went  home  to  my  family  in  May,  1770,  from  the 
town  meeting  in  Boston,  which  was  the  first  I  had  ever  attended, 
and  where  I  had  been  chosen  in  my  absence,  without  any  solici- 
tation, one  of  their  representatives,  I  said  to  my  wife,  "  I  have 
accepted  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  thereby 
have  consented  to  my  own  ruin,  to  your  ruin,  and  the  ruin  of 
our  children.  I  give  you  this  warning,  that  you  may  prepare 
your  mind  for  your  fate."  She  burst  into  tears,  but  instantly 
cried  out  in  a  transport  of  magnanimity,  "  Well,  I  am  willing 
in  this  cause  to  run  all  risks  with  you,  and  be  ruined  with  you, 
if  you  are  ruined,"  These  were  times,  my  friend,  in  Boston, 
which  tried  women's  souls  as  well  as  men's. 

2.  I  saw  the  awful  prospect  before  me  and  my  country  in  all 
its  horrors,  and,  notwithstanding  all  my  vanity,  was  conscious 
of  a  thousand  defects  in  my  own  character  as  well  as  health, 
which  made  me  despair  of  going  through  and  weathering  the 
storms  in  which  I  must  be  tossed. 

3.  In  the  same  year,  1770,  my  sense  of  equity  and  humanity 

1  A  copy  of  the  letter  Immediately  preceding  this. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  617 

impelled  me,  against  a  torrent  of  unpopularity,  and  the  inclina- 
tion of  all  my  friends,  to  engage  in  defence  of  Captain  Preston 
and  the  soldiers.  My  successful  exertions  in  that  cause,  though 
the  result  was  perfectly  conformable  to  law  and  justice,  brought 
upon  me  a  load  of  indignation  and  unpopularity,  which  I  knew 
would  never  be  forgotten,  nor  entirely  forgiven.  The  Boston  /* 
newspapers  to  this  day  show  that  my  apprehensions  were  well 
founded. 

4.  You  can  testify  for  me  that  in  1774  my  conduct  in  Con- 
gress drew  upon  me  the  jealousy  and  aversion,  not  only  of  the 
tories  in  Congress,  who  were  neither  few  nor  feeble,  but  of  the 
whole  body  of  quakers  and  proprietary  gentlemen  in  Pennsyl-  i- 
vania.  I  have  seen  and  felt  the  consequences  of  these  preju- 
dicBS  to  this  day. 

5.  I  call  you  to  witness  that  I  was  the  first  member  of  Con- 
gress who  ventured  to  come  out  in  public,  as  I  did  in  January, 
1776,  in  my  "  Thoughts  on  Government,  in  a  letter  from  a  gentle- 
man to  his  friend,"  that  is,  Mr.  Wythe,  in  favor  of  a  government, 
inthre^e  branches,  with  an  independent  judiciary.  This  pamphlet,  ' 
you  know,  was  very  unpopular.  No  man  appeared  in  public  to 
support  it,  but  yourself.     You  attempted  in  the  public  papers  to 

give  it  some  countenance,  but  without  much  success.     Franklin ^ 

leaned  against  it.  Dr.  Young,  Mr.  Timothy  Matlack,  and  Mr. 
James  Cannon,  and  I  suppose  Mr.  George  Bryan  were  alarmed 
and  displeased  at  it.  Mr.  Thomas  Paine  was  so  highly  offended 
with  it,  that  he  came  to  visit  me  at  my  chamber  at  Mrs.  Yard's 

to  remonstrate  and  even  scold  at  me  for  it,  which  he  did  in  very 
ungenteel  terms.  In  return,  I  only  laughed  heartily  at  him,  and 
rallied  him  upon  his  grave  arguments  from  the  Old  Testament 
to  prove  that  monarchy  was  unlawful  in  the  sight  of  God. 
"Do  you  seriously  believe,  Paine,"  said  I,  "in  that  pious  doc- 
trine of  yours?  "  This  put  him  in  good  humor,  and  he  laughed 
out.  "  The  Old  Testament ! "  said  he,  "  I  do  not  believe  in  the 
Old  Testament.  I  have  had  thoughts  of  publishing  my  senti- 
ments of  it,  but,  upon  deliberation,  I  have  concluded  to  put 
that  off  till  the  latter  part  of  life."  Paine's  wrath  was  excited 
because  my  plan  of  government  was  essentially  different  from 
the  silly  projects  that  he  had  published  in  his  "  Common  Sense." 
By  this   means   I  became   suspected  and  unpopular  with  the 

52* 


618  CORRESPONDENCE. 

leading  demagogues  and  the  whole  constitutional  party  in 
Pennsylvania. 

6.  Upon  my  "return  from  France  in  1779, 1  found  myself  elected 
by  my  native  town  of  Braintree  a  member  of  the  Convention 
for  forming  a  Constitution  for  the  State  of  Massachusetts.  I 
attended  that  convention  of  near  four  hundred  members.  Here 
I  found  such  a  chaos  of  absurd  sentiments  concerning  govern- 
ment, that  I  was  obliged  daily,  before  that  great  assembly,  and 
afterwards  in  the  Grand  Committee,  to  propose  plans,  and  ad- 
vocate doctrines,,  which  were  extremely  unpopular  with  the 
greater  number,  j  Lieutenant-Governor  Cushing  was  avowedly 
for  a  single  assefhbly,  like  Pennsylvania.  Samuel  Adams  was 
of  the  same  mind.  Mr.  Hancock  kept  aloof,  in  order  to  be 
governor.  In  short,  I  had  at  first  no  support  but  from  the 
Essex  junto,  who  had  adopted  my  ideas  in  the  letter  to  Mr. 
Wythe.  ,  They  supported  me  timorously,  and  at  last  would  not 
go  with  me  to  so  high  a  mark  as  I  aimed  at,  which  was  a  com- 
plete negative  in  the  governor  upon  all  laws.  They  made  me, 
however,  draw  up  the  Constitution,  and  it  was  finally  adopted, 

I  with  some  amendments  very  much  for  the  worse.  The  bold, 
decided,  and  determined  part  I  took  in  this  assembly  in  favor 
of  a  good  government,  acquired  me  the  reputation  of  a  man  of 
high  principles  and  strong  notions  in  government,  scarcely  com- 
patible with  republicanism.  A  foundation  was  here  laid  of 
I  much  jealousy  and  unpopularity  among  the  democratical  people 
in  this  State. 

7.  In  Holland,  I  had  driven  the  English  party  and  the  stock- 
holders' party  before  me,  like  clouds  before  the  wind,  and  had 
brought  that  power  to  unite  cordially  with  America,  France, 
and  Spain  against  England.  If  I  had  not  before  alienated  the 
whole  English  nation  from  me,  this  would  have  been   enough 

V  to  produce  an  eternal  jealousy  of  me;  and  I  fully  believed  that 

whenever  a  free  intercourse  should  take  place  between  Britain 
and  America,  I  might  depend  upon  their  perpetual  ill  will  to  me, 
and  that  their  influence  would  be  used  to  destroy  mine. 

8.  In  all  my  negotiations  in  France  and  Holland  in  1778, 
1779,  1780,  1781,  1782,  1783,  and  1784,  I  had  so  uniformly 
resisted  all  the  arts  and  intrigues  of  the  Count  de  Verajennes 
and  M.  de  Sartine  and  all  their  satellites,  and  that  with  'such 
perfect  success,  that  I  well  knew,  although  they  treated  me 


CORRESPONDENCE.  619 

with  great  external  respect,  yet  in  their  hearts  they  had  con- 
ceived an  ineradicable  jealousy  and  aversion  to  me.  T  well 
knew,  therefore,  that  French  influence  in  Amisrica  would  do  all 
in  its  power  to  trip  me  up. 

9.  Dr.  Franklin's  behavior  had  been  so  excessively  complaisant 
to  the  French  ministry,  and  in  my  opinion  had  so  endangered 
the  essential  interests  of  our  country,  that  I  had  been  frequently 
obliged  to  differ  from  him,  and  sometimes  to  withstand  him  to 
his  face  ;  so  that  I  knew  he  had  conceived  an  irreconcilable  hatred 
of  me,  and  that  he  had  propagated  and  would  continue  to  pro- 
pagate prejudices,  if  nothing  worse,  against  me  in  America" 
from  one  end  of  it  to  the  other.  Look  into  Benjamin  Franklin 
Bache's  Aurora  and  Duane's  Aurora  for  twenty  years,  and  see 
whether  my  expectations  have  not  been  verified. 

With  all  these  reflections  fresh  in  my  mind,  you  may  judge 
whether  my  anticipations  in  the  good-humored  conversation 
with  Deodati  were  rash,  peevish,  or  ill  grounded. 

In  short,  I  have  every  reason  to  acknowledge  the  protecting 
providence  of  God,  from  my  birth,  and  especially  through  my 
public  life.  I  have  gone  through  life  with  much  more  safety 
and  felicity  than  I  ever  expected.  With  devout  gratitude  I 
acknowledge  the  divine  favor  in  many  instances,  and  among 
others  for  giving  me  a  friend  in  you,  who,  though  you  would 
never  follow  me  as  a  disciple,  have  always  been  my  friend. 


TO    JOSEPH    LYMAN. 

Qulncy,  20  April,  1809. 

I  have  received  your  respectful  letter  of  the  21st  of  March. 
It  is  not  now  necessary  for  me  to  say  any  thing  concerning 
many  of  the  topics.  To  explain  myself  fully,  and  enter  into 
the  histories  of  past  occurrences  alluded  to,  would  require  a 
volume. 

I  have  forsaken  the  persons  and  interest  of  none  of  my  friends. 
The  leaders  to  whom  the  federal  party  has  now  blindly  aban- 
doned itself,  were  never  my  friends. 

I  have  departed  from  no  principle.  My  invariable  principle 
for  five-and-thirty  years   has  been,  to  promote,  preserve,  and 


620  CORRESPONDENCE. 

secure  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  and  the  independence  of  the 
nation,  against  the  policy  of  England  as  well  as  France. 

When  France  attempted  to  degrade  us,  I  exerted  all  my  in- 
dustry to  arouse,  inspire,  and  animate  my  fellow-citizens  to 
resistance,  and  with  so  much  success,  that  the  then  French 
government  were  compelled  to  retract.  If  for  this  service  I  had 
no  thanks  from  the  republicans,  I  had  nothing  but  insolence 
and  scuiTility  from  the  federalists.  Look  back  and  read  the 
federal  newspapers  in  Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadelphia  of 
that  period,  you  will  then  see  how  I  was  treated.  If  your 
namesake,  of  Springfield,  who  was  then  a  representative  in 
Congress,  one  of  the  most  amiable  of  men,  were  now  alive,  he 
could  inform  you,  as  he  did  me,  with  the  kindest  expressions  of 
attachment  to  me,  and  indignation  against  the  treachery  of  my 
pretended  federal  friends.  He  assured  me  that  the  federalists 
in  New  York,  with  Hamilton  at  their  head,  had  in  secret  caucus 
agreed  to  sacrifice  Adams.  I  had  other  information  from  other 
quarters,  that  at  the  meeting  of  the  Cincinnati  at  New  York, 
when  they  chose  Hamilton  their  President- General,  it  was 
agreed,  and  the  reverend  doctors  of  divinity  (and  there  were 
several  of  these  present)  concurred  in  the  pious  project  and  the 
pious  language,  to  sacrifice  Adams,  and  bring  in  Pinckney.  The 
intrigues  they  practised  to  accomplish  this  were  very  extensive 
and  very  Jesuitical ;  but  to  develop  them  would  lead  me  too  far. 
I  will  only  add  that  the  Boston  and  the  Pennsylvania,  if  not 
the  South  Carolina  federal  leaders  were  in  the  same  plot.  They 
were  assisted,  too,  by  the  publications  in  England,  particularly 
the  Anti-Jacobin,  then  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Canning.  I 
know  that  French  influence  drove  me  into  banishment;  but  it 
would  not  have  had  the  power,  if  it  had  not  been  essentially 
assisted  by  the  pharisaical,  Jesuitical,  machiavelian  intrigue 
and  influence  of  the  leading  federalists. 

I  assure  you,  Sir,  "  a  war  with  England  will  not  meet  my 
hearty  reprobation,"  if  England  makes  it  necessary.  England 
and  France  have  both  given  us  just  cause  for  war,  but  neither 
has  yet  made  it  necessary.  The  first  of  the  two  that  shall  ren- 
der war  necessary,  shall  have  my  vote  for  it. 

I  am  surprised  that  you  should  think  there  is  no  pretext  or 
excuse  for  a  war  with  England,  that  you  should  talk  of  their 
bearing   so  much  with  the  waywardness   of  our  government, 


CORRESPONDENCE.  621 

and  that  she  has  done  nothing  to  injure  us  but  from  a  principle 
of  necessary  self-defence,  and  a  retaliation  of  injuries  from  their 
adversaries,  which  we  had  not  the  dignity  to  resent  and  repel. 
As  you  say,  Mr.  Adams  would  not  have  done  thus.  I  assure 
you,  Mr.  Adams  would  have  resisted  and  repelled,  to  the  utmost 
of  his  power,  the  British  proclamation  of  blockade  of  eleven 
hundred  miles  of  sea-coast,  from  the  Elbe  to  Brest,  which  was 
the  first  of  the  diabolical  warfare  of  blockade,  decrees,  and 
orders  of  council.  The  Berlin  decree  is  expressly  grounded  on 
a  principle  of  retaliation.  The  wickedness  of  this  first  blockade 
cannot  be  set  in  a  true  light  without  detailing  the  history  of 
Antwerp,  the  Schcld,  Ostend,  Nieuport,  &c.,  the  objects  of  all 
the  Flanders  wars  for  centuries. 

In  plain  English,  Great  Britain  is  the  first  sinner,  and  the 
original  guilt  of  ovir  present  calamities  lies  at  her  door,  though 
France,  in  point  of  actual  transgression,  is  not  much  behind  her. 
The  federal  papers  for  the  last  year  or  two,  assisted  by  English 
hirelings,  have  been  employed  in  varnishing  over  the  conduct 
of  Great  Britain,  and  in  calumniating  every  impartial  and  dis- 
interested man,  till  they  appear  to  have  obtained  a  temporary 
majority  in  New  England.  I  greatly  respect  the  public  opinion 
of  New  England,  when  it  is  truly  informed.  In  the  present 
instance,  with  infinite  grief  I  fear  it  is  not.  The  press  has  not 
been  free. 

I  am  not  able  to  see  how  the  federalists  are  to  get  along  with 
their  new  friends,  the  old  English.  If  they  succeed,  I  shall  wish 
them  joy,  but  I  cannot  expect  to  live  to  enjoy  that  felicity. 


TO    SAMUEL    PERLEY. 

Quincy,  19  June,  1809. 

I  received  your  favor  of  the  12th.  You  propose  to  me  an 
abridgment  of  my  works.  Some  fifty-five  years  ago,  I  learned 
from  Lord  Coke,  that  abridgments  were  chiefly  useful  to  the 
makers  of  them.  It  would  be  of  no  use  to  me  to  abridge  my 
poor  productions ;  besides,  I  had  rather  write  as  many  new  ones 
than  undertake  to  abridge  the  old  ones. 

You  say  that  our  ungovernable  newspapers  have  published 


622  CORRESPONDENCE. 

something  concerning  my  works,  to  my  disadvantage.  I  thank 
you  for  this  epithet  "  ungovernable."  It  is  so  fine  an  expression, 
and  at  the  same  time  so  simple,  natural,  and  exact,  that  I  won- 
der it  has  never  occurred  before.  A  great  minister  of  State,  in 
the  estimation  of  the  world,  the  Comte  de  Vergennes,  once 
said  to  me,  "  Mr.  Adams,  the  newspapers  govern  the  world ! " 
Let  me  ask  you,  Mr.  Perley,  whether  this  apothegm  has  not 
been  verified  in  our  own  country,  sometimes  to  her  profit,  and 
sometimes  to  her  loss.  Let  me  ask  you  again,  if  the  world  is 
governed  by  ungovernable  newspapers,  whether  it  does  not 
follow  by  necessary  logical  consequence  that  the  world  is  un- 
governable. 

The  newspapers  have  represented  my  WTitings  as  monarchi- 
cal, as  having  a  monarchical  tendency ;  as  aristocratical,  and 
having  an  aristocratical  tendency.  In  answer  to  these  charges, 
I  only  ask  that  they  may  be  read. 

I  have  represented  the  British  Constitution  as  the  most  per- 
fect model  that  has  as  yet  been  discovered  or  invented  by 
human  genius  and  experience,  for  the  government  of  the  great 
nations  of  Europe.  It  is  a  masterpiece.  It  is  the  only  system 
that  has  preserved  or  can  preserve  the  shadow,  the  color,  the 
semblance  of  liberty  to  the  people  in  any  of  the  great  nations 
of  Europe.  Consider  the  republics,  Venice,  Holland,  Switzer- 
land ;  not  a  particle  of  liberty  to  the  people  was  preserved  in 
any  of  them  more  than  there  was  in  France,  nor  so  much 
either.  Our  own  Constitutions  I  have  represented  as  the  best 
for  us  in  our  peculiar  situation,  and  while  we  preserve  ourselves 
independent  and  unallied  to  any  of  the  great  powers  of  Europe. 
An  alliance  with  either  France  or  England  would,  in  my  humble 
opinion,  put  an  end  to  our  fine  system  of  liberty. 

Let  me  give  you  a  few  hints  of  the  history  of  my  "  Defence 
of  the  Constitutions  of  Government  of  the  United  States." 

In  1775  and  1776  there  had  been  great  disputes,  in  Congress 
and  in  the  several  States,  concerning  a  proper  constitution  for 
the  several  States  to  adopt  for  their  government.  A  Convention 
in  Pennsylvania  had  adopted  a  government  in  one  representa- 
tive assembly,  and  Dr.  Franklin  was  the  President  of  that  Con- 
vention. The  Doctor,  when  he  went  to  France  in  1776,  carried 
with  him  the  printed  copy  of  that  Constitution,  and  it  was  im- 
mediately propagated  through  France  that  this  was  the  plan 


CORRESPONDENCE.  623 

of  government  of  Mr.  Franklin.  In  truth,  it  was  not  Franklin, 
but  Timothy  Matlack,  James  Cannon,  Thomas  Young,  and 
Thomas  Paine,  who  were  the  authors  of  it.  Mr.  Turgot,  the 
Duke  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  Mr.  Condorcet,  and  many  others, 
became  enamored  with  the  Constitution  of  Mr.  Franldin.  And 
in  my  opinion,  the  two  last  owed  their  final  and  fatal  catastrophe 
to  this  blind  love. 

In  17S0,  when  I  arrived  in  France,  I  carried  a  printed  copy 
of  the  report  of  the  Grand  Committee  of  the  Massachusetts 
Convention,  which  I  had  drawn  up ;  and  this  became  an  object 
of  speculation.  Mr.  Turgot,  the  Duke  de  la  Rochefoucauld, 
and  Mr.  Condorcet  and  others,  admired  Mr.  Franklin's  Con- 
stitution and  reprobated  mine.  Mr.  Turgot,  in  a  letter  to 
Dr.  Price,  printed  in  London,  censured  the  American  Constitu- 
tion as  adopting  three  branches,  in  imitation  of  the  Constitution 
of  Great  Britain.  The  intention  was  to  celebrate  Franklin's 
Constitution  and  condemn  mine.  I  understood  it,  and  un- 
dertook to  defend  my  Constitution,  and  it  cost  me  three 
volumes. 

In  justice  to  myself,  however,  I  ought  to  say,  that  it  was  not 
the  miserable  vanity  of  justifying  my  own  work,  or  eclipsing 
the  glory  of  Mr.  Franklin's,  that  induced  me  to  write.  I  never 
thought  of  writing  till  the  Assembly  of  Notables  in  France  had 
commenced  a  revolution,  with  the  Duke  de  la  Rochefoucauld 
and  Mr.  Condorcet  at  their  head,  who  I  knew  would  establish  a 
government  4n  one  assembly,  and  that  I  knew  would  involve 
France  and  all  Europe  in  all  the  horrors  we  have  seen ;  carnage 
and  desolation,  for  fifty,  perhaps  for  a  hundred  years. 

At  the  same  time,  every  western  wind  brought  us  news  of 
town  and  county  meetings  in  Massachusetts,  adopting  Mr. 
Turgot's  ideas,  condemning  my  Constitution,  reprobating  the 
office  of  governor  and  the  assembly  of  the  Senate  as  expensive, 
useless,  and  pernicious,  and  not  only  proposing  to  toss  them 
off,  but  rising  in  rebellion  against  them. 

In  thfs  situation  I  was  determined  to  wash  my  hands  of  the 
blood  that  was  about  to  be  shed  in  France,  Europe,  and  Ame- 
rica, and  show  to  the  world  that  neither  my  sentiments  nor 
actions  should  have  any  share  in  countenancing  or  encouraging 
any  such  pernicious,  destructive,  and  fatal  schemes.  In  this 
view  I  wrote  my  defence  of  the  American  Constitutions.     I  had 


624  CORRESPONDENCE. 

only  the  Massachusetts  Constitution  in  view,  and  such  others 
as  agreed  with  it  in  the  distribution  of  the  legislative  power 
into  three  branches,  in  separating  the  executive  from  the  legis- 
lative power,  and  the  judiciary  power  from  both.  These  three 
volumes  had  no  relation  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  That  \vas  not  in  existence,  and  I  scarcely  knew  that 
such  a  thing  was  in  contemplation  till  I  received  it  at  the  mo- 
ment my  third  volume  was  about  to  issue  from  the  press.  1 
had  hardly  time  to  annex  it  at  the  end. 

I  was  personally  acquainted  with  Mr.  Turgot,  the  Duke  de 
la  Rochefoucauld,  and  Mr.  Condorcet.  They  were  as  amiable, 
as  learned,  and  as  honest  men  as  any  in  PVance.  But  such 
was  their  inexperience  in  all  that  relates  to  free  government,  so 
superficial  their  reading  in  the  science  of  government,  and  so 
obstinate  their  confidence  in  their  own  great  characters  for 
science  and  literature,  that  I  should  trust  the  most  ignorant  of 
our  honest  town  meeting  orators  to  make  a  Constitution  sooner 
than  any  or  all  of  them. 

And  now.  Sir,  give  my  compliments  to  Mr.  Simon  Greenleaf, 
your  lawyer,  and  tell  him  that  he  is  welcome  to  publish  this 
letter,  if  he  pleases,  provided  he  publishes  yours  before  it,  not 
otherwise. 

TO    F.    A.    VANDERKEMP. 

Quincy,  15  December,  1809. 

I  have  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  28th  of  November,  and 
another,  some  time  ago,  that  I  have  not  answered. 

I  rejoice  with  you  in  your  prosperity,  particularly  in  the  happy 
marriage  of  your  son,  and  sympathize  in  all  your  sorrows,  more 
especially  in  the  misfortune  of  your  friend  Vreede,  whom  I  re- 
member well. 

Happy  are  you  in  your  various  learning,  and  the  enjoyment 
of  your  books ;  I  can  read  but  little,  on  account  of  my  eyes. 
My  wife  and  children  and  grandchildren  are  very  good  to  read 
to  me,  but  they  cannot  always  read  when  I  want,  nor  always 
such  books  as  I  should  choose. 

There  is  in  one  of  the  last  Anthologies  a  handsome  character 
of  our  friend  Mr.  John  Luzac,  which  I  hope  you  will  read  with 
pleasure.     I  should  be  glad  to  know  who  wrote  it. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  625 

It  is  a  little  remarkable  that  you  never  heard  the  literary 
character  of  my  consort.  There  have  been  few  ladies  in  the 
world  of  a  more  correct  or  elegant  taste.  A  collection  of  her 
letters,  for  the  forty-five  years  that  we  have  been  married,  would 
be  worth  ten  times  more  than  Madame  de  Sevigne's,  though 
not  so  perfectly  measured  in  syllables  and  letters,  and  would, 
or  at  least  ought  to  put  to  the  blush  Lady  Mary  Wortley  Mon- 
tagu and  all  her  admirers.  So  much  you  will  say,  for  conjugal 
complaisance.      So  much,  I  say,  for  simple  justice  to  her  merit. 

What  shall  I  say  to  you  concerning  your  diploma  ?  I  have 
spoken  twenty  times  to  our  secretaries  to  prepare  and  send  it, 
and  have  as  often  been  promised.  But  we  are  all  men  of  busi- 
ness ;  our  secretaries  have  been  members  of  Congress,  and  1 
begin  to  think  that  politicians  never  should  be  academicians. 

When  I  was  in  Leyden,  a  gentleman  was  introduced  to  me, 
I  know  not  by  whom,  who  presented  me  with  a  small  volume 
of  Latin  poetry  of  his  own  composition.  In  it  was  the  famous 
compliment  to  Dr.  Franklin,  — 

Eripuit  ccelo  fulmen,  sceptrumque  tj'rannis, 

and  I  aKvays  understood  that  gentleman  to  be  the  author  of  it. 
Can  you  tell  me  his  name  ?  It  has  been,  in  France  and  the 
world,  attributed  to  Mr.  Turgot ;  but  I  have  always  understood 
that  Mr.  Turgot  took  it  from  that  volume,  and  only  altered  it  to 
"  Eripuit  c(eIo  fubneri ;  mox  sceptnim  tijrannis.'^  Pray,  tell  me, 
if  you  can,  the  name  and  character  of  that  Leyden  Latin  poet, 
and  whether  my  memory  has  not  deceived  me. 

I  am  in  the  last  year  of  my  fifteenth  lustre,  and  write  with 
great  difficulty.  But  as  long  as  I  can  write  at  all,  I  shall  ex- 
press to  Mr.  Vanderkemp  my  best  wishes  for  his  happiness. 

Your  question,  "  Through  what  means  the  military  and  com- 
mercial spirit  can  be  most  effectually  entertained,  and  rendered 
permanently  advantageous  to  a  free  nation,  under  a  republican 
form  of  government,"  is  of  great  importance.  But  no  man 
would  discuss  it.  Nine  tenths  of  our  nation  would  say  the 
militia,  the  other  tenth  a  standing  army.  The  merchants  would 
all  say,  "  let  commerce  alone  —  merchants  do  as  they  please ; " 
others  would  say,  "  protect  trade  with  a  navy ; "  others,  "  let 
commerce  be  annihilated."  Such  questions  would  only  make 
of  our  academies  so  many  political  caucuses. 

VOL.  IX.  53  N  2 


626  CORRESPONDENCE. 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Quincy,  21  January,  1810. 

Learned,  ingenious,  benevolent,  beneficent  old  friend  of  1774! 
Thanks  for  "the  light  and  truth,"  as  I  used  to  call  the  Aurora, 
which  you  sent  me.  You  may  descend  in  a  calm,  but  I  have 
lived  in  a  storm,  and  shall  certainly  die  in  one.^ 

I  never  asked  my  son  any  questions  about  the  motives,  de- 
signs, or  objects  of  his  mission  to  St.  Petersburgh.^  If  I  had 
been  weak  enough  to  ask,  he  would  have  been  wise  enough  to 
be  silent ;  for  although  a  more  dutiful  and  affectionate  son  is 
not  in  existence,  he  knows  his  obligations  to  his  country  and  his 
trust  are  superior  to  all  parental  requests  or  injunctions.  I 
know  therefore  no  more  of  his  errand  than  any  other  man.  If 
he  is  appointed  to  be  a  Samson  to  tie  the  foxes'  tails  together 
with  a  torch  or  firebrand  between  them,  I  know  nothing  of  it. 
One  thing  I  know,  we  ought  to  have  had  an  ambassador  there 
these  thirty  years ;  and  we  should  have  had  it,  if  Congress  had 
not  been  too  complaisant  to  Vergennes.  Mr.  Dana  was  upon 
the  point  of  being  received,  and  had  a  solemn  promise  of  a 
reception,  when  he  was  recalled.  Under  all  the  circumstances 
of  those  times,  however,  I  cannot  very  severely  blame  Congress 
for  this  conduct,  though  I  think  it  was  an  error.  It  is  of  great 
importance  to  us  at  present  to  know  more  than  we  do  of  the 
views,  interests,  and  sentiments  of  all  the  northern  powers.  If 
we  do  not  acquire  more  knowledge  than  we  have,  of  the  present 
and  probable  future  state  of  Europe,  we  shall  be  hoodwinked 
and  bubbled  by  the  French  and  English. 

Of  Mr.  Jackson,  his  talents,  knowledge,  manners,  or  morals, 
I  know  nothing,  but  am  not  unwilling  to  think  favorably  of 
them  all.  His  conduct  to  our  President  and  his  minister  is  not, 
however,  a  letter  of  recommendation  of  his  temper,  policy,  or 
discretion.  His  lady  was  an  intimate  acquaintance  of  my 
daughter,  and  consequently  well  known  to  both   my  sons  at 


1  "  I  inclose  a  few  numbers  of  the  Aurora.  Shall  we  descend  In  a  calm  or  a 
storm  to  our  graves  ?  "     B.  Rush  to  J.  A. 

"  "  We  are  told  your  son  is  gone  to  Petersburgh  to  put  a  torch  to  the  flame 
of  war,  and  that  we  are  to  be  allies  of  France,  and  of  all  the  powers  on  the 
Baltic,  in  it."     B.  R.  to  J.  A. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  627 

Berlin.     Thomas  speaks  handsomely  of  her  person  and  accom- 
plishments. 

I  have  not  seen,  but  am  impatient  to  see,  Mr.  Cheetham's  life 
of  Mr.  Paine.  His  political  \vritings,  I  am  singular  enough  to 
believe,  have  done  more  harm  than  his  irreligious  ones.  He 
understood  neither  government  nor  religion.  From  a  malignant 
heart  he  wrote  virulent  declamations,  which  the  enthusiastic 
fury  of  the  times  intimidated  all  men,  even  Mr.  Burke,  from 
answering  as  he  ought.  His  deism,  as  it  appears  to  me,  has 
promoted  rather  than  retarded  the  cause  of  revolution  in  Ame- 
rica, and  indeed  in  Europe.  His  billingsgate,  stolen  from 
Blount's  Oracles  of  Reason,  from  Bolingbroke,  Voltaire,  Beren- 
ger,  &c.,  will  never  discredit  Christianity,  which  will  hold  its  j 
ground  in  some  degree  as  long  as  human  nature  shall  have  any  j 
thing  moral  or  intellectual  left  in  it.  The  Christian  religion,  as 
I  understand  it,  is  the  brightness  of  the  glory  and  the  express 
portrait  of  the  character  of  the  eternal,  self-existent,  independent, 
benevolent,  all  powerful  and  all  merciful  creator,  preserver,  and 
father  of  the  u^niverse,  the  first  good,  first  perfect,  and  first  fair. 
It  will  last  as  long  as  the  world.  Neither  savage  nor  civilized 
man,  without  a  revelation,  could  ever  have  discovered  or  invented 
it.  Ask  me  not,  then,  whether  I  am  a  Catholic  or  Protestant, 
Calvinist  or  Arminian.  As  far  as  they  are  Christians,  I  wish 
to  be  a  fellow-disciple  with  them  all. 


TO    DAVID    SEWALL. 

Quincy,  29  January,  1811. 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  24th,  and  it  revived  or 
restored  many  of  the  sensations  of  my  youth. 

The  last  trial  before  a  special  court  of  Vice- Admiralty  in 
Boston,  before  the^revolution,  was  of  Ansell  Nickerson  for  piracy 
and  murder  on  the  high  seas. 

The  case  was  very  sinsrular  and  unaccountable.  Nickerson 
took  a  passage  on  board  a  small  vessel,  and  sailed  from  Boston 
for  Cape  Cod,  with  three  or  four  other  men.  The  next  day,  or 
next  but  one,  the  vessel  was  found  with  Nickerson  alone  on 


628  CORRESPONDENCE. 

board.  All  the  other  men  had  vanished.  No  blood  or  other 
marks  of  violence  appeared.  A  sum  of  money  of  no  great 
amount  had  been  shipped  on  board  by  one  of  the  other  men, 
which  was  not  found.  It  was  suspected  that  Nickerson  had 
murdered  all  the  other  men,  for  the  sake  of  the  money,  but  no 
money  was  found  upon  him,  or  hidden  in  the  ship.  Nickerson's 
character  was  unimpeachable  and  irreproachable  in  all  his  for- 
mer life.  His  account  was  that  a  pirate  came  on  board  and 
pressed  the  men  ;  but  that  he  had  leaped  over  the  stern  to  avoid 
them,  and  hung  there  out  of  sight,  by  some  thing,  the  technical 
term  for  which,  in  naval  architecture,  I  have  forgotten,  till  the 
pirates  departed. 

Nickerson  was  libelled  in  the  Special  Court  of  Vice- Admiralty 
by  Jonathan  Sewall,  Advocate-General,  who  was  aided  by  Sam. 
Fitch,  if  I  remember  rightly.  There  was  no  grand  jury  nor 
petit  jury.  I  was  of  counsel  for  Nickerson,  but  was  not  en- 
gaged till  the  trial  came  on,  when  he  requested  the  Court  to 
appoint  me.  I  did  not  move  for  any  jury  in  this  case.  Josiah 
Quincy,  the  father  of  our  foremost  orator  in  Congress,  was 
with  me. 

An  act  of  parliament  had  provided  for  the  erection  of  these 
special  courts.  They  were  to  consist  of  fifteen  judges,  to  be 
chosen  out  of  the  governors,  lieutenant-governors,  and  counsel- 
lors of  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and  Rhode  Island,  the 
Judge  of  Admiralty,  and  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  king's 
ships  on  this  station.  Admiral  Montague  sat  upon  this  trial 
with  Bernard,  Wentworth,  Hutchinson,  Auchmuty,  and  others, 
counsellors  from  New  Hampshire  and  Rhode  Island,  &c. 

The  man  was  acquitted ;  but  I  never  knew  upon  what  prin- 
ciple, nor  by  what  majority  of  votes.  The  judges  in  that  court 
did  not,  in  any  case  that  I  was  concerned  in,  give  their  opinions 
publicly  and  individually  from  the  bench.  They  adjourned, 
consulted  together  in  private,  and  authorized  the  president  to 
pronounce  the  judgment  of  the  court,  which  was  done  by  Ber- 
nard, without  informing  what  was  the  majority. 

I  suppose  the  want  of  direct  evidence  afforded  room  for  a 
doubt  in  the  minds  of  a  majority. 

Nickerson  lived  many  years,  and  behaved  well,  and  is  living 
yet,  for  what  I  know. 

In   a  former  trial,  that  of  Michael  Corbet,  and  three  other 


CORRESPONDENCE.  629 

sailors,  for  piracy,  and  murder  of  Lieutenant  Panton,  of  the 
Rose  frigate,  I  demanded  juries,  grand  and  petit,  and  drew  a 
plea  in  writing  for  each  of  the  four,  demanding  juries  as  a  right. 
I  almost  killed  myself  by  writing,  night  and  day,  four  of  those 
pleas  of  enormous  length,  in  which  a  number  of  acts  of  parlia- 
ment were  recited  at  large. 

These  pleas,  when  they  were  read,  appeared  to  make  a  great 
impression  on  the  court,  and  even  Hutchinson  seemed  to  favor 
the  idea  of  juries.  But  before  any  gentleman  had  time  to 
speak,  he  moved  an  adjournment.  The  audience  believed  we 
should  have  juries,  and  Jonathan  Sewall  said  he  did  not  doubt 
it.  But  the  court  met  in  retirement,  and  the  next  morning  the 
judgment  of  the  court  was  pronounced,  without  informing  us 
who,  or  whether  any,  dissented.  Commodore  Hood  sat  upon 
this  trial,  and  behaved  remarkably  well.  I  do  not  remember 
that  the  evidence  was  reduced  to  WTiting  by  any  authority, 
besides  the  minutes  taken  by  the  counsel  and  some  of  the 
judges. 

Our  classmate  Farrar,  of  New  Ipswich,  must  be  remembered 
with  Wheeler  and  Gushing.  He  made  me  a  kind  visit  a  few 
months  before  his  death.  Wentvvorth,  Gardner,  Sewall,  Dal- 
ton,  Whittemore,  Adams,  and  Hemmenway,  are  all  that  remain; 
and  these  seven  are  a  greater  number,  in  proportion,  than  any 
other  class  has  preserved.  The  melancholy  news  you  give  me 
of  Dr.  Hemmenway  afflicts  me  very  much.  My  affection  for 
him,  which  began  when  we  first  entered  college,  has  continued 
and  increased  till  it  is  become  veneration.  The  other  six  can- 
not long  expect  to  survive  Dr.  Hemmenway.  I  rejoice  to  see 
in  your  handwriting  a  proof  of  the  firmness  of  your  health,  and 
wish  you  as  many  days  as  you  can  make  useful  or  agreeable, 
being  your  affectionate  classmate  and  sincere  friend. 


TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY. 


Quincy,  9  February,  1811. 

I  have  received  with  much  pleasure  your  favor  of  the  29th  of 
January.     Before  I  proceed,  let  me  premise  a  few  preliminaries. 


53 


630  CORRESPONDENCB. 

1.  I  disclaim  all  pretensions  and  thoughts  of  authority,  supe- 
riority, or  influence,  arising  from  age,  experience,  or  any  thing 
else;  and  expect  and  desire  and  insist  that  you  give  no  more 
attention  or  respect  to  any  opinion  of  mine  than  if  it  were  the 
opinion  of  the  celebrated  sexton  of  our  church,  Caleb  Hayden. 

2,  That  difference  of  opinion  make  no  unnecessary  alteration 
in  private  friendship.  In  the  course  of  my  life  I  have  differed 
in  sentiments,  in  religion  and  politics,  from  my  master  Putnam, 
and  my  master  Gridley,  and  fifty  others  of  my  friends,  without 
any  diminution  of  esteem  or  regard.  I  have  differed  for  many 
years  in  political  sentiments  from  your  grandfather,  your  uncle 
Samuel,  your  cousin  Jonathan  Sewall,  Daniel  Leonard,  and 
some  others,  the  most  intimate  friends  I  ever  enjoyed,  without 
the  smallest  personal  altercation,  and,  I  am  bold  to  say,  without 
a  diminution  of  esteem  on  either  side.  I  might  enumerate  a 
long  catalogue  of  others  in  subsequent  periods,  but  you  will 
think  you  already  have  enough  of  my  gossiping  garrulity. 

Now  for  your  letter.  When  I  applied  the  epithet  "  glorious" 
to  the  uncertainty  of  politics,  I  meant  it  ironically,  as  \\e  say 
the  "  glorious  uncertainty  of  the  law."  Those  who  smarted 
under  the  lash  of  the  law  probably  applied  it  sarcastically  to 
the  lawyers,  as  the  frogs  said  to  the  boys  who  pelted  them,  "  It 
is  sport  to  you,  but  death  to  us." 

I  ought  not  to  object  to  your  reverence  for  your  fathers,  as 
you  call  them,  meaning,  I  presume,  the  government,  and  those 
concerned  in  the  direction  of  public  affairs ;  much  less  can  I  be 
displeased  at  your  numbering  me  among  them.  But,  to  tell 
you  a  very  great  secret,  as  far  as  I  am  capable  of  comparing  the 
merit  of  different  periods,  I  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  we 
w^ere  better  than  you  are.  We  had  as  many  poor  creatures  and 
selfish  beings,  in  proportion,  among  us  as  you  have  among  you; 
nor  were  there  then  more  enlightened  men,  or  in  greater  number, 
in  proportion,  than  there  are  now. 

"  Heaven  from  all  creatures  hides  the  book  of  fate."  "  Le 
grand  rouleau  en  haut^''  cannot  be  read  by  our  telegraphic 
telescopes. 

Should  I  let  loose  my  imagination  into  futurity,  I  could 
imagine  that  I  foresee  changes  and  revolutions,  such  as  eye 
hath  not  seen  nor  ear  heard ;  changes  in  forms  of  government, 
changes  in   religion,  changes  in   ecclesiastical  establishments, 


CORRESPONDENCE.  631 

changes  in  armies  and  navies,  changes  in  alliances  and  foreign 
relations,  changes  in  commerce,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.,  without  end.  I 
cannot  see  any  better  principle  at  present  than  to  make  as  little 
innovation  as  possible ;  keep  things  going  as  well  as  we  can 
in  the  present  train. 

The  Union  appears  to  me  to  be  the  rock  of  oiir  salvation,  and 
every  reasonable  measure  for  its  preservation  is  expedient.  Upon 
this  principle,  I  own,  I  was  pleased  with  the  purchase  of  Louis- 
iana, because,  without  it,  we  could  never  have  secured  and  com- 
manded the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  The  western  country 
would  infallibly  have  revolted  from  the  Union.  Those  States 
would  have  united  with  England,  or  Spain,  or  France,  or  set 
up  an  independence,  or  done  any  thing  else  to  obtain  the  free 
use  of  that  river.  I  wish  the  Constitution  had  been  more 
explicit,  or  that  the  States  had  been  consulted ;  but  it  seems 
Congress  have  not  entertained  any  doubts  of  their  authority, 
and  I  cannot  say  that  they  are  destitute  of  plausible  arguments 
to  support  their  opinion. 

Your  eloquence  and  oratory  upon  this  question  are  worthy 
of  your  father,  your  grandfather,  and  your  great  grandfather. 
You  spoke  your  own  sentiments,  I  doubt  not,  with  integrity,  and 
the  sense  of  a  majority  of  your  immediate  constituents,  and 
will  not  only  increase  your  popularity  with  them,  but  extend 
your  fame  as  a  statesman  and  an  orator ;  but  will  not  influence 
at  present  the  great  body  of  the  people  in  the  nation. 

Prophecies  of  division  have  been  familiar  in  my  ears  for  six- 
and-thirty  years.  They  have  been  incessant,  but  have  had  no 
other  effect  than  to  increase  the  attachment  of  the  people  to  the 
Union.  However  lightly  we  may  think  of  the  voice  of  the 
people  sometimes,  they  not  unfrequently  see  farther  than  you 
or  I,  in  many  great  fundamental  questions ;  and  you  may 
depend  upon  it,  they  see,  in  a  partition  of  the  Union,  more  dan- 
ger to  American  liberty  than  poor  Ames's  distempered  imagi- 
nation conceived,  and  a  total  loss  of  independence  for  both 
fragments,  or  all  the  fragments,  of  the  Union. 

But  I  was  about  saying  a  word  upon  the  Constitution.  You 
appear  to  be  fully  convinced  that  the  Convention  had  it  not 
in  contemplation  to  admit  any  State  or  States  into  our  confede- 
ration, then  situated  without  the  limits  of  the  thirteen  States. 
In  this  point  I  am  not  so  clear.     The  Constitution,  it  is  true, 


632  CORRESPONDENCE.  % 

must  speak  for  itself,  and  be  interpreted  by  its  own  phraseology; 
yet  the  history  and  state  of  things  at  the  time  may  be  consulted 
to  elucidate  the  meaning  of  words,  and  determine  the  bond  fide 
intention  of  the  Convention.  Suppose  we  should  admit,  for 
argument's  sake,  that  no  member  of  the  Convention  foresaw  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana!  It  will  not  follow  that  many  of  them 
did  not  foresee  the  necessity  of  conquering,  some  time  or  other, 
the  Floridas  and  New  Orleans,  and  other  territories  on  this  side 
of  the  Mississippi.  The  state  of  things  between  this  country 
and  Spain  in  1787,  was  such  as  to  render  the  apprehensions  of  a 
war  with  that  power  by  no  means  improbable.  The  boundaries 
were  not  settled,  the  navigation  of  the  river  was  threatened,  and 
Spain  was  known  to  be  tampering,  and  England  too. 

You  think  it  impossible  the  Convention  could  have  a  thought 
of  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  conquest  of  Canada.  In 
this  point  I  differ  from  you  very  widely.  The  conduct  of  Great 
Britain,  and  the  conduct  of  our  States,  too,  was  such  as  to  keep 
up  very  serious  apprehensions  between  the  two  powers.  The 
treaty  of  peace  was  not  fulfilled  on  either  side.  The  English 
had  carried  away  the  negroes,  in  direct  violation  of  a  most 
express  stipulation  ;  they  held  possession  by  strong  garrisons  of 
a  long  chain  of  posts  within  our  territory,  commanding  many 
nations  of  Indians,  among  whom  they  excited  dispositions  hos- 
tile to  us ;  the  limits  were  not  settled  against  Nova  Scotia,  and 
many  turbulences  between  the  inhabitants  arose.  On  the  other 
side  the  old  debts  were  not  paid,  and  positive  laws  existed  in 
many,  if  not  most,  of  the  States,  against  their  recovery.  I  there- 
fore think  it  highly  probable  that  the  Convention  meant  to 
authorize  Congress  in  future  to  admit  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia 
into  the  Union,  in  case  we  should  have  a  war,  and  be  obliged  to 
conquer  them  by  kindness  or  force. 

As  I  love  a  freedom  and  boldness  in  debate,  I  was  sorry  to 
see  the  personalities  against  you  and  your  constituents ;  yet  I 
think  Mr.  Poindexter  and  others  have  offered  arguments  in 
answer  to  you  of  gi'eat  weight.  The  precedent  in  the  admis- 
sion of  Vermont  I  have  not  seen  answered. 


CORKESPONDENCE.  633 


TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY. 

Quincy,  18  February,  1811. 

I  owe  you  thanks  for  your  speech  on  place  and  patronage. 
The  moral  and  patriotic  sentiments  are  noble  and  exalted,  the 
eloquence  masterly,  and  the  satire  inimitable.  There  are  not  in 
Juvenal  nor  in  Swift  any  images  to  be  found  more  exquisitely 
ridiculous  than  the  Charleston  hack,  and  the  treasury  swill-trough 
and  piggery.  But  are  you  right  in  supposing  the  rage  for  office 
more  eager  and  craving  now  than  it  always  has  been,  or  more 
grasping  and  intriguing  for  executive  offices  than  for  legislative 
stations  ?  Have  you  read  many  of  the  circular  letters  ?  Have 
you  attended  much  to  the  course  of  elections,  even  in  our  New 
England  town  meetings  ? 

General  Joseph  Warren  was  President  of  the  Massachusetts 
Provincial  Congress  in  1775,  and  he  often  said  that  he  never 
had  till  then  any  idea  or  suspicion  of  the  selfishness  of  this 
people,  or  their  impatient  eagerness  for  commissions. 

I  will  tell  you  none  of  my  experiences  during  the  eight  years 
I  was  Vice-President,  or  the  four  following  years ;  but  there  is 
no  necessity  for  the  same  reserve  when,  in  1776  and  1777,  I  was 
president  of  the  board  of  war,  or,  in  less  pompous  phrase,  chair- 
man of  the  committee  of  war.  In  this  capacity,  all  applications 
to  Congress,  to  General  Washington,  and  to  the  board,  for 
commissions  and  promotions  in  the  army,  and  for  contracts, 
commissaryships,  quartermasterships,  &c.,  were  committed  to 
me.  And  I  really  think  as  much  zeal  appeared  then  as  there 
has  been  seen  since.  Yet  the  military  commissions  were  not 
very  lucrative. 

Again ;  are  you  right  in  imputing  all  this  zeal  to  avarice  ? 
The  ardor  for  commissions  in  the  militia  in  New  England, 
where  no  money  is  to  be  got,  but  much  to  be  spent,  is  as  intense 
as  any  ardor  whatever.  The  post  of  clerk,  sergeant,  corporal, 
and  even  drummer  and  fifer,  is  coveted  as  earnestly  as  the  best 
gift  of  major-general.  There  is  no  people  on  earth  so  ambitious 
ds  the  people  of  America.  The  reason  is,  because  the  lowest  can 
aspire  as  freely  as  the  highest.  The  highest  offices  are  as  fair 
objects  to  the  tradesman  or  farmer  as  to  the  lawyer,  the  priest, 
physician,  or  merchant.     In  other  countries,  none  of  those  ranks 


634  CORRESPONDENCE. 

think  of  commissions.  Employment  and  profit  in  their  private 
occupations  and  pursuits  is  all  they  wish.  Ambition  and  all 
its  hopes  are  extinct. 

But  I  have  more  serious  objections  to  Mr.  Macon's  motion, 
as  well  as  to  your  amendment.  1.  Both  the  motion  and  the 
amendment  would  be  ineffectual.  If  fathers,  sons,  and  brothers 
were  proscribed,  there  would  be  the  same  zeal  and  exertions  for 
cousins  first,  second,  third,  and  fourth,  and  for  grandfathers,  and 
grandsons,  and  uncles,  and,  what  is  oftener  a  stimulus  than  any 
of  these  relations,  for  friends  who  have  been  or  will  be  active 
agents  and  instruments  in  promoting  the  member's  interest 
among  his  constituents,  and  procuring  him  votes.  This  is  the 
great  spring  of  all  in  the  minds  of  senators  and  representatives, 
to  obtain  favors  for  favorites  among  their  constituents,  in  order 
to  attach  them  by  gratitude  and  establish  their  own  influence 
at  home  and  abroad.  No  law,  no  constitution  that  human  wit 
or  wisdom  can  devise,  can  ever  prevent  senators  or  representa- 
tives from  soliciting  offices  and  favors  for  their  friends. 

2.  Both  the  motion  and  amendment  appear  to  me  unconsti- 
tutional. The  President  has,  or  ought  to  have,  the  whole  nation 
before  him,  and  he  ought  to  select  the  men  best  qualified  and 
most  meritorious  for  offices  at  his  own  responsibility,  without 
being  shackled  by  any  check  by  law,  constitution,  or  institution. 
Without  this  unrestrained  liberty,  he  is  not  a  check  upon  the 
legislative  power  nor  either  branch  of  it.  Indeed,  he  must  be 
the  slave  of  the  party  that  brought  him  in.  He  never  can  be 
independent  or  impartial. 

3.  Both  the  motion  and  amendment  are  in  the  pure  spirit  of 
aristocracy.  Neither  Mr.  Macon  nor  yourself  considered  it  in 
that  light ;  but  it  is  exactly  in  the  temper  and  spirit  of  all  corps 
of  nobility,  jealous  of  the  power  of  the  executive,  since  the  crea- 
tion. This  jealousy  is  often  actuated  by  the  purest  spirit  of 
patriotism,  and  the  most  perfect  integrity,  but  if  it  is  not 
checked  and  controlled,  it  never  has  ceased  to  encroach,  until  it 
has  made  the  executive  a  mere  head  of  wood,  and  drawn  all  the 
power  and  resources  of  the  nation  into  the  insatiable  gulf,  the 
irresistible  vortex,  of  an  aristocracy  or  an  oligarchy. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  635 


TO    BENJAMIN    RUSH. 

Quincy,  28  August,  1811. 

Your  letter  of  the  20th,  my  dear  friend,  has  filled  my  eyes 
with  tears,  and,  indurated  stoic  as  I  am,  my  heart  with  sensations 
unutterable  by  my  tongue  or  pen;  not  the  feelings  of  vanity, 
but  the  overwhelming  sense  of  my  own  unworthiness  of  such  a 
panegyric  from  such  a  friend.  Like  Louis  the  sixteenth,  I  said 
to  myself,  "  QiCest  ce  que  f  ai  fait  pour  le  meriter? 

Have  I  not  been  employed  in  mischief  all  my  days?  Did 
not  the  American  revolution  produce  the  French  revolution? 
And  did  not  the  French  revolution  produce  all  the  calamities 
and  desolations  to  the  human  race  and  the  whole  globe  ever 
since?  I  meant  wel],  however.  My  conscience  was  clear  as  a 
crystal  glass,  without  a  scruple  or  a  doubt.  I  was  borne  along 
by  an  irresistible  sense  of  duty.  God  prospered  our  labors ; 
and,  awful,  dreadful,  and  deplorable  as  the  consequences  have 
been,  I  cannot  but  hope  that  the  ultimate  good  of  the  world,  of 
the  human  race,  and  of  our  beloved  country,  is  intended  and 
will  be  accomplished  by  it.  While  I  was  in  this  reverie,  I 
handed  your  letter  to  my  brother  Cranch,  the  postmaster,  of 
eighty-five  years  of  age,  an  Israelite  indeed,  who  read  it  with 
great  attention,  and  at  length  started  up  and  exclaimed,  "  I  have 
known  you  sixty  years,  and  I  can  bear  testimony  as  a  witness 
to  every  word  your  friend  has  said  in  this  letter  in  your  favor." 
This  completed  my  humiliation  and  confusion. 

Your  letter  is  the  most  serious  and  solemn  one  I  ever  received 
in  my  life.  It  has  aroused  and  harrowed  up  my  soul.  I  know 
not  what  to  say  in  answer  to  it,  or  to  do  in  consequence  of  it. 

It  is  most  certain  that  the  end  of  my  life  cannot  be  remote. 
My  eyes  are  constantly  fixed  upon  it,  according  to  the  precept  or 
advice  of  the  ancient  philosopher ;  and,  if  I  am  not  in  a  total 
delusion,  I  daily  behold  and  contemplate  it  without  dismay. 

If  by  dedicating  all  the  rest  of  my  days  to  the  composition 
of  such  an  address  as  you  propose,^  I  could  have  any  rational 

I  "  Suppose  you  avail  yourself,  wliile  in  health,  of  the  sensibility  'whifli  awaits 
the  public  mind  to  your  character  soon  after  your  death,  by  leaving  behind  you 
a  posthumous  address  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  in  which  shall  be 
inculcated  all  those  great  national,  social,  domestic,  and  religious  virtues,  which 
alone  can  make  a  people  free,  great,  and  happy."     B.  Rush  to  J.  A. 


636  CORRESPONDENCE. 

assurance  of  doing  any  real  good  to  my  fellow-citizens  of 
United  America,  I  would  cheerfully  lay  aside  all  other  occupa- 
tions and  amusements,  and  devote  myself  to  it.  But  there  are 
difficulties  and  embarrassments  in  the  way,  which  to  me,  at 
present,  appear  insuperable. 

The  "  sensibility  of  the  public  mind,"  which  you  anticipate 
at  my  decease,  will  not  be  so  favorable  to  my  memory  as  you 
seem  to  foresee.  By  the  treatment  I  have  received,  and  con- 
tinue to  receive,  I  should  expect  that  a  large  majority  of  all 
parties  would  cordially  rejoice  to  hear  that  my  head  was  laid 
low. 

I  am  surprised  to  read  your  opinion,  that  "  my  integrity  has 
never  been  called  in  question,  and  that  friends  and  enemies 
agree  in  believing  me  to  be  an  honest  man."  ^  If  I  am  to  judge 
by  the  newspapers  and  pamphlets  that  have  been  printed  in 
America  for  twenty  years  past,  I  should  think  that  both  parties 
believed  me  the  meanest  villain  in  the  world. 

If  they  should  not  suspect  me  of  sinning  in  the  grave,  they 

will  charge  me  with  selfishness  and  hypocrisy  before  my  death, 

in  preparing  an  address  to  move  the  passions  of  the  people,  and 

excite  them  to  promote  my  children,  and  perhaps  to  make  my 

'  son  a  king.     Washington   and  Franklin   could  never  do   any 

^         thing  but  what  was  imputed  to  pure,  disinterested  patriotism; 

I  never  could  do  any  thing  but  what  was  ascribed  to  sinister 

i    motives. 

I  agree  with  you  in  sentiment,  that  religion  and  virtue  are 
the  only  foundations,  not  only  of  republicanism  and  of  all  free 
government,  but  of  social  felicity  under  all  governments  and  in 
all  the  combinations  of  human  society.  But  if  I  should  incul- 
cate this  doctrine  in  my  will,  I  should  be  charged  with  hypo- 
crisy and  a  desire  to  conciliate  the  good  will  of  the  clergy 
/  towards  my  family,  as  I  was  charged  by  Dr.  Priestley  and  his 
I  friend  Cooper,  and  by  Quakers,  Baptists,  and  I  know  rtot  how 
many  other  sects,  for  instituting  a  national  fast,  for  even  com- 
mon civility  to  the  clergy,  and  for  being  a  church-going  animal. 

If  I  should  inculcate  those  "national,  social,  domestic,  and 
religious  virtues "  you  recommend,  I  should  be  suspected  and 

'  "  You  stand  nearly  alone  In  the  history  of  our  public  men,  in  never  having 
had  your  integrity  called  in  question,  or  even  suspected.  Friends  and  enemies 
agree  in  believing  you  to  be  an  honest  man."     B.  Rush  to  J.  A. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  637 

charged  with  an  hypocritical,  machiavelian,  Jesuitical,  pharisai- 
cal  attempt  to  promote  a  national  establishment  ofJr*resbyterian- 
isrrj.  in  America ;  whereas  I  would  as  soon  establish  the  Epis- 
copal Church,  and  almost  as  soon  the  Catholic  Church. 

If  I  should  inculcate  "  fidelity  to  the  marriage  bed,"  it  would 
be  said  that  it  proceeded  from  resentment  to  General  Hamilton,  ^ 
and  a  malicious  desire  to  hold  up  to  posterity  his  libertinism. 
Others  would  say  that  it  is  only  a  vainglorious  ostentation  of 
my  own  continence.  For  among  all  the  errors,  follies,  failings, 
vices,  and  crimes,  which  have  been  so  plentifully  imputed  to 
me,  I  cannot  recollect  a  single  insinuation  against  me  of  any 
amorous  intrigue,  or  irregular  or  immoral  connection  with 
woman,  single  or  married,  myself  a  bachelor  or  a  married  man.* 

If  I  should  recommend  the  sanctification  of  the  sabbath,  like 
a  divine,  or  even  only  a  regular  attendance  on  public  worship, 
as  a  means  of  moral  instruction  and  social  improvement,  like  a 
philosopher  or  statesman,  I  should  be  charged  with  vain  osten- 
tation again,  and  a  selfish  desire  to  revive  the  remembrance  of 
my  own  punctuality  in  this  respect ;  for  it  is  notorious  enough 
that  I  have  been  a  church-going  animal  ^  for  seventy-six  years, 
from  the  cradle.  And  this  has  been  alleged  as  one  proof  of  my 
hypocrisy. 

Fifty-three  years  ago  I  was  fired  with  a  zeal,  amounting  to 
enthusiasm,  against  ardent  spirits,^  the  multiplication  of  taverns, 
retailers,  and  dram-shops,  and  tippling  houses.  Grieved  to  the 
heart  to  see  the  number  of  idlers,  thieves,  sots,  and  consumptive 
patients  made  for  the  physicians,  in  those  infamous  seminaries, 
I  applied  to  the  Court  of  Sessions,  procured  a  committee  of 
inspection  and  inquiry,  reduced  the  number  of  licensed  houses, 
&c.  But  I  only  acquired  the  reputation  of  a  hypocrite  and  an 
ambitious  demagogue  by  it.  The  number  of  licensed  houses 
was  soon  reinstated ;  drams,  grog,  and  sotting  were  not  dimi- 
nished, and  remain  to  this  day  as  deplorable  as  ever.     You  may 

*  Note.  August  31,  1811.  I  had  forgot  the  story  of  the  four  English  girls 
■whom  General  Pinckney  was  employed  to  hire  in  England,  two  for  me  and  two 
for  himself     J.  A. 

1  "  Recollect  here  your  definition  of  a  New  England  man,  given  to  one  of 
your  friends  in  Amsterdam.  It  was,  '  He  is  a  meeting-going  animal.' "  B.  Rush 
to  J.  A. 

2  "  Much  may  be  said  to  discourage  the  use  of  ardent  spirits,  and  to  lessen  the 
number  of  taverns  and  grocery  stores,  both  of  which  are  sapping  the  virtue  of 
our  country."     B.  Rush  to  J.  A. 

VOL.  IX.  54 


638  CORRESPONDENCE. 

as  well  preach  to  the  Indians  against  rum  as  to  our  people. 
Little  Turtle  petitioned  me  to  prohibit  rum  to  be  sold  to  his 
nation,  for  a  very  good  reason;  because  he  said  I  had  lost  three 
thousand  of  my  Indian  children  in  his  nation  in  one  year  by  it. 
Sermons,  moral  discourses,  philosophical  dissertations,  medi- 
cal advice,  are  all  lost  upon  this  subject.  Nothing  but  making 
the  commodity  scarce  and  dear  will  have  any  effect;  and  your 
repubhcan  friend,  and,  I  had  almost  said,  mine,  Jefferson,  would 
not  permit  rum  or  whiskey  to  be  taxed. 

If  I  should  then  in  my  will,  my  dying  legacy,  my  posthumous 
exhortation,  call  it  what  you  will,  recommend  heavy,  prohibi- 
tory taxes  upon  spirituous  liquors,  which  I  believe  to  be  the 
only  remedy  against  their  deleterious  qualities  in  society,  every 
one  of  your  brother  republicans  and  nine  tenths  of  the  federalists 
would  say  that  I  was  a  canting  Puritan,  a  profound  hypocrite, 
setting  up  standards  of  morality,  frugality,  economy,  temperance, 
simplicity,  and  sobriety,  that  I  knew  the  age  was  incapable  of. 
U^  Funds  and  banks  i  I  never  approved,  or  was  satisfied  with  our 
-n  funding  system ;  it  was  founded  in  no  consistent  principle;  it 
was  contrived  to  enrich  particular  -individuals  at  the  public 
^-^P^.'^^^*  ^"^  whole  baiiking  system  I  ever  abhorred,  I  conti- 
nue to  abhor,  and  shall  die  abhorring. 

But  I  am  not  an  enemy  to  funding  systems.  They  are  abso- 
lutely and  indispensably  necessary  in  the  present  state  of  the 
world.  An  attempt  to  annihilate  or  prevent  them  would  be  as 
romantic  an  adventure  as  any  in  Don  Quixote  or  in  Oberon. 
A  national  bank  of  deposit  I  believe  to  be  wise,  just,  prudent, 
economical,  and  necessary.  But  every  bank  of  discount,  every 
bank  by  which  interest  is  to  be  paid  or  profit  of  any  kind  made 
by  the  deponent,  is  downright  corruption.  It  is  taxing  the 
public  for  the  benefit  and  profit  of  individuals ;  it  is  worse  than 
old  tenor,  continental  currency,  or  any  other  paper  money. 

Now,  Sir,  if  I  should  talk  in  this  strain,  after  I  am  dead,  you 
know  the  people  of  America  would  pronounce  that  I  had  died 
mad. 

My  opinion  is,  that  a  circulating  medium  of  gold  and  silver 
only  ought  to  be  introduced  and  established ;  that  a  national 

1  "  In  exposing  the  evils  of  funding  systems  and  banks,  summon  all  the  fire 
of  your  genius,  as  it  blazed  forth  on  the  2d  of  July  in  the  year  1776  upon  the 
floor  of  Congress."     B.  Rush  to  J.  A. 


CORRESPONDENCE.  639 

bank  of  deposit  only,  with  a  branch  in  each  State,  should  be 
allowed;  that  every  bank  in  the  Union  ought  to  be  annihilated, 
and  every  bank  of  discount  prohibited  to  all  eternity.  Not  one 
farthing  of  profit  should  ever  be  allowed  on  any  money  deposited 
in  the  bank.  Now,  my  friend,  if,  in  my  posthumous  sermon, 
exhortation,  advice,  address,  or  whatever  you  may  call  it,  I 
should  gravely  deliver  such  a  doctrine,  nine  tenths  of  republicans 
as  well  as  federalists  will  think  that  I  ought  to  have  been  con- 
signed to  your  tranquillizing  chair  rather  than  permitted  to 
write  such  extravagances.  Franklin,  Washington,  Hamilton, 
and  all  our  disinterested  patriots  and  heroes,  it  will  be  said,  have 
sanctioned  paper  money  and  banks,  and  who  is  this  pedant  and 
bigot  of  a  John  Adams,  who,  from  the  ground,  sounds  the  tocsin 
against  all  our  best  men,  when  every  body  knows  he  never  had 
any  thing  in  view  but  his  private  interest  from  his  birth  to  his 
death  ? 

Free  schools,  and  all  schools,  colleges,  academies  and  semi- 
naries of  learning,^  I  can  recommend  from  my  heart ;  but  I  dare 
not  say  that  a  suffrage  should  never  be  permitted  to  a  man  who 
cannot  read  and  w^rite.  What  would  become  of  the  republic  of 
France,  if  the  lives,  fortunes,  character,  of  twenty-four  millions 
and  a  half  of  men  who  can  neither  read  nor  write,  should  be  at 
the  absolute  disposal  of  five  hundred  thousand  who  can  read? 

I  am  not  qualified  to  write  such  an  address.  The  style  should 
be  pure,  elegant,  eloquent,  and  pathetic  in  the  highest  degree. 
It  should  be  revised,  corrected,  obliterated,  interpolated,  amended, 
transcribed  twenty  times,  polished,  refined,  varnished,  burnished. 
To  all  these  employments  and  exercises  I  am  a  total  stranger. 
To  my  sorrow,  I  have  never  copied,  nor  corrected,  nor  embel- 
lished. I  understand  it  not.  I  never  could  write  declamations, 
orations,  or  popular  addresses. 

If  I  could  persuade  my  friend  Rush,  or  my  friend  Jay,  my 
friend  Trumbull,  or  my  friend  Humphreys,  or  perhaps  my  friend 
Jefferson,  to  write  such  a  thing  for  me,  I  know  not  why  I  might 
not  transcribe  it,  as  Washington  did  so  often.  Borrowed  elo- 
quence, if  it  contains  as  good  stuff,  is  as  good  as  own  eloquence. 

The  example  you  recollect  of  Caesar's  will,  is  an  awful  warn^ 

1  "  The  benefits  of  free  schools  should  not  be  overlooked.  Indeed,  suffrage, 
in  my  opinion,  should  never  be  permitted  to  a  man  that  could  not  write  or  read." 
B.  R.  to  J.  A. 


640  CORRESPONDENCE. 

ing.  Posthumous  addresses  may  be  left  by  Csesar  as  well  as 
Cato,  Brutus,  or  Cicero,  and  will  oftener,  perhaps,  be  applauded, 
and  make  deeper  impressions ;  establish  empires  easier  than 
restore  republics ;  promote  tyranny  sooner  than  liberty. 

Your  advice,  ray  friend,  flows  from  the  piety,  benevolence, 
and  patriotism  of  your  heart.  I  know  of  no  man  better  quali- 
fied to  write  such  an  address  than  yourself.  If  you  will  try  your 
hand  at  it  and  send  me  the  result,  I  will  consider  it  maturely. 
I  will  not  promise  to  adopt  it  as  my  own,  but  I  may  make  a 
better  use  of  it  than  of  any  thing  I  could  write. 

My  brother  Cranch  thinks  you  one  of  the  best  and  one  of  the 
profoundest  Christians.  He  prays  me  to  present  you  his  best 
compliments,  and  although  he  has  not  the  honor  nor  the  pleasure 
of  a  personal  acquaintance,  has  the  highest  esteem  for  your 
character.  He  prays  me  to  inclose  a  sermon,  not  for  its  own  sake 
as  much  as  for  the  appendix,  which  he  asks  you  to  read  and 
give  him  your  opinion  of  it.  Will  you  show  it  to  our  friend 
Wharton,  and  get  his  opinion  of  it  ? 


APPENDIX. 


A. 

(Page  346.) 


The  paper  by  Joseph  Hawley,  drawn  up  in  accordance  witli  the  intention 
expressed  in  the  text,  was  first  printed  in  NUes's  Principles  and  Acts  of  the 
Revolution,  with  the  following  brief  explanation  from  Mr.  Adams :  — 

"  This  is  the  original  paper  that  I  read  to  Patrick  Henry  in  the  fall  of  the 
year  1774,  which  produced  his  rapturous  burst  of  approbation,  and  solemn 
asseveration,  '  I  am  of  that  man's  mind.' " 


*) 


"Broken  Hints, 
To  he  communicated  to  the  Committee  of  Congress  for  the  Massachusetts. 

We  must  fight,  if  we  cannot  otherwise  rid  ourselves  of  British  taxation,  all 
revenues,  and  the  constitution  or  form  of  government  enacted  for  us  by  the 
British  parliament.  It  is  evil  against  right  —  utterly  intolerable  to  every  man 
who  has  any  idea  or  feeling  of  right  or  liberty. 

It  is  easy  to  demonstrate,  that  the  regulation  act  will  soon  annihilate  every 
thing  of  value  in  the  charter,  introduce  perfect  despotism,  and  render  the  House 
of  Representatives  a  mere  form  and  ministerial  engine. 

It  is  now  or  never,  that  we  must  assert  our  liberty.  Twenty  years  will  make 
the  number  of  tories  on  this  continent  equal  to  the  number  of  whigs.  They 
who  shall  be  born  will  not  have  any  idea  of  a  free  government. 

It  will  necessarily  be  a  question,  whether  the  new  government  of  this  pro- 
vince shall  be  suffered  to  take  place  at  all,  or  whether  it  shall  be  immediately 
withstood  and  resisted. 

A  most  important  question  this  —  I  humbly  conceive  it  not  best,  forcibly  or 
wholly  to  resist  it  immediately. 

There  is  not  heat  enough  yet  for  battle.     Constant,  and  a  sort  of  negative 

resistance  of  government,  will  increase  the  heat  and  blow  the  fire.  There  is 
not  mihtary  skill  enough.  That  is  improving,  and  must  be  encouraged  and 
improved,  but  wiU  daily  increase. 

Fight  we  must  finally,  unless  Britain  retreats. 

But  it  is  of  Infinite  consequence  that  victory  be  the  end  and  Issue  of  hos- 
tilities. If  we  get  to  fighting  before  necessary  dispositions  are  made  for  it,  we 
shall  be  conquered,  and  all  will  be  lost  forever. 

A  certain  clear  plan,  for  a  constant,  adequate,  and  lasting  supply  of  arms  and 
mihtary  stores,  must  be  devised  and  fully  contemplated.      This  is  the  main 

54  *  0  2 


642  APPENDIX. 

thing.  This,  I  think,  ought  to  be  a  capital  branch  of  the  business  of  Congress  — 
to  wit ;  to  devise  and  settle  such  a  plan ;  at  least,  clearly  to  investigate  how 
such  supplies  can  be  extensively  had  in  case  of  need.  While  this  is  eflecting  — 
to  wit ;  while  the  continent  is  providing  themselves  with  arms  and  military 
stores,  and  establishing  a  method  for  a  sure  and  unfailing  and  constant  supply, 
i  conceive  we  had  best  to  negotiate  with  Britain.  If  she  Avill  cede  our  rights 
and  restore  our  liberties,  all  is  well  —  every  good  man  will  rejoice  ;  if  she  will 
not  agree  to  relinquish  and  abohsh  all  American  revenues,  under  every  pretence 
and  name,  and  all  pretensions  to  order  and  regulate  our  internal  i^olicy  and 
constitution  —  then,  if  we  have  got  any  constant  and  sufficient  supply  of  military 
stores,  it  will  be  time  to  take  to  arms.  I  cannot  quit  this  head.  It  ought  to  be 
immediately  and  most  seriously  attended  to.  It  cannot  be  any  other  than  mad- 
ness to  commence  hostilities  before  we  have  established  resources  on  a  sure  plan 
for  certain  and  effectual  military  supplies.  Men,  in  that  case,  will  not  be  wanting. 

But  what  considerate  man  will  ever  consent  to  take  arms  and  go  to  war, 
where  he  has  no  reasonable  assurance  but  that  all  must  be  given  over,  and  he 
fall  a  prey  to  the  enemy,  for  want  of  military  stores  and  ammunition,  in  a  few 
weeks  ? 

Either  an  effectual  non-consumption  agreement  or  resistance  of  the  new 
government  will  bring  on  hostihties  very  soon. 

1.  As  to  a  non-consumption  agreement,  it  appears  to  me  that  it  ought  to  be 
taken  for  certain  truth,  that  no  plan  of  importation  or  consumption  of  tea,  Bri- 
tish goods  in  general,  or  enumerated  articles,  which  is  to  rest  and  depend  on  the 
virtue  of  all  the  individuals,  will  succeed ;  but  must  certainfy  prove  abortive. 

The  ministry  may  justly  call  such  a  plan  futile ;  futile  it  will  turn  out.  A 
plan  of  that  sort  may  safely  rest  and  be  founded  on  the  virtue  of  the  majority  ; 
but  then  the  majority,  by  the  plan,  must  be  directed  to  control  the  niinority, 
which  implies  force.  The  plan,  therefore,  must  direct  and  jDrescribe  how  that 
force  shall  be  exercised. 

Those,  again,  who  exercise  that  force,  under  the  direction  and  by  order  of 
the  majority,  must  by  that  majority  be  defended  and  indemnified. 

Dispositions  must  therefore  necessarily  be  made  to  resist  or  overcome  that 
force  which  will  be  brought  against  you,  which  avUI  directly  produce  war  and 
bloodshed. 

From  thence  it  follows,  that  any  other  non-consumption  or  non-importation 
plan,  which  is  not  perfectly  futile  and  ridiculous,  implies  hostilities  and  war. 

2.  As  to  the  resistance  of  the  new  government,  that  also  imjjlies  war;  for,  in 
order  to  resist  and  prevent  the  effect  of  the  new  government,  it  is  indispensably 
necessary  that  the  charter  government,  or  some  other,  must  be  maintained, 
constitutionally  exercised  and  supported. 

The  people  will  have  some  government  or  other;  they  will  be  drawn  in  by  a 
seeming  mUd  and  just  administration,  which  will  last  awhile.  Legislation  and 
executive  justice  must  go  on  in  some  form  or  other,  and  we  may  depend  on  it 
they  will ;  therefore  the  new  government  will  take  effect  until  the  old  is  restored. 

The  old  cannot  be  restored  until  the  council  take  on  them  the  adminlsti-ation, 
call  assemblies,  constitute  courts,  make  sherifis,  &c.  The  council  will  not 
attempt  this  without  good  assurance  of  protection.  This  protection  cannot  be 
given  without  hostilities. 


APPENmX.  643 

Our  salvation  depends^ upon  an  established  perscA'ering  union  of  the  colonies. 

The  tools  of  administration  are  using  every  device  and  effort  to  destroy  that 
union,  and  they  will  certainly  continue  so  to  do. 

Thereupon  all  possible  devices  and  endeavors  must  be  used  to  establish,  im- 
prove, brighten,  and  maintain  such  union. 

Every  grievance  of  any  one  colony  must  be  held  and  considered  by  the  whole 
as  a  grievance  to  the  whole,  and  must  operate  on  the  whole  as  a  gi-ievance  to 
the  whole.     Tiiis  will  be  a  difficult  matter  to  effect,  but  it  must  be  done. 

Qujere,  therefore,  whether  it  is  not  absolutely  necessary  that  some  plan  be 
settled  for  a  continuation  of  congresses  ?  But  here  we  must  be  aware  that 
congresses  will  soon  be  declared  and  enacted  by  parliament  to  be  high  treason. 

Is  the  India  company  to  be  compensated  or  not  ? 

If  to  be  compensated,  each  colony  to  pay  the  particular  damage  she  has  done, 
or  is  an  average  to  be  made  on  the  continent  ? 

The  destruction  of  the  tea  was  not  unjust ;  therefore  to  what  good  purpose  is 
the  tea  to  be  paid  for,  unless  we  are  assured  that,  by  so  doing,  our  rights  will  be 
restored  and  peace  obtained  ? 

What  future  measures  is  the  continent  to  preserve  with  regard  to  imported 
dutied  tea,  whether  it  comes  as  East  India  property  or  otherwise,  under  the 
pretence  and  lie  that  the  tea  is  imported  from  Holland,  and  the  goods  imported 
before  a  certain  given  day  ?  Dutied  tea  will  be  imported  and  consumed,  goods 
continue  to  be  imported,  your  non-importation  agreement  eluded,  rendered 
contemjitible  and  ridiculous,  unless  all  teas  used,  and  aU  goods,  are  taken  into 
some  public  custody  which  will  be  inviolably  faithful." 


END    OF    VOLUME    IX. 


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